§ 1  'And first the embassy to the Peloponnese was my proposal, at the time when that man (Philip) was making his initial attempt to sneak into the Peloponnese, then (I proposed) the embassy to Euboea, when he was laying hold of Euboea, next (I proposed) the expedition — no longer an embassy — to Oreus and the one to Eretria, after that man had established tyrants in those cities.' ... in Philokhoros testifies. For regarding the aid to [Oreus ], after the heading 'the archon (was) Sosigenes', [he says] this: 'And (the) Athenians made an alliance with (the) Khalkidians and in conjunction with (the) Khalkidians liberated the Oreitans in the month of Skirophorion; Kephisophon was the general; and Philistides the tyrant died.' And regarding the (aid that went out) to Eretria [again] the same man (i.e. Philokhoros) says as follows, after the heading 'the archon (was) Nikomakhos': 'In this man's archonship the Athenians went across against Eretria with Phokion as their general and, with the intention of restoring the People, began to besiege Kleitarkhos, previously a factional rival of Ploutarkhos and used to conduct politics in opposition to him, but (who) became tyrant after that man had been expelled. On this occasion the Athenians, after overcoming him (i.e. Kleitarkhos) by siege, restored the city to the People.'

§ 4  of the Amphiktyons and [having] a share in the Amphiktyony ...] following decree: 'Resolved by the Amphiktyons: since (the) Megalopolitans and Messenians requested (that they) be registered (as) benefactors of the god and of the Amphiktyons and ... Amphiktyons, answer shall be made to them they will refer the matter of the Amphiktyony to the cities individually for consideration and will reply to them regarding these matters at [the] next Pylaia. But they (are) benefactors of the god and of the Amphiktyons, let it be resolved. And answer shall be made ... that it seems good to the Amphiktyons (that) they be registered as benefactors of the god and of the Amphiktyons, just as they are requesting.' And ... Aristotle in the third (book) [...] [...] of the Scythians [. . .] is, says . . . And since there has arisen a very great difference of opinion amongst those who have handed down a report about Hermias, because the fondness for listening to [those who even now) busy themselves with such matters, I think it appropriate for me to discourse more extensively on these topics. For example, [you see, some] put best interpretation on the memory [of the man], while others, by contrast, interpret (it) for the worst. [This is particularly the case with] Theopompos in the [. . .]-sixth (book) of his Concerning Philip. For, he writes [as follows]: 'And Hermias set out upon this path, though he was a eunuch and Bithynian by birth ... And/but third ... he seized . . . Assos [. ..]

§ 5  that man's [...] Atarneus and the nearby territory. [For of] all men this one] always behaved most cruelly and most basely both to the citizens and the] others. For [one] by means of poisons, another [by the noose he did away with. And of the] territory, over which the Chians and Mytilenians... established him [...] to be of the unpaid soldiery/campaigns. [...] and he treated very many of the Ionians with abuse. For, being a bought slave and one who sat {10) at the money changers' table and composed [...] of misfortunes/ ... beset by calamities, he did not rest ... at the same time propriety [...]. And of many [...], but amongst some [...] to dissolve the existing constitutions. And yet he did not escape scot-free nor [did it go totally] unnoticed (that) he was behaving like an impious and base man, but after he had been dragged up-country to the King, (and) after he had endured many bodily outrages, he ended his life by crucifixion: And the same (author, i.e. Theopompos) also records [in his] letter to Philip the reputation which Hermias had made for himself amongst [the] Hellenes: '[. . .], yet [. . .] being refined and fond of honour/culture, and though he is not of Greek origin, he studies in the company of the Platonists, and though born a slave, he competes in the international festivals with expensive teams. And though possessing (only) rocky crags and little [lands], he got the [...], and he persuaded [the] city of (the) Eleians to proclaim [the] (Olympic) truce [for him] [...] for when that man was celebrating the festival [. . .] ...the of Plato] [...] into the (country) roundabout he used to lead his army [. . .] and Erastos and Aristotle ... for which reason, indeed, all these men [...], [and] later, [when others] had come, he gave them [some territory] as a gift. [.. .]. And [. ..] the tyranny he changed [.. .] a gentler rule. For this reason he ruled also over all [the] neighbouring territory up to Assos, when [...] to the above-mentioned learned men [...] the city of (the) Assians. Of these he was most receptive of Aristotle (and) [treated] him in a most friendly way.' What is more, Kallisthenes also has composed an ... about him (in which) [he says] especially the following: 'Not only [was he] this sort of man [when he was outside of] dangers, but also, [when he found himself] close (to them), he continued to be still the same, and he afforded (the) greatest [proof] of his courage in [death] itself. For, the barbarians [were amazed] when they saw his bravery,

