§ 1.001   FIRST JOURNEY: CHAPTER I. ELEIA.
On the 22d of February 1805 I sailed from the town of Zante with a strong northerly breeze, and in five hours arrived at the mouth of the Peneius, now called the river of Gastuni: landed and walked to Gastuni, not without some impediment from the marshy state of the plain; arrived there at sunset, and was politely received by Dr. Sessini, to whom I had letters. I then sent down horses for my baggage, which did not arrive till midnight.

§ 1.002  Gastuni, like the other places in these maritime plains, is built of brick baked in the sun; and, as in Egypt where the same material is used, the excavations formed in digging out the bricks leave large stagnant pools of water. The exhalations from these ponds render Gastuni very unwholesome in summer. In Egypt the same bad effect does not occur, because there, in the dangerous season, the whole country is inundated. The unhealthy air of Gastuni has made all the three brothers Sessini physicians. One of them only is now here; another is with Seid Aga at Lalla.
The town has one advantage at least — that of not being crowded; each house has a yard around it, or a garden planted with orange and cypress trees. Space indeed would be their last want, for the greater part of this plain of Elis, once so renowned for its fertility, is now a desert; a little cultivation around a few villages being all that its present possessors have done to assist the prodigality of nature. Buffalos, sheep, and oxen enjoy the rest of the plain. The two latter supply butcher's meat to Zante, where pasture is found only on the mountain. Gastuni contains about 500 houses; half of these belong to the Turkish proprietors of the lands, of which

§ 1.003  those in cultivation are chiefly the property of the heirs of one Hassan Aga, who died lately at Constantinople; namely, his son Bekir Effendi, who is now at Gastuni, and a nephew, Shemseddin Bey, who is at Constantinople — to him Castel Tornese belongs. Ismail Effendi, the Voivoda, who has purchased the Dhekatia or tithe, and customs from the Porte for three years, in the usual manner, is said to be a cypher compared with Bekir Effendi.
At Pyrgo all the inhabitants are Greeks, with the exception of those who are in the service of Mustafa Aga, who is Voivoda and chief landed proprietor, as well as farmer of the imperial revenue. He and his brother Seid Aga of Lalla, who as well as most of their followers are of Albanian race, can bring 500 or 600 men into the field. At Lalla all the inhabitants are Mussulmans, except a few shop-keepers. The hills which lie between the maritime plains and the districts of Lalla and Fanari produce among the pine-woods, which cover the greater part of them, wine and corn, a little oil and silk, and a considerable quantity of tar, extracted from the pines. The hills, though not high, are often steep; they consist for the most part of a light-coloured clay, and being cut into deep ravines by the torrents, and extremely varied in their forms, they present a very picturesque scenery, quite peculiar to this district. Olympia was situated in the midst of this beautiful country. The hills are intersected by many small streams, flowing to the Alpheius, which winds along a narrow lower valley very subject to inundation.

§ 1.004  Feb. 23. — Elis stood on the edge of the plain where the Peneius issues from the hills, on the northern side of one of them, at a distance of about eight miles by the road from Gastuni. The hill of Elis is conspicuous above the others by its superior height, its peaked form, and by a ruined tower on the summit. Both the height and the tower are now called Kaloskopi; a name which the Venetians, having translated it into Belvedere, applied to one of the five districts into which they divided the Morea. But the most remarkable of all the natural features of this part of the Eleia, is the great insulated rock called the mountain of Portes or Sandameri, two villages which are situated in a narrow valley watered by a branch of the Peneius, which separates the mountain of Portes from the great heights of Olonos. The southern extremity of the rocky summit is about eight miles to the north-east of Kaloskopi.

§ 1.005  Near the foot of Kaloskopi are two or three small villages, which, from their standing on the site of the ancient capital of this country are called by the common name of Paleopoli. In that which is nearest to the hill I find the men and girls singing and dancing the Romeika with the more diligence as tomorrow is the last day of Carnival, after which the fast of Lent begins. They break off as soon as I ride up, and in a few minutes bring me upwards of a hundred coins, one or two of which are Venetian and Dalmatian, the rest Greek, but for the most part in very bad preservation. They are found in ploughing the fields among the ruins.
Strabo represents the Peneius as flowing through the city of Elis; at present there are no remains on the right bank, which is steep, and runs into the plain in the form of a long, even slope, easily recognized at a distance. It seems therefore that all the public monuments were on the left bank of the stream; and this is confirmed in great measure by Pausanias not having made any allusion to the river in the course of his description of Elis.

§ 1.006  The ruins consist of several masses of Roman tile and mortar, with many wrought blocks of stone and fragments of sculpture scattered over a space of two or three miles in circumference. The most remarkable of the ruins is that of a square building of about twenty feet on the outside, which within is in the form of an octagon with niches. Like most of the other remains it is built of alternate strata of Roman tile and stone rubble.
Strabo and Diodorus assert, that Elis did not exist as a city until after the Persian war, when, according to Strabo, seven other neighbouring towns were united to Elis. On the other hand, it was the opinion of Pausanias, and of the natives themselves, that Elis had been founded, on the return of the Heracleidae, by Oxylus the Aetolian; and Strabo himself admits, that it was the capital of the Epeii before the Trojan war. The probability is, that the town of Elis was at that time named Ephyra, and that it assumed under Oxylus, who enlarged it, the name which had before been applied to the district. This opinion is supported by a scholiast on the Odyssey, and it is conformable to Homer, who informs us that Ephyra was on the Selleeis; for that the Peneius was the Selleeis of the poet, there can be little doubt, as it is the only considerable river in this part of the country. Indeed, I think Strabo himself was of this opinion, though an opposite meaning is conveyed by his corrupted text.

§ 1.007  When Ephyra was the chief town of the Eleia or κοίλη Ηλις, Buprasium was the capital of the Epeii, and when the latter people obtained possession of Elis, their king, Augeias, fixed his residence at Ephyra. Such seems to have been the state of affairs at the time of the Trojan armament.

§ 1.008  Notwithstanding the care of Oxylus, Elis appears, in consequence of the peculiar government and manners of the people, to have again declined, until after the Olympiad of Coroebus, BC 776, when the Eleians having wrested from the Pisatae the possession of the Hierum of Jupiter Olympius, and having obtained the management of the quadrennial festival and contest, with all the power and influence annexed to that sacred charge, the city increased rapidly in importance. Herodotus informs us, that the Eleians sent an embassy to Psammis, king of Egypt, who lived about the year 600 BC Some of the earliest extant coins with the legend FΑΛΕΙΟΝ may be still more ancient; at least, they show the riches of Elis, as well as its connexion with Olympia, at a very early period. The brazen tablet, now in the British Museum, which records a treaty of alliance between the FΑΛEIOI and EΥFAΟΙΟΙ, may also be ascribed to the seventh century.

