§ 101.1 Cairo Fragments ... to attack the walls ... ... most of the triremes ... ... the others, a place in Ephesian territory ... ... having disembarked the whole force ... on the city. [But] the Ephesians with the Spartans ... them ... ... they did not see those of the Athenians with Pasion (since they were still a long way away and marching by a longer route than the others), but seeing those with Thrasyllus, who had only just arrived, they met them in battle at the harbour called Coressus, having as allies those who had helped [them previously] and the most reliable ......living [in the Kil]bi[an] plain. After this Thrasyllus, the general of the Athenians, as he reached the city, left some of his soldiers attacking, but led others to the hill, which is high and hard to climb. [In this way] some were turned to retreat inside, and some outside, the city. The leaders of the Ephesians were Timarchus and Possicrates ... ... to strong places ... ... and fled to them ... ... he led the army forward. Since the enemy were retreating, the Athenians followed them eagerly with the intention of taking the city by force. But Timarchus and Possicrates, the leaders of the Ephesians, called up their own hoplites. When the Athenians approached ... ... the light — armed soldiers going back from trackless ... made an assault with the ... ... but they, because of the ... of the ... ... but after a short time ... ... being surprised they fell apart ...... towards the ships in disorder ...... they fled. As many of them as retreated by the road to the sea, marched safely. But of those going by the upper road ... were destroyed ...
§ 1.1 Florence Fragments — ... four hundred ... they were driven headlong, but the Spartans ... retreated in order to the hills. But the soldiers of the Athenians did not pursue these men, but followed the Megarians ... on the road ... leading to the city they struck down a great number of them. After this, having ravaged the land and having given back, under a truce, the dead of the Megarians and of the Spartans (about twenty of these died), they set up a trophy. Having done these things they withdrew back home.
§ 1.2 But the Athenians, having found out about the battle, were angry with the generals and took a hostile attitude, supposing that they had undertaken the risk rashly and played dice with the whole of the city at stake. But they were glad at the victory, for as it happened they had never before beaten the Spartans [since the affair] at Pylos ...
§ 4.1 ... as was customary ... to send ships ... them, having manned the ten swiftest — sailing triremes, he ordered the others to lie in wait until those of the enemy should have moved far off from the land, but he himself sailed ahead to Ephesus ... about to bring them over to himself.
§ 4.2 But Lysander, when he saw them, immediately launched thirteen ships; which also formerly ... they sank Antiochus ... and they destroyed ... those of the Athenians who were sailing together turned back in fright and fled, since they did not intend to give battle in force: but Lysander took all his triremes and pursued the enemy.
§ 4.3 But the remaining Athenians, seeing that the Spartans had sailed away and were pursuing their force of ten ships, embarked quickly, hurrying to come to the aid of their own ships. But as the enemies were already approaching quickly they could not get the triremes manned before they arrived; but having advanced a little way from the harbour of the Colophonians with most of them, the ones sailing in the vanguard ... but they in confusion without fighting ... and they retreated from the enemy in confusion. But the Spartans seeing the Athenians fleeing pressed on and destroyed or captured twenty — two ships, and blockaded the rest in Notium. So they, having carried out these things, set up a trophy by the harbour of the city and turned back. The Athenians for the time being kept quiet, but when ... went past ... for three days having looked after ...... the exiles ... For with him ... in the temple of Demeter and Persephone, which is [near? ] the walls ... through the ... had happened ... the wood ... but he stood about at night and kept quiet for some time having hidden himself in the wood. But when the Athenian was standing at his post he, letting down a rope over the wall, would make a sign that he had taken over the guard duty, either by calling or by throwing a stone, and the Myndian coming out of the wood first of all would take and keep any note that might have been let down by him; then he would himself attach another note to the rope.
§ 6.1 London Fragments About the same time a trireme sailed out from Athens without the agreement of the people. In charge of it was Demaenetus who had, it is said, made a secret agreement with the Council concerning this affair, since some of the citizens supported him. With them he went down to Piraeus, launched a ship from the shipsheds, and, putting to sea, was on his way to Conon.
§ 6.2 Thereupon there was a great outcry. Those of the Athenians who were well-born and cultivated were indignant, saying that they would destroy the city by beginning a war with the Spartans. The Councillors were alarmed by the outcry and called the people together, making out that they had had no share in the affair. When the people were assembled, the party of the Athenians supporting Thrasybulus, Aesimus and Anytus got up and instructed them that they risked great danger unless they absolved the city from responsibility.