§ 6  while for his part the King, (since) in his enquiries he kept hearing [nothing] other than the same accounts/reports, being full of admiration for his courage and the stability of his character, was of a mind to let him off entirely, with the thought that, if he became his friend, he would be the most useful of all men. But when Bagoas and Mentor objected, out of envy and the fear that, once released, he might become the foremost (courtier) in their stead, he (i.e. the King) changed his mind again, but in passing judgement, he absolved him from the mutilations that were usual at the court [because of his] courage. Now such moderation was most unexpected from one's enemies and especially [contrary to] the way of the barbarians [...] being about to [...] [...] [...] to him to send a message to his [friends and his] companions, (saying) that he had done nothing unworthy of philosophy [or] shameful.' Both his connection by marriage with Aristotle and the paean that was written for him would appear to testify to his courage, and it would not be insignificant to record it on account of the fact that it is not available to many. It goes as follows:
Virtue, laborious for the mortal race to attain.
The noblest object of life's hunt;
For your beautiful form, O virgin,
To die is a fate sought after in Greece
And to endure fierce, unwearied labours.
Such is the fruit, quite divine, that you
Cast upon the mind, (a fruit) better than gold.
Than parents, than languid-eyed sleep.
For your sake the godlike Herakles and the sons of Leda
Endured much in (their) labours,
As they pursued the prize of your power,
And out of yearning for you Akhilleus
And Aias went to the halls of Hades.
And it was for the sake of your beloved beauty that Atarneus'
Offspring forsook the rays of the sun.
Wherefore, the Muses, daughters of Memory,
Shall exalt his memory in song
For his accomplishments, and make him immortal.
As they exalt the majesty of Zeus, god of hospitalitv.
And the honour of lasting friendship.
[And] Aristotle is said to have dedicated [a memorial to Hermias at Delphi, which indeed is situated [... and] himself inscribed: This man once in unholy transgression of the sacred law of the blessed ones
Was killed by the king of the Persians who carry the bow.
Not overcoming him in deadly contest of spear out in the open,
But employing the trust of a devious man.
Against him Bryon, in his On Theokritos, says that Theokritos [the Chian] composed [the following] epigram: "Of Hermias the eunuch and slave of Euboulos this
Empty tomb was set up by the empty-headed Aristotle,
A man, who out of respect for the lawless nature of his stomach, chose to dwell
At the mouth of 'borboros' instead of the Academy."
And yet people still disagree about both his capture and his death. For Hermippos in (book) two of his On Aristotle says (that) he died in imprisonment. But some (say that), after he had been tortured by the King, he was crucified, just as was described previously. Yet others {say that) ... having confessed to none of the plans he had made with Philip, just as Kallisthenes (says). Yet again, some say that he was captured at Katane in Aiolis, others (say that it was) somewhere else. But it would seem (that) [the issues] concerning Hermias have been laid out [...] by Anaximenes in the sixth (book) of his histories On Philip, the quotation of which I pass by, [for] (it is) not useful. "The barbarian and common enemy of mankind, and all that sort of thing." He includes these examples specifically in his narrative, alleging that on the grounds that the Athenians make such statements against the barbarian on each and every occasion. 'For, as for me, whenever I see someone who is fearful of the man in Sousa and Ekbatana, and who says that he is ill-disposed to the city, even though in the past he helped in putting the city's affairs back in order and just recently was making offers — and if you did not accept them, but voted their rejection, it was not his fault — and (when I see this same man) saying something different about the plunderer of the Greeks, who so near at hand, at our doors, in the very centre of Greece has so increased in power, I am amazed and I fear that man, whoever he may be, truly I do, since he (does not fear) Philip.'