§ 1.009  Gastuni is supplied with water for drinking from the Peneius; it is clear and good even in this season of rain, and my host, the Doctor, assures me that it is wholesome. The district, exclusive of Pyrgo, has three ports; that at which I disembarked at the mouth of the river, distant one hour; Glarantza, distant three hours; and Kunupeli, distant six hours.

§ 1.010  Ecclesiastically the district belongs to the bishopric of Olenus, a diocese of the επαρχία, or province of the Metropolitan of Patra, which is bounded on the south by the Alpheius, where it borders on the province of Christianopolis or Arkadhia. Pyrgo is the usual residence of the Bishop of Olenus. The Vilayeti, or civil district, including Pyrgo, contains 140 villages, of which the largest next to Gastuni and Pyrgo are Lekhena and Andravidha.
The name of Gastuni, otherwise Ghastuni, indicates a Frank origin: it was probably founded by some person of the name of Gaston, belonging to one of the French families, Champlite and Villehardouin, which, about the time of the conquest of Constantinople in 1204 established a principality in the north of the Morea. After the Turks had recovered the Morea from the Venetians in 1715, the Sultan gave the Mukata of the district of Gastuni as a malikhiane, or farm for life, to Khotman Oglu and his descendants,

§ 1.011  the Greeks, by the imperial firmahn, remaining in possession of the lands. The most important part of the Mukata was the Dhekatia, or tithe of a seventh on the cultivated land, and the Gumruk, i.e. the customs on maritime commerce, levied at the seven ports of Kunupeli, Glarantza, Koraka or Potami, (the mouth of the Peneius,) Pyrghi, (between Potami and Cape Katakolo, below the convent of Skafidhia,) port Katakolo, Rufia, (the mouth of the Alpheius) and Ai Isidhoro. The other articles of the Mukata were the fisheries of the four lagoons of Kotykhi, Palea Bukka, (or St. John near Pyrgo) Agulenitza, and Khaiaffa — the νόμιστρον, or tax of one asper a head on cattle, sheep, and goats — the γουρουνιατικον, or four paras a head on hogs — the μελισσιάτικον, or two paras a swarm on bees. Such was the imperial ordinance which, in rewarding the services of a Turkish officer, had in view the protection of the industry of the Greeks. Since that time, however, the execrable government of the Morea, added to local tyranny, has reduced the Greeks of Gastuni to such distress, that all the cultivated land is now in the hands of Turks, and the Greek population have become cattle feeders, or mere labourers for the Turkish possessors of the soil.

§ 1.012  The Greeks finding more profit and safety in the former pursuit, the flocks increase, while the arable is constantly diminishing from a want of hands, as the Turk is too proud or lazy to work in the fields.
The chief produce of the arable land of Gastuni is flax, wheat, and two kinds of Holcus, both called Kalambokki; namely, maize and the dhurra of Egypt, called, from the smallness of the grain, Small Kalambokki. For flax the land is once ploughed in the spring, and two or three times in the ensuing autumn with a pair of oxen, when the seed is thrown in and covered with the plough. The plant does not require and hardly admits of weeding, as it grows very thick. When ripe it is pulled up by the roots, and laid in bundles in the sun. It is then thrashed to separate the seed; the bundles are laid in the river for five days, then dried in the sun, and pressed in a wooden machine. Contrary to its ancient reputation, the flax of Gastuni is not very fine, which my informant ascribes to its being exposed to the cold and running water of the river, instead of being soaked in ponds;

§ 1.013  it is chiefly used in the neighbouring islands by the peasants, who weave it into cloths for their own use.
The wheat grown in the plain is the hard red wheat called Ghirinia. In the hills the white kind of Rusia is used. Land being plentiful, there is no regular succession of crops, and a fallow of two years is common. New land, or fallow is ploughed in the spring, and if there is rain, it is sown at the third ploughing with cotton, kalambokki, and sometimes with aniseed. Wheat, on secondary land, is sown in October, on the richest in November, December, and sometimes as late as the middle of January, if an excess of rain prevent its being done before. The proportion of seed is usually half a vatzeli, or measure of thirteen okes to a strema, or square of nineteen fathoms the side. A fall of rain in March, and another in April are reckoned sufficient; if there is more, thistles, tares, centauries, and golden thistles, gain head, and choke the corn.

§ 1.014  The other plagues are a black winged insect called Vromusa, from its bad smell, and rain in May, which injures the blossom.
Harvest begins about June 10th, in the plain, in the hills it does not finish generally till July 20th, or beginning of August, new style. The grain is trodden out on the threshing floor by horses, when the Mukatasi takes his tithe. Good land produces ten, and sometimes thirteen to one. The corn of Gastuni weighs about twenty-six okes, the kilo of Constantinople.
The kalambokkia of both kinds may be either dry, or irrigated by art; the first mode produces the better grain, the latter the more plentiful crop. Both require the best land. After three or four ploughings in the spring, the seed is ploughed in about the end of April, in the proportion of one vatzeli to sixteen stremata. The land is then levelled with an instrument called the σβαρνα, This svarna is a piece of wood six feet long and one foot thick, which is fixed to the plough after the share is taken off, and is driven about the field while the

§ 1.015  labourer stands upon it; it breaks the clods, and levels the ground. A very dry summer is injurious to the dry, and a very rainy August to both kinds of kalambokki. The harvest begins in the middle of September. The return of maize is thirty or forty to one. The stalk makes excellent fodder for cattle. The small kalambokki is used chiefly for feeding fowls; and the quantity raised is not very great.
For cotton the best land is chosen, and that which can be easily irrigated. The seed is soaked in water two or three days, and then mixed and rubbed together with earth, that the grains may not cohere, but may be well scattered in sowing. The seed time is the same as that of kalambokki, namely, the end of April, or beginning of May, the proportion of seed, half a vatzeli to a strema: the seed is ploughed in, and the land levelled with the svarna; the harvest is in the beginning of September.
In the lands of Gastuni the Greek metayer is at all the expenses, and receives two-thirds of the produce after the Mukatasi has taken a seventh for his dhekatia.
A flock of sheep consists of 500, two-thirds of which are ewes: it is attended by three men

§ 1.016  and a boy, and four or five dogs. Nothing is paid for pasture except one asper and a half a head to the Spahi of the village to which the pasture belongs. The tax to government is now one asper and a half a head per annum; besides a para a head on the fleece. Neither sheep nor goats are ever fed: the pasture is changed three or four times in the summer. The profits of a flock are derived from the lambs, the wethers, the milk, the fleece, and the skin. Four rams are sufficient for one hundred ewes. In warm situations near the sea, they are put together about July 20th, that the lambs may be dropt about December 20th. In colder places the rams are not admitted till August 6th that the ewes may lamb about January 6th. In two months the lambs are weaned, but for another month they are allowed to suck a little after the ewes are milked. A lamb that has been fed entirely upon milk for three months, will sell at Easter, when the great consumption of lambs takes place, for four, five or six piastres. In March the ewes are separated,