§ 6.3 Those of the Athenians who were moderates and men of property were happy with the existing situation; but the majority of the populace, although they were then in a state of fear and, persuaded by those who advised them, sent envoys to Milon, the harmost of Aigina, to tell him how he could punish Demaenetus who had not acted with the city's approval, had previously almost the whole time stirred up matters and acted much in opposition to the Spartans.
§ 7.l For they were in the habit of sending weapons and crews to the ships under Conon, and those with ... crates and Hagnias and Telesegorus had been sent as envoys to the King. Pharax, the former nauarch, arrested them and sent them to the Spartans who put them to death.
§ 7.2 They took this position of opposition to Sparta under the encouragement of those supporting Epicrates and Cephalus, for these men were keen to involve the city in war, and had this intention not when they had dealings with Timocrates and took the gold but already a long time before that. And yet some say that the money from him was the cause of concerted action by these people and some of the Boeotians and some in the other cities previously mentioned. But they do not know that all had long been ill-disposed towards the Spartans, looking out for a way that they might make the cities adopt a war policy. For the Argives and the Boeotians hated the Spartans because they treated as friends their enemies among the citizens; and those who hated them in Athens were the people who desired to turn the Athenians from tranquillity and peace and lead them towards war and a vigorous policy, so that it might be possible for them to obtain money from the public treasury.
§ 7.3 Of the Corinthians who wished to bring about a change of policy, most, [like] the Argives and Boeotians, were hostile towards the Spartans, but Timolaus alone was opposed to them on private grounds. Formerly he had been very well-disposed and an outstanding pro — Spartan, as can be learnt from the events of the Decelean War.
§ 7.4 For having obtained a force of five ships he ravaged some of the islands on the side of the Athenians. And having sailed to Amphipolis with two triremes and manned from there another four in addition, he defeated Simichus, the Athenian general, in a sea-fight, as I have said earlier, and he captured five enemy triremes and thirty vessels which they had sent. Afterwards with ... triremes he sailed to Thasos and caused it to revolt from the Athenians.
§ 8.2 When he sailed against ... and attempted ... (Demainetus) rushed ... Having seized one of their ships, he left there his own ship because the hull was in a poorer condition. Having transferred his sailors to their ship, he sailed off to the force with Conon. Having achieved nothing, Milon returned with his ship to Aigina.
§ 9.1 This was the course of the most important events occurring in the Greek world in this winter. At the beginning of the summer ... the eighth year began
§ 9.2 ... but Pollis came from Sparta to the fleet of the Spartans and their allies as admiral, in succession to the command of Archelaidas. About the same time 90 ships of the Phoenicians and Cilicians came to Caunus, of which ten had sailed from Cilicia, and the remainder ... ... of them the Sidonian ruler ...
§ 9.3 and, having manned the triremes ... as quickly as possible he sailed up the river called the Caunian, into the Caunian lake ... of Pharnabazus and Conon ... — phernes a Persian man ... sent [him? ] to the King ...
§ 10.4 ... hoplites and ... hundred light — armed troops, and made Xenocles, a Spartiate, their commander, having ordered that when the Persians happened to be coming against them ... draw up for battle ... Agesilaus roused up his army at dawn and again led it forward. Having followed as they had been accustomed to do, some of the barbarians attacked the Greeks, others rode around them, and others began to pursue them across the plain in an undisciplined fashion.
§ 11.5 When he judged it the right moment to attack the enemy, Xenocles roused the Peloponnesians from their ambush and charged at the double. When the barbarians saw the Greeks charging at them, they fled all over the plain. Seeing them terrified, Agesilaus sent the light — armed troops of his army and the cavalry to pursue them. Together with those who had come from the ambush, they fell upon the barbarians.
§ 11.6 They chased the enemy but not for very long, for they could not catch them because the majority were cavalry and troops without armour. They killed about six hundred of them, then they broke off the pursuit and went to the camp of the barbarians. Taking the garrison, which was not well organised, by surprise, they seized the camp speedily and captured lots of supplies, many men and much equipment and money, some belonging to others, some to Tissaphernes himself.
§ 12.1 This being the nature of the battle, the barbarians, terrified by the Greeks, moved away with Tissaphernes to Sardis. Agesilaus, having waited there three days (in which he returned to the enemy their dead under truce, set up a trophy, and ravaged the entire area), then once again led his force forward to Greater Phrygia.