§ 7  He has employed a transposed way of speaking, which one must construe as follows: For, if I see someone who fears the man in Sousa and in Ekbatana on the one hand, but concerning the plunderer, who is increasing in power at our doors, so near at hand, indeed in the very centre of Greece, is not even saying a word, I am amazed and I fear him, whoever he is, truly I do. And he says that the King both restored the city's fortunes on some previous occasion and now, recently, he made a display of generosity towards it, but that the city voted to reject what was being offered. [By the] previous restoration some say he means the peace that came down in the time of Antalkidas, the Lakonian, incorrectly, at least as it seems to me. For, not only [did] the Athenians not accept that peace, but entirely the opposite, they also rejected [what was being offered] to them, for the reason Philokhoros recounts in these very words, after the heading 'the archon (was) Philokles of Anaphlystos': 'And the King sent down the peace in the time of Antalkidas, 'which was not accepted by the Athenians, because there had been written in it that the Greeks who were inhabiting Asia were all to be accounted members in the King's household. Furthermore, they banished the ambassadors, who gave their consent in Lakedaimon, on the motion of Kallistratos; and Epikrates of Kephisia, Andokides of Kydathenaion, Kratinos of Sphettos, and Euboulides of Eleusis did not even await the judgement/trial.' Therefore, it has been seen that it is not likely that Demosthenes was reminding them of this peace, but of some other benefaction and [perhaps of the one] involving Konon, the son of Timotheos, on account of the fact that] it was by using the (armaments provided by Pharnabazos that this man overwhelmed the Lakedaimonians in the naval engagement near Knidos. Philokhoros will confirm these events as well, for after the heading 'the archon (was) Souniades of Akharnai', he writes [as follows 'in his fifth book]:'Konon... from Kypros with [.. .Pharnabazos the] satrap of [Phrygia [...] the fleet [...] [...] he sailed [...] of 40 ships [...] of [the] gulf [. ..] he brought up/approached from Syria ... But/and after bringing the ships [provided by] the King near Loryma on the Khersonese and thence [...] attacking [. . .] the navarch of the Lakedaimonians, who had been carried down [to] Physkos, and, when a sea battle took place, he was victorious and he took fifty triremes captive and Peisandros was killed.' As a result of this sea battle Konon also restored the [Long] Walls for the Athenians, against the will of the Lakedaimonians, as the same writer records once again. And I think that there is an argument, even very persuasive, that this is the act of generosity of the King towards the city that the orator is mentioning. For, indeed, his saying 'even though in the past he helped in putting the city's affairs back in order' is somewhat in accord with the opinion that Konon defeated the Lakedaimonians at sea by availing himself of Pharnabazos' armament. But Demosthenes could in this instance be making mention of another peace initiated by the King, one which the Athenians were glad to agree to. Philokhoros has discoursed about this peace also, (saying) that they agreed to it, (though it was) very similar to that of the Lakonian, Antalkidas, because they were exhausted by the cost of maintaining mercenary troops and were worn out from the war (being) very long. At this time, too, they set up the altar of Eirene. One could produce many other examples also of the King's benefaction towards the city, as, for example, the peace that was put to the vote on the motion of Kallias, the son of Hipponikos, and contributions of cash at both the private and public level to the city, of which Demosthenes was perhaps reminding them on this occasion in a summary fashion.

§ 8  Well, I think that the above is sufficient on the subject of the restoration of the city's affairs in the past, and I must proceed to give an account of the recent instance, about which he says 'and just recently he was making offers, and if you did not accept them, but voted their rejection, it was not his fault.' Well now, five years before this, in the archonship of Lykiskos, when Philip sent (an embassy) to Athens concerning peace, the Athenians also gave audience to the ambassadors of the King, but their verbal exchange with them was more arrogant than it should have been. For they said (that) they would live at peace with him, prodded he did not attack the Hellenic cities. 'These matters are recounted by Androtion, who also [...] Anaximenes. But it would be better to add [the words] of Philokhoros, for, after the heading 'The archon (was) Lykiskos,' he goes on: 'In this man's archonship. when the King sent ambassadors to Athens and was asking that his ancestral friendship continue to exist, reply was made [to his] ambassadors at Athens that the King would continue to have friendship, so long as he not attack [the] Hellenic cities.' Clearly in these (negotiations) the proposals sent down by the King were peaceful and generous, while the reaction of the People (was) quite the reverse, excessively heavy-handed and abrasive. One could guess the King's munificence towards the Athenian people was generated by his suspicion about the Macedonian, against whom he was about to initiate [hostilities] as a result of learning from Hermias of Atarneus about that man's preparations for hostilities against himself. 'Then there is something else as well, that is being assaulted by unjust slander and unbecoming language, (and in this way) is harming the state, (and) furthermore is providing an excuse for those, who are unwilling to perform any of their just obligations under the constitution. Moreover, you will find that this is the reason put forward for every failure (to perform) what is required to be done by any one.' [. . . the] theoric fund is being alluded to cryptically [...] he says slanders are being spoken by/against the men who [...] are doing. 'There was a time for us when the income to the state was no more than one hundred and thirty talents; yet there is no one of those capable of undertaking the trierarchy nor of paying the eisphora, who thought it right not to do the duties that concerned him because there was no surplus revenue.' It could be that this occasion was when they were humbled after the defeat near Aigospotamoi and the people were reduced to short commons, since (their) foreign revenue had been cut off. This will clarify [[A space of about ten lines is left uninscribed on the papyrus]] 'Subsequently, when fortune prospered, the public revenue became large and the income was four hundred talents instead of one, without any of the propertied class suffering any loss.' Concerning the fact that the Athenians had revenues of four hundred talents in Philip's time there is also the testimony of Theopompos in the twenty-seventh (book) of his On Philip, where Aristophon, the demagogue, is introduced speaking the following:

§ 9  'Consider that we would be doing the most cowardly of all things, if, in agreeing to the peace, we should cede Amphipolis, we who inhabit the greatest of the Greek city-states, we who have very many allies, we who possess three hundred triremes and receive revenues of almost our hundred talents. Since these are (our) resources, who would not reproach us, if we should yield anything contrary to justice out of fear for the power of the Macedonians.' But where does the matter make (them) sore and where does it cause annoyance? Whenever they see certain people carrying over a practice from public affairs to their private business and whenever they see) a man of words becoming great in your eyes overnight, and not just great but) even immortal because of his security, and (whenever they see) your secret ballot differing from the fuss you make in public. That creates a lack of trust, that creates anger.' It is right that the question should be raised (about) what [ever] the demagogues were doing to provide benefit for themselves at the expense of the populace, yet on the other hand to destroy the city's advantage. And this is. as for as it appears, the sort of thing he means to say: So much property as was public, that which truly belonged to the People, this they did not think fit to divide amongst themselves, but? they made plans against [...] even of the not-just, accusing the wealthy of retaining state property or of administering public moneys in an unlawful way or of doing wrong in some other way and, by involving (them) in lawsuits and public prosecutions, they kept bringing before the Assembly or the law courts any person whom they saw fit. And the People, whilst in public they made an outcry at these charges and shouted (that this was) a terrible way to treat the wealthy, in secret cast their vote against and fined them much money. This kept happening [...] And yet, invective apart, if someone should ask, "Tell me, Aristomedes, why, indeed, when you know precisely, for there is not anyone who is ignorant of such things, that) the life of private citizens is secure and uninvolved and free from danger, that of those in politics is contentious and insecure ..." Ihere are two Aristomedes, [one], the Pheraian, who fought the war on the side of the King's generals against Philip. About this man others have discoursed and in particular Philip himself in his letter to the Athenians and Theopompos in the 48th of his Concerning Philip. Furthermore, after campaigning against Alexander throughout Kilikia at Darius' side, he ran away to Cyprus as is told by Anaximenes in the ninth of his On Alexander. And the other one, against whom Demosthenes is expounding on this occasion, was an Athenian, nicknamed the Brazen. About this man others (have written) and in particular Deinkarkhos, in the Defence of Dokimos: Concerning the Horse, speaks as follows: Since you were induced by Aristomedes the Brazen and Khairestratos, his own uncle, to act unjustly and bring a charge against me. And at that time also for one (of them) he brought a suit against me that he won by default, since I was out of the country and, at that, in Thessaly... The comic playwrights also make mention of him, for example Philemon in Sculptor:
Beside the perfume-seller's I heard some
Men saying that Brazen, a thief, was on the loose.
Bring quite ignorant of the point of the statement,
I asked Aristomedes. whom I saw passing by.
And he, forthwith, standing beside me, set upon my leg
And beats with foot and list, so I almost fainted dead away.
When, escaping with real difficulty, I departed secretly by
Some other way...