§ 1.017  and for the three following months are milked twice a-day, then once a-day for a month, and in July once in two or three days. A good ewe gives at every milking a pound of milk, of which are made butter, cheese misithra, and yaourt. For butter the milk is left twenty-four hours to become sour, when it is beaten in a narrow cask with a stick until the butter swims at the top; the butter-milk is then mixed with an equal quantity of milk, and forms the tyrogalo, or milk for making cheese. Salted rennet is thrown into it when warmed. As soon as it is coagulated, it is beaten up until it resembles milk again, after which the cheese is allowed to separate, is then put into a form of cloth, or wood, or rushes, and squeezed dry by the hand. The remaining liquid is called nerogalo, milk-water.
To make misithra. The nerogalo after the cheese has been extracted is placed upon the fire; about a tenth of milk is added to it, and after a short boiling the misithra is collected on the surface. Goat's milk makes the best misithra, even though the butter has been extracted from it.
Yaourt, which seems to be a Tartar invention introduced into Greece by the Turks, is made

§ 1.018  from the best milk of sheep or goats. To make the πητυα, or coagulum — take some leaven of bread, that is to say, flour and water turned sour, and squeeze a lemon upon it, dissolve it in boiling milk, and keep it twenty-four hours. To make the yaourt — boil some new milk till it foams, stirring it frequently, leave it till it is cool enough for the finger to bear the heat; then throw in the pitya, of which a Turkish coffee cup full is sufficient to make several quarts of yaourt. Then cover it that it may not cool too fast, and in three hours it is fit for use. On all future occasions a cup of the old yaourt is the best pitya for the new.
The sheep-shearing takes place from April 20th to May 10th; no washing or preparation of any kind is thought necessary; it is performed with scissors. The ewes give about three, the males four pounds of wool, which now sells for about ten paras the pound. About three-fourths of the wool produced in the district is exported, the remainder is wrought at home into coarse cloaks, or into carpeting, or the furniture of beds and sofas. An ewe's or wether's skin, unshorn, is worth thirty or thirty-five paras; a ram's, forty or forty-five paras; a lamb's, ten. The curriers purchase them,

§ 1.019  make some into leather at Gastuni, and send the rest to the islands.
The flocks suffer occasionally from wolves and jackalls. The principal disease of the sheep is called the evloghia or plague; it carries off great numbers, but seldom occurs oftener than once in five or six years, and is not peculiar to any season. They have a practice of inoculating for this distemper, by taking a small quantity of matter from an ulcer of the diseased sheep, and rubbing the ear of the still healthy sheep with it; it is confessed, however, that little benefit is derived from this process. If the evloghia carries off half the ακέντρωτα, or uninoculated, perhaps sixty per cent, of the inoculated may live. Another disorder is called kholianitza which is supposed to proceed from unwholesome food. The vidhela is ascribed to feeding in marshy places in August and September, when it is imagined that an insect from the plant finds its way to the sheep's liver.
From the middle of June till the autumn the sheep feed only in the night, and require water once a day. There are supposed to be about 300,000 sheep and goats in the Vilayeti of

§ 1.020  Gastuni, besides which, 150,000 come from the mountainous parts of the neighbouring districts in the winter. These pay two aspers a-head to the Spahi, instead of one and a half. The proportion of goats to sheep is about a fourth.
The uncultivated land serves for the pasture of cattle as well as sheep; the first year the calf is called μοσκάρι, the second παλεομόσκι, the third δαμάλι, afterwards βοΐδι, The herds of Gastuni supply Zakytho and the other islands with beef in considerable quantities. In the Morea, beef is little used; and they would rather give fifteen paras an oke for goat's flesh, or eighteen for mutton, than ten for beef. But there is a constant demand in the Morea for cattle for the plough, both oxen and buffalos. A good pair of oxen costs one hundred and fifty to one hundred and eighty piastres; a bull about thirty-five; a cow sixteen to twenty. When natural fodder is scarce, oxen are fed with wheaten straw, with the rovi [orobus], or with vetches and tares, which are sown for the purpose and plucked up by the roots; but poverty and oppression prevent the proprietor of oxen from cultivating this useful provision for his cattle, and in summer they are almost starved. Like the sheep, the ox is occasionally subject to a peculiar epidemical disorder. On these occasions there are some quacks of cow-leeches who administer a herb, which they pretend to bring from Filiatra, but, as may be supposed, without much effect. Ox-hides are exported to Zakytho; but there is a great internal consumption of them here also, as the shoes, both of the cultivators and shepherds, are made of ox-hide.
Corinth is reckoned to possess the best race of cattle, and bulls have sometimes been brought from thence to Gastuni, to improve the breed; but the cattle of Elis are still inferior to those of the Corinthia.

§ 1.021  Feb. 24. — At 9.15, that is to say, at 15 minutes past 9 o'clock, English time, I quit Gastuni for Pyrgo, leaving my baggage to follow the next day. The road is muddy and difficult from the quantity of rain that has fallen in the night. At a little village I observe some tall aloes in blossom, exactly of the same kind I have seen in Sicily and the West Indies: near this place, at 10.30, we cross a stream running towards the sea. At 11.40, on passing another small river, arrive at the foot of a low and long ridge, which, projecting from the Eleian hills, terminates in Cape Katakolo, and separates the district of Gastuni from that of Pyrgo. This height consists of a barren gravelly soil, covered with shrubs of various kinds: on all the uncultivated grounds the ranunculusa is just coming into blossom in great abundance. At 12.30, having passed the ridge, we enter the plain of Pyrgo. On the right are the villages of Myrtia, Pondiko-kastro, and Skuro-khori in that order. Pondiko-kastro stands upon a very conspicuous pointed hill, which exactly at the inner angle of the bay of Pyrgo forms an isthmus, uniting the promontory of Katakolo with the main. I can perceive with the telescope some remains of Hellenic work among the ruined walls.
Below Pondiko-kastro, to the south, is the skala, or port, called Katakolo, where are some magazines; on the road from thence towards Pyrgo is the village of Aianni, where, some years ago, was found a large statue, and more recently a small head, now in the possession of Kyr Ghiorgaki of Pyrgo. Aianni is probably the site of Letrini. Near this place begins the lagoon which extends along the sea-coast as far as opposite to Pyrgo, or about half way to the mouth of the Alpheius. At 1.20 we arrive at a stream flowing from the hills, which is so swollen by the rains that, being unable to pass it we ascend the right bank for a mile to Djoia, there cross the river at a mill, and then, passing over a point of the hill, descend again into the plain, and arrive at Pyrgo at 3. Ride in the oriental style without ceremony into the hospitable gates of George Avgherino, more commonly called Kyr Ghiorgaki.