§ 12.2 He made the journey no longer having his soldiers drawn up in square formation but allowing them to attack what land they wanted and to cause harm to the enemy. Perceiving that the Greeks were advancing, Tissaphernes, once again taking the barbarians with him, followed behind them, keeping many stades distance.
§ 12.3 Journeying through the plain of Lydia, Agesilaus led the army ... through the mountains lying between Lydia and Phrygia. When they had crossed these, he brought the Greeks down to Phrygia until they reached the Maeander River which takes its source from Celaenae which is the greatest city in Phrygia, and flows out to the sea near Priene and ...
§ 12.4 Having encamped the Peloponnesians and their allies, he made a sacrifice to find out whether he should cross the river or not, whether to march against Celaenae or to lead his army back again. Since it happened that the sacrifices were not auspicious, he waited there the day on which he arrived and the following day, then withdrew his army ... So Agesilaus ... the plain of the Maeander ... there live the Lydians and ...
§ 14.2 ... the peace, he appears to have very well; for he did not, like most holders of power, go after extortions of very democratic ... managed affairs of the earlier money, and ...
§ 15.1 Each day he reviewed the soldiers with their weapons at the harbour, the pretext being that they should not become lazy and unfit for the war, but in fact wanting to raise the morale of the Rhodians with the idea that if they saw them there in armour they might engage in action immediately. When he had accustomed them all to seeing the review, he himself took twenty of the triremes and sailed to Caunus, not wanting to be there at the overthrow of the government. He had commanded Hieronymus and Nicophemus, his lieutenants, to take care of the situation.
§ 15.2 They bided their time during that day, and when the soldiers were there for the review on the following day in the usual fashion, they led some under arms to the harbour and others to just outside the market-place. Those of the Rhodians who were in the know, when they realised it was time to undertake the deed, gathered with daggers in the market-place, and one of them, Dorimachus, got up on the stone where the herald made announcements, and, shouting out as loud as he could, said "Citizens, let's go for the tyrants as quick as we can!". As he was shouting for support, the rest rushed with daggers to the meeting of the magistrates and killed the Diagorean family and eleven of the other citizens, and having done this they gathered the mass of the Rhodians into an assembly,
§ 15.3 and, as soon as they were assembled, Conon came back from Caunus with the triremes. Those who had perpetrated the massacre overthrew the existing constitution and set up a democracy, and made a few of the citizens exiles. So this was the outcome of the revolution in Rhodes.
§ 16.1 This summer the Boeotians and the Phocians went to war. Those chiefly responsible for the bad relations between them were some people in Thebes. Not many years previously there had been political conflict in Boeotia.
§ 16.2 At that time the situation in Boeotia was as follows. There were four councils established at that time in each of the cities. Not all the citizens were allowed to share in these, but only those with a certain level of wealth. Each of these councils in turn sat and deliberated about policy, and referred it to the other three. What seemed acceptable to all of them was approved.
§ 16.3 They continued to run their internal affairs in this way, but Boeotian affairs were managed in the following way. All who lived in that area were arranged in eleven divisions and each of these provided a Boeotarch as follows. Thebes contributed four (two for the city, two for Plataea, Scolus, Erythrae, Scaphae, and the other places previously linked to them in one political entity but at that time subject to Thebes); Orchomenus and Hysiae provided two Boeotarchs; Thespiae with Eutresis and Thisbae provided two; Tanagra one; and Haliartus, Lebadea and Coronea provided another whom each of the cities sent in turn; and in the same way one came from Acraephnium, Copae and Chaeronea.
§ 16.4 In this way the divisions returned their magistrates. They provided sixty councillors per Boeotarch and they paid their daily expenses. For the organisation of the army, each division had to provide about one thousand hoplites and one hundred cavalry. To put it simply, depending on the number of its magistrates, each community shared in the common treasury, paid its taxes, appointed jurymen, and shared equally in public burdens and benefits. This was the constitution of the whole people, and the council and the common assemblies of the Boeotians sat in the Cadmea.
§ 17.1 In Thebes the best and most notable of the citizens, as I have already said, were in dispute with each other about politics. One faction was led by Ismenias, Antitheus and Androcleidas, the other by Leontiades, Asias, and Coeratadas. Leontiades' party supported the Spartans; Ismenias' party was accused of supporting the Athenians, arising from their support for the demos when it was in exile. However, they were not concerned for the Athenians, but ... when ... they chose rather ... being ready to do evil.