§ 10  And Timokles in Heroes writes':
Hermes, the son of Maia, aids in conducting these things,
If he is favourable. He gladly came down as
A real favour to Aristomedes the Fair, to prevent Satyros
Calling him a thief any longer.
Also in Ikarians: ...Autokles is Marsyas the Flute-lover when he had his hide tanned,
Stood naked, pinned on the furnace.
And Aristomedes is Tereus. — Why do you call (him) Tereus? Because when he's around, you've got to be terribly careful of your bags. Otherwise, you'll become Prokne, scratching your head, if you lose (them).-a frigid (joke) but, by the Gods, be patient And do not hiss.
Speech 11
'So, men of Athens, that Philip did not make peace with us, but (just) put off the war, has now become clear to you all.' The circumstances of the speech are perfectly clear. For hitherto Demosthenes' speeches were concerned with the fact that Philip was intending to plot against the Greeks by disturbing the peace and transgressing the oaths, but now, since the war had obviously already broken out, he says (that) [he sees] what more noble course of action they should take against him, since he has openly reported in his letter his war against them. At any rate, at the end of his letter he says: Since (it is) you, therefore, (who) are taking the initiative and are more aggressive as a result of my caution, and are all the time to the best of your ability exerting yourselves to the end that you [might] take me by war, your former [. . .], with justice I shall defend myself [...], marshalling my forces against (you).' And [...] of his counsel (is) as follows: 'So, men of Athens, that Philip did not make peace with us, but (just) put off the war, has now become clear to you all.' And a match was put to the war of the Athenians against [the] Macedonian [. . .] on the one hand all the other ways Philip offended the Athenians whilst (he was) pretending to live in peace, and, in particular, his expedition against Byzantion and Perinthos. These cities he was anxious to bring back to his side for two reasons: both to deprive the Athenians of their grain supply and so that they might not have coastal cities that were providing bases for their fleet and places of refuge for the war against him; and at that time, indeed, he committed [his] greatest transgression by seizing the merchants' ships that were at Hieron. According to Philokhoros (they were) two hundred and thirty (ships), while Theopompos (says) one hundred and eighty, and from these he amassed seven hundred talents. (That) these actions were perpetrated the year before in the archonship of Theophrastos, the archon after Nikomakhos, as others say and, in particular, Philokhoros, who says the following: 'And Khares sailed away to a meeting of the King's generals, leaving behind warships at Hieron for the purpose of gathering together the cargo ships from the Pontos. And Philip, when he perceived that Khares was absent, at first attempted to send his warships to seize the boats, but, being unable to capture (them), transported soldiers over to the other side against Hieron and gained control of the cargo boats.

§ 11  Altogether (the vessels) were not less than two hundred and thirty. And, determining (that they were) prizes of war, he broke them) up and applied the timbers towards his siege weapons. He also gained possession of grain and hides and much money. 'Well now, (these are) the circumstances of his speech of advice and this would be the culmination of the Philippics. One would not be off target to suspect this little speech has been cobbled together as a cumulative accretion from some of Demosthenes' treatments of the issues. And there are those who say (that) the speech of advice belongs to Anaximenes of Lampsakos [...] in the seventh of his Philippika [...] has been inserted in almost the very words. And some people have interpreted [...], for example, the (word) 'orrodein' as being not at all Demosthenic, and any other words like it. 'And that it is right for us neither to break out in a cold sweat (orrodein) at his power nor to oppose him ignobly.' Orrodein means to be afraid; it is created as a result of what happens to those who are afraid. For the word about the bum [...], as 'people with sweaty bums.' Homer: 'When I recognized (him), I broke into a sweat, and my eyes filled with tears.' And the comic playwright Aristophanes in Frogs, at the expense of the cowering Dionysos: 'And my arse has been exuding moisture for a long time.' 'And he is suspected by the Thebans for retaining Nikaia with a garrison and for having wormed his way into the Amphiktyony.' Nikaia is a coastal city, twenty stades distant from Thermopylai. And Timosthenes writes about it this way in the fifth (book) of his On Harbours: 'And, for a person travelling [by sea] from Thermopylai, the city of Nikaia is about 20 stades, [but for a person on foot as much as] fifty. From [this about] 5 stades lies a sandy promontory, four stades in extent [with] anchorage for a [ship] of war.' And that Philip ordered it to be given back to (the) Lokrians by (the) Thebans is stated by Philokhoros in his sixth (book) as follows: 'After Philip had captured Elateia and Kytinion and had sent to Thebes ambassadors from (the) Thessalians, (the) Ainianians, Aitolians, Dolopians, Phthiotians, and was demanding (that they) give Nikaia back to the Lokrians in contravention of the resolution of the Amphiktyons- (Nikaia was a place the Thebans themselves had taken, after expelling Philip's garrison that was holding it, when he was in Scythia) to these they replied that an embassy to Philip would negotiate about all issues.' And there are other Nikaias also, but I do not think it necessary to speak about them at this point. Furthermore, if one of the rank and file makes a mistake, he receives a punishment that accords with his crime, but, in the case of these men, it is at the moment when they are most successful that they are treated with the most contemptuous (skorakizein) and insulting language.' The word has been created on the basis of 'es korakas' ('to the crows'), which we are accustomed to use against those who are being dismissed to some place with a curse. It is used by Aristophanes in the Birds: 'And ready to go to the crows.' He means to refer to the birds, but the joke relates to the proverb, which Demon says arose from the following circumstance he narrates this way:

§ 12  The story goes that, when the Boiotians were displaced by the Thracians, they marched into the territory that was then called Aiolis but now is Thessaly and, after driving out those who were inhabiting the land, took possession of these people's country. And the Aiolians kept waging war against them and kept on destroying their annual crop. (So the Boiotians) sent to Delphi to enquire whether they should remain on that land or search for another. And, when the God replied that white crows would be seen before the Boiotians would be ejected from that land, they took heart at his response and eagerly convened the [. . .] Assembly, which the Thessalian people even now [...]. Well, when the young men got drunk, some (of them) caught crows and covered them with white chalk and (then) let them loose to fly. 'They did this with no evil intent, but merely for a joke and a laugh. But, when these flew around the cities and everyone was astounded at what had happened, some were declaring the oracle had been fulfilled and were saying in the local idiom that "something like it" had happened ... settled beside the gulf of Pagasai, as a result of which, so the story goes, from that time the (people) there got the name "Korakes" (Crows). And, when the Boiotians were in disarray, the Aiolians fell upon them and drove them out and took back the land. And for a long time those men who had committed some crime and were under the penalty of exile were sent to the so-called "Korakes". For this reason still today [this] expression, "eskorakizein" is applied to those who are outcasts [...].' 'And those men have paid tribute to Athens, but our city alone has not yet (paid tribute) to anyone.' That the Macedonians used to pay tribute to Athens, we have demonstrated in our On the Crown. ... but that a man who originates from Macedonia is so fond of danger that, to enlarge his domain, he would suffer wounds to all his body in the course of fighting his enemies... ' Concerning the wounds that Philip received, we have given a full account, and at this time it must be abbreviated. In connection with the siege of Methone he had his right eye knocked out, when it was struck by an arrow while he was supervising the siege engines and the so-called (tortoise) sheds. This is the way it is recounted by Theopompos in the fourth (book) of his histories about him, and Marsyas the Macedonian concurs. But Douris, for even on this occasion he had to talk marvels, says the name of the man who cast the missile at him was Aster (Shooting Star), even though almost all those who were on the campaign with him say (that) he was wounded by an arrow. Now, as for the story concerning the flute players, that is agreed upon even by Marsyas: that, as Philip was celebrating a music festival a little before this misfortune, it happened that fatefully all (the flute players) played a Kyklops (one-eyed) piece; Antigeneides the Kyklops of Philoxenos, Khrysogonos that of Stesikhoros, and Timotheos that of Oiniades. So, anyway. that is how they say his eye was knocked out, but his right collarbone (was broken) in Illyria by a spear, as he was pursuing the Illyrian Pleuratos, when one hundred and fifty of his Companions were wounded and Hippostratos, son of Amyntas, died.