§ 1.023  Feb. 25. — To Olympia: — For about half a mile we follow the Arkadhia road, parallel to the sea shore; and then turn to the left towards the hills — enter the valley of the Alpheius, now called the Ruféa or Rufiá, at the end of three miles and a half, and then pass for another mile and a half along the foot of the hills which close the valley on the north. On both sides they are clothed with large pine trees. In summer, when the banks of the Alpheius are rich with wheat and Indian corn, the scenery must be beautiful, though the river perhaps may be a finer object in the present season. It is now full and rapid, but turbid; in summer the stream, though much clearer, is scanty, and divided into several torrents running over a wide gravelly bed. The large sandy tracts in some parts of the valley show the effects of its occasional inundations. Indeed the Pyrghiotes do not speak with much reverence of the river god, who sometimes does great injury to their profitable kalambokki grounds on his banks.
The valley is from half a mile to a mile in breadth, and at the end of two miles is narrowed by a projection of the northern hills, opposite to which, on the southern heights, stands the village of Volantza. Beyond this strait the valley suddenly expands into a plain surrounded by pine-clad hills. Having crossed the projecting height, we descend into this plain, and soon afterwards cross the river Lestenitza over a bridge. It is a large stream flowing from a narrow valley in the direction of Mount Olonos, and crosses the plain in a southerly direction. On the left is the village of Strefi, on the summit of a hill; it is a tjiftlik, or farm, belonging to Mustafa Aga.
From the river the plain is three or four miles over to the village of Floka situated on the side of a range of hills, which form the eastern boundary of the plain, and which, advancing to the Alpheius, leave only a narrow passage for the river between these hills and the range which follows its left bank. This strait may be considered the division between the plain watered by the Lestenitza, which we have passed, and the valley of Pisa or Olympia. The common route passes through Floka, and over the hills, on the top of which are some huts called Bruma; it then descends by a fountain

§ 1.025  into the valley of the Cladeus, crosses this stream at a mill, and from thence leads to the modern village Miraka. The ignorance of my conductor carries me to the right of Floka, close to the Rufea, from whence we cross the hill by a romantic rocky pass into the valley of Olympia, which lengthens the road by a mile. The pass is extremely beautiful, the sides of the hills being covered with pines in fine copses and clusters. On the opposite bank of the Alpheius there is a little village of thatched huts, with one stone house. The Cladeus comes down a narrow valley, running parallel to that of the Lestenitza: the road to Lalla ascends its left bank; it joins the Alpheius half a mile below the mill which I have mentioned as being in the direct road.
This mill is attached to the remains of an ancient building of brick in the bed of the river, on the left bank of the actual stream. This ruin is the first vestige of Olympia that the traveller meets with on arriving from Lalla, or from Pyrgo; next occurs a shapeless ruin of tiles on the summit of the bank on the same side of that river. A little farther, just where the valley of the Cladeus opens into that of the Alpheius, there is a tumulus of an oval form, with a tree on the top of it, and near it, at the foot of the adjoining mountain, undoubtedly the ancient

§ 1.026  Cronium, there is another fragment of the same description. From hence the vale of Olympia is well seen. To the eastward extends a level included between an irregular line of woody summits and the Alpheius. It is closed in that direction, at the distance of a mile, by a peaked hill, which rises from the river's bank, and which is separated only from the woody range on the north of the valley, by a pass leading to Miraka. This height, therefore, may be considered the eastern termination of the Pisaean valley, as that by which I came from Floka is the western. The length of the valley is about three miles, the greatest breadth less than one.
About two hundred yards southward of the tumulus, I arrive at the foundation of a temple, which has been excavated by the Agas of Lalla for the sake of the materials, almost all of which have been carried away to Lalla or Miraka. The foundation stones are large quadrangular masses of a very friable limestone, composed of an aggregate of shells — it is the same kind of rock of which all the neighbouring mountains are formed, the επιχώριος πώρος of Pausanias. The blocks are put together in the best Greek style.

§ 1.027  Among these foundations I find some pieces of fluted Doric columns of white marble, and a single fragment of a Doric shaft of poros, of each an enormous size as to leave little doubt that these poor remains are those of the celebrated temple of Jupiter. The only measurable dimension of the great column is the chord of the fluting, which exceeds a foot, and, according to the usual number of flutings in the Doric order, would require a shaft of at least seven feet in diameter. It may be inferred from this fact that the temple was a hexastyle: for Pausanias informs us, that it was ninety-five Greek feet broad, and two hundred and thirty long, or very nearly of the same size as the Parthenon; whereas, had it been an octastyle with such columns, its length and breadth must have been much greater. The same inference may be drawn from the temple having been sixty-eight feet high, or eight feet and a half higher than the Parthenon; for the columns, being larger, would, with the usual Doric proportions, be higher also than those of the Parthenon.

§ 1.028  In front of these remains, proceeding towards the Alpheius, I find a fourth mass of brick ruin, and nearly in the opposite direction a fifth, which is the best preserved of these fragments. It stands on the edge of a bank where the upper level, on which stood the temple of Jupiter, falls suddenly into a lower level, extending to the river; the ruined wall supports the bank, and makes it more abrupt in that part; there are some remains of arches and chambers in this ruin. The similarity of workmanship in these remains and those of Elis, seems to shew, that in this province the kind of masonry which may properly be termed Hellenic, was not so much in use as in other parts of Greece; probably in consequence of stone not being so plentiful, or of its being of a very perishable consistency.
The small bank which I have just noticed, and which is not so much as twenty feet high in any part, is one of the most remarkable features in the topography of Olympia; it is the boundary of two separate levels in the vale of Olympia, and forms an irregular curve round the lower level, beginning westward from the bank of the Alpheius, below the temple of Jupiter, and terminating eastward at the pass already

§ 1.029  mentioned, which leads to Miraka. Though this bank is undoubtedly natural, it appears to have been in many places supported by art, and I suspect that it formed one of the boundaries of the Altis, of which the western limit was the Cladeus, as Xenophon distinctly indicatesa, and as may be inferred from Pausanias, who places on the west side of the Cladeus the sepulchre of the Arcadians who fell at the battle in the Altis, as well as a ruined building called the stable of Oenomaus, and the sepulchre of Oenomaus, which, according to Pindar, was near the Alpheius. Thus it appears that the temple of Jupiter stood in a central position on the upper level, nearly equidistant from the bank, from Mount Cronium, and from the Cladeus; the latter flows in a hollow bed, the depth of which is about equal to the height of the pavement of the temple of Jupiter above the lower level, or that of the Alpheius itself. One can hardly doubt that all the buildings of Olympia stood upon this upper level for the sake of security from the inundations, to which the lower plain must have been continually subject. The upper level is smooth, and covered with a fine turf for a considerable distance to the eastward