§ 17.2 Since this was the position in Thebes and both parties were influential, many came forward from the cities in Boeotia and joined one or other of the factions. At that time and even a little earlier the party of Ismenias and Androcleidas was dominant among the Thebans themselves and in the council of the Boeotians, but previously the party of Asias and Leontiades had control in the city for some length of time.
§ 17.3 When the Spartans were at Deceleia .during the war against the Athenians, and. gathered their allies there en masse, this party was more dominant than the other, partly because the Spartans were nearby, partly because the city was profiting considerably on their account. The Thebans had advanced greatly towards complete prosperity as soon as the war between Athens and Sparta began. For when the Athenians began to move against Boeotia, those who lived in Erythrae, Scaphae, Scolus, Aulis, Schoenus, Potniae and many other such places which had no walls, were gathered into Thebes and doubled its size.
§ 17.4 And indeed it happened that the city fared even better when, with the Spartans, they fortified Deceleia against the Athenians. For they bought up the slaves and the rest of the stuff captured in the war for a small price, and, since they lived in the neighbouring areas, they carried home all the equipment from Attica, starting with the timber and the tiles of the houses.
§ 17.5 At that time the Athenians' territory was the most lavishly equipped part of Greece, for it had suffered only slight damage from the Spartans in the previous attacks and it had been adorned and crafted so elegantly by the Athenians that ... with them ... dwellings ... having been built or with others ... of them what they took when fighting from the Greeks they led to their own fields. Such was the situation in Thebes and in Boeotia.
§ 18.1 The party of Androcleidas and Ismenias hastened to engage the people in war against the Spartans, wanting to overthrow their empire, so that they would not be swept aside by the Spartans because of the pro — Spartan party. They thought that they would achieve this easily, supposing that the King would provide the money which the envoy from Persia had promised, and that the Corinthians, Argives and Athenians would share in the war, since, being enemies of the Spartans, they would secure the support of their citizens.
§ 18.2 This was their analysis of the situation; but they thought that it would be difficult to attack them openly, since neither the Thebans nor the Boeotians would ever be persuaded to make war on the Spartans, who were supreme in Greece. This was the trick they used to lead them into war: they persuaded certain men among the Phocians to launch an attack on the territory of the Western Locrians. Enmity between them arose from the following cause:
§ 18.3 these peoples have a disputed area near Mount Parnassus, over which they had previously fought, which both Phocians and Locrians often encroached on for grazing. Whichever side it was which noticed the other side doing this, collected together a large force and made a sheep raid. Many such incidents had arisen previously from both sides, but the sides were reconciled to each other on those occasions for the most part through arbitration and discussions with each other; but on this particular occasion the Locrians seized in return an equivalent number of sheep for the ones they had lost, and straightaway the Phocians, urged on by those men whom the party of Androcleidas and Ismenias had put up to it, invaded Locris under arms.
§ 18.4 With their territory being ravaged, the Locrians, having sent ambassadors to the Boeotians, made accusations against the Phocians and demanded that the Boeotians help them. These states had always enjoyed good relations. The party of Ismenias and Androcleidas gladly seized their opportunity and persuaded the Boeotians to help the Locrians. But the Phocians, when news reached them of events at Thebes, retreated from Locris, and sending envoys at once to the Spartans they asked them to forbid the Boeotians from entering their territory. The Spartans, although they thought the story was unworthy of belief, sent envoys and told the Boeotians not to make war on the Phocians, but if they thought that they were wronged in any way, they ordered them to obtain justice from them in a meeting of their allies. With the people who had set up the whole deceitful business urging them on, the Boeotians sent away the envoys of the Spartans with nothing achieved, then themselves took up arms and marched against the Phocians.
§ 18.5 Having invaded Phocis swiftly and ravaged the land of the Parapotamians, Daulians and Phanotians, they attempted to assault the cities. After attacking Daulis they retreated with nothing achieved — in fact they sustained some losses; they captured by force the suburb of Phanotis. After achieving this they advanced into Phocis and, having overrun part of the plain round Elatea and Pedieis and those living in that region, they went away. While they were making this retreat in the neighbourhood of Hyampolis they decided to make an attempt on the town. This place is reasonably strong. After attacking the walls and lacking nothing in enthusiasm, all they achieved was the loss of about eighty men: and they retreated again. Having done that much damage to the Phocians, the Boeotians returned to their own country.
§ 19.1 Now that Cheiricrates had arrived as admiral in succession to Pollis and had already taken over command of the ships of the Spartans and their allies, Conon manned twenty of the triremes and set out from Rhodes and sailed to Caunus. Wishing to communicate with Pharnabazus and Tithraustes and to get money, he went up from Caunus to them.