§ 13a  He receives his third wound in the assault on the Triballi. when one of the men he was pursuing thrust his sarissa into his right thigh and maimed him. In the matter of wounds and blows it would seem that Alexander enjoyed better luck than his father, for, though he suffered ten serious wounds to some part (of his body), he remained unmaimed, while Philip was damaged from head to toe. (Speech 12) Regarding the revenue at hand and the reasons for your holding the Assembly, men of Athens, neither of two (possibilities) seems me to belong in the realm of difficulty.' And some people include this speech amongst the Philippics, not correctly, in my opinion at any rate. For there is not any mention whatsoever of Philip in it, nor, moreover, of (the) Macedonians nor of the cities which he had taken in transgression of the treaty and his oaths — Perinthos, Olynthos, (and) Poteidaia — - (whilst there is mention), on the other hand, of the freedom of (the) Rhodians and Mytilenians, though the Macedonian was involved in neither case. And, perhaps, Demosthenes composed this speech after the peace with Philip, at a time when [things] were quiet for the Athenians on the Macedonian front, but affairs in Asia kept them very busy. At any rate the following (is what) he says about the situation at the time: 'For if it was sufficient for you to be inactive and if you were not in the habit of expending extra effort on the condition of Greek affairs, it would be another story. But. as it is. you claim to be leaders and to set limits on others regarding their rights, and yet you neither have equipped (nor are equipping) a force that is keeping watch or will be on guard, but during your gross inactivity and in your absence the popular government at Mytilene has been dissolved, during your gross inactivity that of Rhodes also.'

§ 13  'One can deduce the year of the speech as during the archonship of Kallimachos who followed Apollodorus. Why? Because he mentions what the Athenians did to the Megarians regarding the sacred Orgas. This happened in the archonship of Apollodoros (350/49) as Philochoros recounts, writing: The Athenians, when they were quarreling with the Megarians over the delimitation of the sacred Orgas, went into Megara with Ephialtes as general and marked the limits of the sacred Orgas. The delimiters, with the Megarians' consent, were Lakrateides the Hierophant and Hierokleides the Daidouchos (torchbearer) and they dedicated the border areas around the Orgas, based on the god's oracle that it was preferable and better to leave them and not to work them, and they marked off the border in a ring with stone markers (stelai) in accordance with the decree of Philokrates. In view of this the speech should have been written after this archon, since it has an exhortation to get things ready for war, if it should happen.

§ 14  Nothing is to be looked for in this speech that hasn't been touched upon previously. Still, about the Orgas a brief declaration.So any locality with trees is commonly called an orgas, such as a grove (alsos), the name stemming from the verb to quicken (οργαν) and some impetus toward sprouting green shoots, for thus they used to use the verb οργαν for a thing having impetus to readiness for something, just as in daily life we say that the clay quickens in preparing ointments. Sophocles in his Shepherds says "He was mixing as to quicken good clay." And Aeschylus, over the dead bodies in front of the Kadmeia when they are ready for the tomb, writes "the matter quickens, already rotting was the corpse." They used to call orgades αλματα and αλση (groves of trees, but also "leaps") from their shooting up in length. "Here was the Troon alma and the grave mounds of Mounippos." Suchlike is Homer's expression "He shot up like a sapling." Hence the word "creeper/shoot" (ὅρπηξ) is made from "to creep" (ἕρπειν). So much for the more common use of orgas. Orgas is used as a proper name, particularly among the Megarians, in the same way that the Ida is the one in Ilion and a wooded locality, and again Aigialos is both Eion and the country called that, and Akte is part of Attica and also any seaside locality, and Rhion both Molykreion and now commonly any mountain summit, and other similar cases. And the account now is what is in Demosthenes about the Megarian Orgas, which Kallimachos mentions as follows: "garlic head from the Nisaian Orgas." Androtion also discourses on this Orgas in the seventh book of his Atthis, writing: "And the Athenians delimited the Orgas toward Megara for the Two Goddesses as they wished. For the Megarians consented to having the Hierophant Lakrateides and the Daidouchos Hierokleides as the delimiters. And they remained as they were delimited. And they dedicated whatever fringes adjoined the Orgas, having consulted the oracle, with the god ruling it was preferable and better not to work them. And they defined it with stone markers in a ring, with Philokrates proposing: 'What you voted against the accursed Megarians when they were cutting off the Orgas for themselves, to go out, to block them, to not allow it.'" He called the Megarians accursed for as long as they and the Boiotians were hostile to the Athenians, just as Theopompos attests in his 26th book, in which Philokrates the demagogue is portrayed saying the following:

§ 15  "So keep in mind that this is no time to be quarreling, since affairs in the city are not going well and many great dangers encircle us. For we see the Boiotians and Megarians ill-disposed to us, while some of the Peloponnesians are turning to the Thebans, others to the Lakedaimonians, and the Chians and Rhodians and their allies are hostile to us and talking to Philip about friendship."