§ 1.030  of the temple; its continuation to the westward of the Cladeus is more rugged, and is overgrown with bushes.
The hills which close the Pisaean valley on the south are much higher than the range of Cronium, and rise almost immediately from the river's bank. Above them in front, bearing nearly south, is seen a peaked mountain near the modern village Smerna; and to its left, at about half the distance, appears a bare summit, the slope of which, in the direction of Olympia, terminates in one part in a lofty precipitous rock, distant about a quarter of a mile from the river; this precipice corresponds exactly to the Mount Typaeum of Pausanias, which was held out as an object of terror to prevent any women from attending the games, and those dwelling on the south side of the Alpheius from even crossing the river on forbidden days, it being a law, which however was never executed, that females so transgressing should be precipitated from the rock Typaeum. The Cladeus, on reaching within a few yards of the Alpheius, to the south-west of the temple of Jupiter, instead of joining that river, turns off to the west, forming a large peninsula, bordered on the opposite side by the Alpheius. Nearly opposite to the mouth of the Cladeus, but divided from it by islands, a small stream joins the Alpheius on

§ 1.031  the left bank, flowing from a valley in which the village of Rasa is situated. This rivulet seems to be the ancient Selinus, and the vale that of Scillus. Eastward of the height which closes the plain of Olympia, there is another valley of the same kind, inclosed by wooded hills, and watered by a rivulet, probably the ancient Harpinnates, above the left bank of which, nearly a mile distant from the Alpheius, stands the little village of Miraka.
The position of Olympia is now called Andilalo. It might be supposed that this word, meaning in modern Greek echo, was derived from some remarkable reverberation of sound caused by the ancient buildings, when their ruins were more considerable than they are at present, especially when we connect this supposition with the fact mentioned by Pausanias, that the Stoa Poecile was remarkable for repeating an echo seven or eight times. I am persuaded, however, that the word means nothing more than “opposite to Lalla,” the change of termination and accent being such as is common in modern Greek compound words, as in the instance of παλαιοΦάναρο, paleo-fanaro, in a single word, for παλαιον Φανάρι, old beacon, which is the name of a modern village near the

§ 1.032  left bank of the Alpheius, above Miraka, where are said to be some Hellenic remains, probably those of Phrixa. I am told that Andilalo was a village standing on the side of the hill opposite to the mill in the Cladeus which I have noticed, and that the mill belonged to it; not a vestige of the village is now to be seen.
At Olympia, as in many other celebrated places in Greece, the scenery and topography are at present much more interesting than the ancient remains. At a more advanced season of the year, when the plane trees in the lower valley near the bank of the river are in full foliage, the valley must be one of the most beautiful of this picturesque country. The hills which rise from the northern and eastern sides of the upper level where the ruins are situated, as well as those on the opposite side of the Alpheius, are of the wildest forms, carpeted with the finest turf, and shaded with the pine, wild olive, and a variety of shrubs. Some of the accidental clusters of pines dispersed on the sides and summits of these hills might serve as studies to the artist in landscape gardening. But the whole is little better than a beautiful desert; in the length of three miles, only a few spots of cultivation are seen, and not a single habitation. What a contrast to the spectacle which it presented during eleven or twelve centuries,

§ 1.033  especially at the end of every four years, when it was the scene of the greatest of those periodical exercises of emulation which contributed so much to Grecian excellence both in arts and arms — when, adorned in the centre with the finest monuments of art, it was animated in every part with horses, chariots, and men in the highest state of excitement, or covered with the encampments of those who had resorted to the festival from every country which had felt the effects of Grecian civilization!
It would be in vain to attempt to trace the description of Olympia by Pausanias without extensive excavations. The only monument of the position of which there is any certainty, is the temple of Jupiter; for I find it utterly impossible to verify M. Fauvel's discovery of a Hippodrome, Stadium, and theatre. As to the existence of a theatre at Olympia at any time, it rests upon a single expression of Xenophon. In describing the battle between the Arcadians and Eleians in the Altis, at the time of the celebration of the games of the 104th Olympiad, BC 364, he relates that the Eleians drove the enemy as far as the ground which lay between the council-house, the sanctuary of Vesta, and the adjoining theatre,

§ 1.034  and even as far as the altar, meaning probably the great altar of Jupiter, which was in front of the temple of Jupiter and Juno, but nearer to the latter: but that the Eleians being assailed from the stoae and council-house, and the great temple, retreated with the loss of their leader. Now Pausanias, in making mention of the same buildings, (the sanctuary of Vesta he describes as a part of the Prytaneium) says not a word of a theatre, which, even if it had been but of small dimensions, must have been a very important object in such a confined place as the Altis. Either there is some very extraordinary omission in Pausanias, or θεάτρου has been substituted for some other word in our copies of Xenophon.
Like some other hiera in Greece at which athletic contests were celebrated, Olympia consisted only of a sacred grove, a stadium, and a hippodrome, but it was on a larger scale than any similar establishment. The Άλση, which most resembled it, were those of Nemea and the Isthmus.

§ 1.035  The Altis appears, from Pausanias, to have been surrounded with a wall, and to have had at least four entrances: 1. That used for all sacred processions, hence called the Pompic. 2. That which led to the embolus, or starting place of the hippodrome. 3. A third, which is described only as being beyond or over against the gymnasium, and near the Prytaneium. 4. A fourth entrance of the Altis led to the Stadium. But there was also an entrance into the Stadium called the Secret, as being used only by the Hellanodicae and Agonistae. The way to it was from the Metroum, by the foot of Mount Cronium; and hence also it would seem to follow, that there must have been a fifth entrance into the Altis near the Metroum.
The temples within the Altis were, 1. The temple of Jupiter, which contained the

§ 1.036  celebrated chryselephantine seated colossus by Phidias, two colossal compositions in marble in the Aeti, two works in relief over the door of the cella and opisthodomus, and a few dedications in the cella and pronaos. 2. The temple of Juno, the most ancient building at Olympia and which preserved the memory of a still older temple of wood, by having one of the two columns of the opisthodomus made of that material. The temple was peripteral, and, according to the text of Pausanias, only sixty feet long, probably an error in the text, as such dimensions even if applied, as we can hardly suppose to have been the intention of Pausanias, to the interior of the cella, would have been incapable of containing the numerous objects described by him. This temple, in the time of Pausanias, seems, as being the oldest building at Olympia, to have been a receptacle for its antiquities, several of which had originally occupied other situations in the Altis. The object in it most particularly described by Pausanias was the box of Cypselus. 3. The Metroum, or temple of the Mother of the Gods, which is described

§ 1.037  by Pausanias as a large Doric temple. It contained only statues of the Roman emperors, and appears to have been situated towards the foot of Mount Cronium. The Philippeium was a circular building of brick, surrounded with columns, and crowned with a dome, on the summit of which there was a brazen poppy serving as a key-stone. It was dedicated by Philip after the battle of Chaeroneia, and contained five chryselephantine statues of the royal family of Macedonia, by Leochares. It stood within the Altis, near the left hand of the exit, which was near the Prytaneium. The Theecaleon, the Stoa Poecile, and the Hippodamium were also edifices within the Altis; the latter, like the Pelopium, was only a sacred enclosure, surrounded with a low wall; the Pelopium was about half the length of the temple of Jupiter, and contained trees and statues. The Hippodamium comprehended a space of about a plethrum of ground, and seems therefore to have been nearly of the same size as the Pelopium: it stood near the Pompic entrance. There were two other remarkable objects