§ 19.2 It happened that at this time the soldiers were owed many months pay. For they were badly paid by the generals — which is normal practice for those fighting for the King, as in the Decelean War when they were allies of the Spartans, they provided the money on an altogether mean and niggardly scale, and the triremes of their allies would often have been disbanded had it not been for the energy of Cyrus. The responsibility for this lies with the King who, whenever it is decided to make war, sends a small sum of money at the beginning to those in charge and takes no account of the future. And hose in charge of affairs, not having the means to pay from their private fortunes, sometimes permit the disbandment of their forces.
§ 19.3 This is what usually happens. But when Conon arrived in his presence and said that there was a risk of everything falling apart for lack of money, and that it was not right that those fighting on behalf of the King should fail for this reason, Tithraustes despatched some of the barbarians with him to give pay to the soldiers, and they had two hundred and twenty talents of silver. This money was taken from the resources of Tissaphernes. Tithraustes, after waiting a short time in Sardis, went inland to the King, having appointed Ariaeus and Pasiphernes as generals in charge of affairs, and having given them for the purposes of the war the silver and gold left behind, which (they say) was about seven hundred talents.
§ 20.1 Those of the Cypriots in Conon's forces sailed to Caunus and were persuaded, by some who spread false rumours, that they were not intending to give them the pay that was owing but were preparing discharges only for crews and marines. They were angry at this and got up a meeting and chose as their general a man of Carpasian race, and gave him as a bodyguard two soldiers from each company ... Conon ... as it happened ... when Conon was coming down ... negotiated about the matters in hand.
§ 20.2 Conon ... did not allow them to believe ... of the Greeks, but said that all would receive their pay equally. Having made this reply he asserted that he wanted to explain this to the others. The general of the Cypriots, the Carpasian, followed him towards the mass of the soldiers.
§ 20.3 They went out together and when they were passing the gates, Conon, who happened to be leading, had come out of the wall first. But some Messenians who usually accompanied Conon, seized the Carpasian man, without Conon's approval, as he was in the gateway on his way out, wishing to keep him in the city so that he would be punished for his crimes. Those of the Cypriots who were accompanying him seized hold of the Carpasian and prevented the Messenians leading him off, and the crowd of Cypriots outside the gate, seeing what was happening, came up to the help of the general. But Conon ... having rushed into the midst of the men ... into the city. The Cypriots, having attacked the Messenians who had seized the Carpasian, drove them off, and since they were sure that Conon had made all the arrangements for the distribution of the pay in an unjust way, they embarked on the triremes — and this was the reason, (as some said): they proposed to take the people from Rhodes and sail to Cyprus ...
§ 20.4 ... having sailed away ... and having called together those of the Cypriots who wanted, going towards the acropolis so that they might overthrow the power of ... as being the cause of all their troubles, similarly ... for them ... of the speeches ... the city ... having sailed away from the ... to use the ... of the triremes.
§ 20.5 After they had put to sea, Conon came to Leonymus, the commander of the infantry, and said to him that he was the only one who could save the King's campaign. For if he would give him the Greek garrison, which guarded Caunus, and as many Carians as possible, he would put a stop to the disturbance in the camp. Leonymus told him to take as many soldiers as he. wanted. He let the day pass for the sun was already near to setting. But on the following day, before daybreak came, he took from Leonymus many of the Carians and all the Greeks, and led them from the city. Then he positioned some outside the camp, others ... near the ships and the seashore. After doing this and ordering the herald to announce that each man should go to his post, he arrested the Carpasian and sixty of the other Cypriots; he killed them and crucified their general.
§ 20.6 Having heard ... those left behind in Rhodes were angry and indignant, and they attacked the commanders appointed by Conon and drove them out of the camp, and leaving the harbour they caused much disturbance and commotion among the Rhodians. Arriving from Caunus, Conon captured their leaders and killed them, and gave pay to the others. And so the army of the King, having come into great danger, ceased from disorder on account of Conon and his energy.
§ 21.1 Agesilaus, while advancing to the Hellespont with the army of the Spartans and their allies, as long as he was going through Lydia, caused no harm to the inhabitants, since he wished to abide by the truce agreed with Tithraustes. But when he swooped down into Pharnabazus' country he advanced with his army, plundering and ravaging the land. When he had crossed the plain of Thebe and the plain of Apia, as it is called, he invaded Mysia and put pressure on the Mysians, ordering them to campaign with him. For the majority of the Mysians are independent and not subjects of the King. He did no harm to those of the Mysians who chose to share in his expedition, but he ravaged the land of the rest.