§ 1.038  within the Altis; namely, a wooden column, said to have belonged to the house of Oenomaus, which was protected from the weather by a roof supported by four columns; it stood between the great altar of Jupiter and the temple of Jupiter, consequently in front of the Pelopium; the other was an olive tree, called Callistephanus, from which the olive crowns of the victorious athletae were gathered, it stood near the back of the temple of Jupiter. The remainder of the Altis was filled either with altars, statues of deities, and sacred dedications, or with those of athletes, the admission of which into the sacred place was one of the rewards of their victories. Of the altars the most considerable was the great altar of Jupiter, the outer foundation of which was 125 feet in circumference.
On the outside of the Pompic entrance of the Altis was the Leonidaeum, divided from the Pompic way by a narrow passage called the Street: not far from the same position, on the outside also of the Altis, was the workshop of Phidias. On the foot of Mount Cronium, proceeding from the Metroum to the Stadium,

§ 1.039  was a foundation of stone with steps; it supported Zanes, or statues of Jupiter, which had been erected from fines imposed upon those who had been guilty of fraud, or other irregularity, in the Olympic contests: the fifteenth and sixteenth of these statues of Jupiter are stated by Pausanias to have been on either side of the entrance into the Stadium, probably the entrance called Crypte, or the Secret. At the foot also of Mount Cronium, on the north side of the temple of Juno, there was another foundation, which supported ten treasuries erected by different Grecian states; they were constructions of the same kind as those which are described by Pausanias at Delphi, and contained statues and other curious or valuable dedications. Northward again of the treasuries, between them and the steep part of the mountain, were the double temple of Lucina and Sosipolis, and the ruins of a temple of Venus Urania.
The situation of the Altis and Mount Cronium being determined, the next problem is the position of the Stadium, and the direction of its axis or length. According to Strabo, the Stadium was in front of the temple of Jupiter in a wood

§ 1.040  of wild olives, which, as the temple fronted the east, places the Stadium on the continuation of the upper level eastward of the site of the Altis. In fact, unless it was on the plain towards the Alpheius, it must have been in this situation, since we have already seen, from Xenophon and Pausanias, that the Cladeus bounded the Altis on the west. Strabo, indeed, seems to denote the Alpheius as flowing by the Stadium, but I conceive him to have meant only that it flowed (generally speaking) by the site of Olympia: and this interpretation is confirmed by Pausanias, who mentions the river at the beginning of his description in the same general way, and never has occasion to speak of it in the course of his details; thus favouring the opinion that it did not immediately border either the Altis or the Stadium. As to the Hippodrome, the usual length of these monuments having been two stadia, there was not sufficient space for it anywhere but in the lower part of the plain, southeastward of the Altis, between it and the river; and I am inclined to think, that the side of the Hippodrome, which Pausanias describes as an artificial embankment, was parallel to the river,

§ 1.041  and was raised for the purpose of securing the Hippodrome from its inundations. The mode in which the Stadium and Hippodrome were connected, could not, I think, have been very different from the representation of it by M. Barbie du Bocage in his otherwise very indefensible plan of Olympia.
The place which formed the connexion was called the Hippaphesis, or starting place of the horses; in form it resembled the prow of a ship, the head, or Embolus, as it was thence called, being the entrance into the Hippodrome, and the opposite end being formed by the rectilinear extremity of the Stadium, along which there was a portico called the Stoa of Agaptus. On the two other sides of the Hippaphesis were ranges of apartments for containing horses and chariots; these sides were upwards of 400 feet long, converging towards the Embolus, or entrance of the Hippodrome, and probably slightly curved for the sake only of a more beautiful shape. At the Embolus there must have been space sufficient for the contending chariots to be drawn up abreast, after they had come out of the apartments on the two opposite sides of the Hippaphesis in regular order, beginning with the two chambers nearest to the Stoa of Agaptus, and ending with the two nearest to the Embolus.

§ 1.042  It must follow, I think, from this arrangement of the Hippaphesis, that the axis of the Stadium was in a north and south direction, its circular end resting upon, and perhaps partly formed out of, the side of Mount Cronium, or rather of its prolongation eastward, and the rest formed, as Pausanias describes it, of an artificial embankment. The Stadium, thus placed upon ground rather higher than the Hippodrome, would command from every part of it a good view of all that passed in the latter.
[Since these remarks have been written, Mr. J. Spencer Stanhope has published his work on the Topography of Olympia, accompanied by a plan of the site. I there find indicated two parallel banks of the precise length of a Stadium, with some appearances of a circular end abutting on the hills adjacent to Cronium on the east. It is very possible that these banks, which I did not observe when at Olympia, are remains of the artificial embankments of the Olympic Stadium, and it is curious that they lie exactly in the direction I had conceived from the description of Pausanias; and very nearly in the same position also, being only a little farther to the eastward than I had supposed. Having obtained permission from Mr. Stanhope to make use of his plan, which was executed by Mr. Allason, an architect, and was the result of a fortnight's residence at Olympia, I willingly reject the eye sketch I had prepared to accompany these remarks, though I find that in the main it differs little from Mr. Allason's. I have added to Mr. A.'s plan references to the positions of some of the ancient monuments, according to my conception of the description of Pausanias.] We read in Suetonius, that Nero, desirous of obliterating the memory of all his rivals in

§ 1.043  agonistic glory, ordered the statues of the athletae at Olympia to be thrown into the common sewers. We are certain, however, from Pausanias, that no such orders were ever executed, at least to any extent; for it cannot be doubted from the accurate description of the Greek traveller, that almost as late as the third century, Olympia still preserved the most numerous and choicest collection of works of art that Greece could ever boast of; to deposit his works at this place being one of the highest honours that a great sculptor could obtain. It was with reason, therefore, that an excavation at Olympia was a favourite speculation of the celebrated Winckelmann. With the exception of the colossus by Phidias in ivory and gold in the temple of Jupiter, of twenty-two other chryselephantine figures by more ancient masters in the temple of Juno, and of those of the same kind in the Philippeium, works which cannot have escaped human spoliation, or the ravages of time; all the other productions of art at Olympia were of the durable materials of brass and marble. The Aeti alone of the temple of Jupiter contained forty or fifty colossal figures. Besides the works in the temples of Jupiter and Juno, Pausanias notices fifty-seven statues of the former deity, of which six were colossal; and he describes more than one hundred other sacred αναθέματα, some of which were composed of several figures representing the actions of deities or heroes. There were no less than 260 statues of athletae, several of which were accompanied by horses and chariots, in memory of victories in the Hippodrome. The far greater part of these works were in brass. In every instance in which Pausanias could obtain the information, he mentions the name of the celebrated artist who made the statue, as well as the occasion of its dedication, and he expressly informs us that he has not enumerated all the objects of inferior note. He describes eighty-four altars, a portion of which were in the Stadium, Hippaphesis, and Hippodrome; and we may infer, from what has already been discovered, that there must have been an infinity of smaller dedications of armour and of other votive offerings, as well as records of treaties and other inscribed documents on brass or marble: so that there is every reason to believe, that the most interesting discoveries in illustration of the arts, language, customs, and history of Greece, may yet be made by excavations at Olympia.

§ 1.044  Feb. 26. — Pyrgo and nine other Greek villages were separated from the Kazasi of Gastuni, on occasion of the death of one Ahmet Pasha, who had built a tower [πύργος] at the principal village of the ten, and had made it his residence, governing the district so well, that Pyrgo became the most commercial place in the west of the Morea. As soon as the Greeks of Pyrgo were deprived of his protection, the Turks of Gastuni began grievously to oppress them: they complained to the Porte, when the Sultan, as heir of the deceased Pasha, (according to the maxim that all the property of his servants belongs to him) made over the revenues of the ten villages of Pyrgo, with the customs of the Skales of Katakolo and Rufia, (mouth of the Alpheius) and the fisheries of the lagoons of Agulenitza and St. John, to the Kaaba (pronounced by the Turks Keabe) of Mekka, as Vakuf, or church property, appointing, as usual, a Voivoda for the separate government of the district, and the collection of the revenue. The family of Khotman Oglu, however, still enjoys an interest derived from the original grant, and the Voivoda is obliged to allow its representative a certain sum for the farm.

§ 1.046  In consequence of the increasing commerce of the two ports of Pyrgo, from whence all the grain, cheese, butter, wool, and honey of the surrounding country is exported, successive Voivodas have increased the revenues to fifty purses a year. The military power acquired however by the Albanians of Lalla, has obliged the Porte to acquiesce in the appointment of one of their chieftains to the Voivodilik, and Mustafa Aga is now governor of Pyrgo.
Mustafa gives the Khotman seven purses for the two fisheries, and sells them to Greek farmers for twelve, to whom they are worth twenty-four or thirty. In like manner he hires of the Khotman the customs of the ports of Pyrgo, together with those of Pyrghi and Koraka, for seven purses, and sells them for twelve to Greeks, who collect twenty-five purses. The Khotman sells the customs of the other two ports of the district of Gastuni, namely, Glarantza and Kunupeli, with the fishery of Kotykhi, to Greeks of Lekhena and Gastuni for thirty-six purses.
Besides the old customs, of which the Malekiane belongs to the family of Khotman, there is a bedaat, or new tax on the export of cheese, corn, and kalambokki; this is purchased directly from the Porte by the Aga, for about twelve purses, and is sold to the Greeks for about twenty.

§ 1.047  Corn embarked for the use of government pays only half bedaat. The commerce in all these articles is in the hands of the Greeks, who ship from hence about 4000 modhia of wheat, 5000 or 6000 modhia of kalambokki, and 3000 cwt. of cheese, importing in return European manufactures and colonial produce. The alikes, or salt manufactory, at the mouth of the Rufia, is the property of the crown, and is let for six purses.
I purchased at Pyrgo a small votive helmet, three inches long and two inches and a half high, terminating at the top in a flat circular appendage, pierced in the middle for the reception of a single upright bunch of feathers, or other similar ornament. At the back of this apex there is the figure of a fish; on either cheek of the helmet a boar and a serpent. There are two holes for the eyes, and a mouth and chin are represented in the usual opening left for that part of the face. On the edge of the cranium, in front, are the following letters: QΟΙΟΣΜΑΓΟΕΣΗΟΝ
The person who sold me this interesting little relick said, that it was found at the

§ 1.048  Paleo-kastro of Khaiaffa; but I have some doubts of the truth of this assertion, and think that it may very possibly have come from Olympia, the fertile mine of such remains: it happened that the owner of it was present when I was making inquiries concerning the ruins at Khaiaffa, and he thought perhaps I should attach a greater value to it, if he asserted it came from thence.

§ 1.049  CHAPTER II. TRIPHYLIA.
Feb. 27. — Leave Pyrgo for Arkadhia. There being no post at Pyrgo, I am obliged to travel with the Agoi, each hired horse or two being accompanied by the owner on foot. Our pace is consequently that of a pedestrian, but which, unless where the roads are level and very good, is nearly the same as that of horses loaded with baggage. We cross the Alpheius at a spot a little above the magazines of the Skala of the Rufea, about half a mile from the sea. The ferry boat carries three horses and as many men, besides the boatmen. The river is rapid, and forty or fifty yards wide, but no part of the Perama is so much as five feet in depth, as I perceive by the poles with which the boatmen pushed over. After the passage the road regains the foot of the hills, a little short of Agulenitza, a village standing on the side of a

§ 1.050  pointed summit, where the hills begin to be separated only by a narrow plain from a large lagoon, which extends from hence along the shore nearly as far as Khaiaffa. The house of the Aga of Agulenitza is built, like that of Mustafa at Pyrgo, in the form of a tower, with an entrance over a draw-bridge, and a high flight of steps leading up to it. This kind of house is known to the Greeks by the word pyrgo, tower, in Turkish kule. The towers of the Morea are, in general, better constructed than those of Albania. I observed near the village as we passed, a peasant girl in the fields, who was a perfect model of Greek beauty, both in face and figure. These instances are rare, and of course more rare in the female than the male sex in a country where poverty and oppression accustom the great bulk of the people to hard living from their cradles, which the males can better bear. Even when female beauty does occur, it soon declines for the same reasons.
Agulenitza is surrounded with vineyards, and the hills beyond it, as far as the point of Khaiaffa, are beautifully diversified with broken ground and woods of pine. Two miles beyond the village a road turns to the left through the hills to Fanari, six hours distant. Farther on I see several horses loaded with deal planks descending the hills; the planks are deposited on the

§ 1.051  side of the lagoon, and carried away by sea. A narrow sandy ridge covered with a wood of pines divides the lake from the sea; as we advance, this ridge is wider and the woods thicken, occupying large islands in the middle of the lake, which becomes narrower, and more like a marsh. In some parts the space between the lake and the hills is not above 200 yards in width, and in no part so much as half a mile; so that the ruggedness and woody nature of the hills on one side, and the marsh on the other, would make the whole passage from Agulenitza to Khaiaffa difficult in face of an opponent.
A mile and a half short of Khaiaffa we cross a river, descending from the summit of the mountain of Smerna, and flowing by Vrina. The road to Fanari passes through a part of this valley, and along the north eastern face of the mountain of Smerna. We were one hour and a half in reaching Agulenitza from Pyrgo, including some loss of time at the ferry, and three hours and a half more to Khaiaffa. — Χαϊάππα, as it is properly written, or Khaiaffa, as it is more commonly pronounced, is nothing but a Derveny, or guarded pass, at the foot of a steep rocky point, projecting to the sea from the mountain of Smerna, and separated from the sea-beach only by a continuation of the