§ 21.2 When he came during his advance to the middle of the Mysian Olympus as it is called, seeing that the way through was difficult and narrow and wanting a safe passage through it, he sent some people to the Mysians and made terms with them and led his army through the region. Having let pass ... of the Peloponnesians and their allies, they attacked the rearguard and killed ... the soldiers being in disarray on account of the narrow place. Agesilaus encamped his army and passed the day quietly, performing the customary rituals for the dead. About fifty soldiers had been killed. On the following day he posted in an ambush many of the Dercylidean mercenaries, as they are called, and led his army forward again. Each of the Mysians thought that Agesilaus was going away on account of the loss received on the previous day, and they came out of their villages and began to pursue him with the intention of attacking the rearguard in the same way. Those of the Greeks in the ambush, when they were close by, rushed from the ambush and came into close combat with the enemy. The leaders and front soldiers of the pursuing Mysians suddenly came into conflict with the Greeks and were killed; and the main body, when they saw their vanguard in difficulties, fled to their villages. When Agesilaus received news of this he turned around and led his army back the same way until it met up with those in the ambush, and pitched camp where he had camped the previous day.
§ 21.3 After this, the Mysians to whom the dead belonged, each sent heralds ... they took up their dead under truce. More than one hundred and thirty had been killed. Agesilaus took some guides from the villages and having rested his soldiers for ... days, he led his army forwards, and went down into the country of the Phrygians, not into the region which he had invaded the previous summer but into another area as yet unravaged, and he plundered it, having as guide Spithradates and his son.
§ 21.4 Spithradates was by race a Persian, a man who lived with Pharnabazus and served him. Then having become his enemy, he feared that he would be arrested and suffer some harm, and fled at once to Cyzicus, and later came to Agesilaus, bringing with him his son Mega bates, a fine young man. When this happened, Agesilaus received them, especially for the sake of the young lad, for he is said to have been extremely infatuated with him, but also on account of Spithradates to whom he thought would be a guide for his army and useful in other respects.
§ 21.5 For these reasons he welcomed them enthusiastically. Leading his army forwards continually and ravaging the territory of Pharnabazus, he reached the place called Leonton Cephalae, and made attacks on it. As he was unsuccessful he moved his army and led it forward, laying waste the unravaged part of the country.
§ 21.6 He arrived at Gordium, a place built on a hill and well constructed, and having encamped his army he waited six days, making attacks on the enemy and keeping his soldiers together with many comforts. When he could not take the place by force on account of the energy of Rhathanes, a Persian by race, who was in command there, he moved his forces and led them onwards, since Spithradates was urging him to march into Paphlagonia.
§ 22.1 After this, he led the Peloponnesians and their allies to the borders of Phrygia and Paphlagonia and there he encamped his army, and sent Spithradates to Gyes. He went on and persuaded him and brought him back with him.
§ 22.2 Agesilaus made a truce with the Paphlagonians and quickly led his army towards the sea since he feared that they would be short of supplies for the winter. He did not march by the route by which he had come but another one, since he thought that the crossing of the Sangarion would be less exhausting for his soldiers. Gyes sent to him ... about one thousand cavalry and more than two thousand infantry.
§ 22.3 Leading his army down to Cius in Mysia, he stayed there ten days and did damage to the Mysians in retaliation for their treachery towards him near Olympus. Later he led the Greeks through coastal Phrygia and attacked the place called Miletou Teichos. He could not take it and led his soldiers away. Making his march along the Rhyndacus river he arrived at Lake Dascylitis, below which lies Dascylium, a very strong place, fortified by the King, where they said that Phamabazus stored the silver and gold that he had.
§ 23.4 He encamped his forces there and summoned Pancalus who had sailed as a marine for the admiral Cheiricrates and was guarding the Hellespont with five triremes. When the latter arrived speedily and sailed into the Lake with his triremes, Agesilaus ordered him to take on board the most valuable part of the plunder and to take ... around Cyzicus, so that from it there would be pay for the soldiers. He dismissed the soldiers from Mysia after ordering them to come back for the spring, and prepared to go for the coming winter to Cappadocia, since he heard that this region stretched like a narrow strip, beginning at the Pontic Sea and going from there to Cilicia and Phoenicia, and that the length of it was so great that those going on foot from Sinope ...