§ 1.052  sand-bank and wood above-mentioned, which is here a quarter of a mile in breadth. By this woody sand-bank the southern extremity of the Agulenitza Lake, or Rufea fishery, as it is commonly called, is separated from the northern extremity of another lake of the same kind, which washes the foot of the Smerna mountain nearly as far as Sakari. Between the extremities of the two lakes there is a narrow causeway, and a bridge in the middle of it over an occasional inundation, that unites the two lakes. Before entering upon the causeway the road passes between two hillocks of rock, on one of which is the Derveni, or guard-house of the pass. Near this point I turn a little out of the road, to the left, to visit the Paleo-kastro of Khaiaffa.
It is situated on the north-west side of the projection just mentioned of the Smerna mountain; the ruined walls of a Hellenic city surround the upper part of the hill, the slope of which is clothed with chestnuts, walnuts, and other large trees, mixed with the usual maritime shrubs of Greece. The ancient wall is six feet thick, and about one mile and a half in circumference; it follows the contour of the hill on three sides, with projecting and re-entering

§ 1.053  angles without towers, in a manner that indicates a remote period of art; on the side towards the sea, it is defended by some square towers, which are probably the addition of a later age. The walls, in general, afford a beautiful specimen of the second order of Hellenic masonry; I see no stone of more than six sides. [The first or most ancient manner, as exemplified in the walls of Tiryns, consists in the accumulation of large masses of stone rudely hewn, the intervals of which are filled with smaller stones of the same kind. In the second order, no less than in the first, the stones were of various shapes, but the sides were all right lines, and so accurately fitted to one another by previous labour, that no interval remained between the large masses to be filled up with small stones, so that the whole wall may be said to form a single course of masonry. There were various degrees between this species of masonry, and that in which the courses were all horizontal and equal in height, and the stones all rectangular. The last mode was more particularly used in sacred and domestic architecture, and is seldom found in works of defence unmixed with the other orders.] The hill slopes towards the north-west, and is divided at the back by a shallow ravine from the rest of the mountain.
The road, after passing the Derveni and bridge, sends off a branch to the left to Sakari and Biskini, leaving the lake on the left at the foot of the mountain. A little beyond the causeway, I observe two large caves in the rocks

§ 1.054  to the left: they are accessible only by a boat, being immediately above the surface of the lake, which is here of a different kind from the shallow lagoons we have passed. These are in great part formed by the sea beating over the sand-ridge in winter, whereas the lake is apparently very deep, and derived chiefly from subterraneous sources at the foot of the precipitous hill. After passing for a mile along the sandy ridge between the lake and the shore, we cross a stream flowing out of the lake into the sea. When the winds are violent, the surf and the sand thrown up by it reject the waters of the river, and assist very much in increasing the lake. This fact, which is remarked both by Strabo and Pausanias, added to other particulars in conformity with those authors, leaves no doubt of the river being the Anigrus. It enters the lake a mile or two to the eastward of the Derveni, and is called Mavro-potamo [Black River], its exact origin I cannot learn. In summer the marsh is said to be very fetid, and the air extremely unwholesome, as one may easily conceive, the place being closely overhung by the precipices which here terminate the mountain.
The road now winds among pine woods, sand-hills, and marshes for five miles, till it arrives at the Khan of Ai Sidhoro, or St. Isidore near the mouth of a small river flowing from an opening between the mountains of Smerna and Alvena; where, on the summit of one of the last falls of the former, is seen a tjiftlik of Seid Aga of Lalla, near a small village of thatched huts, called Sakari. Below it the plain is of considerable dimensions, filling up a large angle left by the retreating of the mountain of Smerna. Southward of the Khan of St. Isidore the plain narrows again very rapidly, some lower hills at the foot of the mountain of Alvena leaving only a narrow maritime level between them and a chain of sand-hills on the shore. We halt for the night at the Khan an hour before sunset. The Bishop of Arkadhia having taken possession of the Khan, we lodge in a long stable below, being in number sixteen; — myself, two servants, six agoyates, and seven horses. These agoyates, instead of walking quietly by the side of their horses, were singing and dancing all the way; nor are they the less lively and noisy all the evening.

§ 1.055  Feb. 28. — At 7 we set out from the Khan of Ai Sidhoro. After crossing the river, the road continues for some distance along the sand-hills, and then, descending into the plain, soon arrives at the foot of the heights which border it to the left. Above them rises the very remarkable round summit, called Mount Vunuka, or the Mountain of Alvena, from a village which I see in a very lofty situation under the summit. At 7.50, before arriving at the hills, we cross a stream — at 9 cross a larger, called the Tholo, or Turbid, which issues from a narrow valley, and after traversing the maritime plain, which is here less than half a mile in breadth, falls into the sea at a place where boats anchor in fine weather. This anchorage is the Skala of Strovitzi, a small town, situated in the valley of the Tholo, one hour and a half above the entrance of the glen, at which entrance stands a magazine belonging to the Skaloma. At Strovitzi are the ruined walls of a Hellenic town of some magnitude, probably Lepreum. The hills are finely clothed with pines; at their foot are some pleasant copses and woods of the usual wild shrubs, such as mastic, myrtle, bay, paliuri, &c.
This narrow maritime plain exactly answers to Strabo's description of that of Pylus Triphyliacus, or Lepreaticus, which, he says, extended along the shore from Samicum to the Neda. At 9.35 are some remnants of ancient

§ 1.057  architecture on the road — large squared stones and a piece of architrave of white marble: a sand-hill continues to skirt the sea-beach. At 9.45 we arrive in the valley of a river, which, as well as a neighbouring village, is called Buzi. It is undoubtedly the Neda; it rises in Mount Tetrazi, a snow-topped mountain which appears on the left: half way thither, on the right bank of the river, are said to be some extensive ruins at the village of Pavlitza, probably those of Phigaleia. Such being the position of the Neda and Phigaleia, I can hardly doubt that the remains which I passed at 9.35 mark the site of Pyrgi. At 9.55 we cross the Buzi over a high narrow bridge, in a ruinous condition, called the bridge of Andriopulo, from the person at whose expense it was built. The river is wide and rapid: we halt on the bank till 10.40. At 11 begins a wood, consisting chiefly of wild olives, holly-oak, ilex, and underwood; it occupies all the space between the hills and the sea, which is about a quarter of a mile in width.
In the midst of the wood, at 11.25, we arrive at a ruined chapel of St. John, where are two fine springs of water; and at one of them the remains of an ancient circular basin. A little farther a narrow but copious stream issues from the foot of the hill. A few minutes after 12 we

§ 1.058  pass along a deep sand, under a projection of the mountain, which is bordered northward by the valley of the Neda. Here was formerly a Derveni, called Klidhi [key], a word not uncommonly applied to a pass; — that of Khaiaffa is often known by the same name. We now enter the plain of Arkadhia; the soil is gravelly, and covered with wild shrubs. At 12.45 cross a large stream, called the river of Arkadhia, and a mile short of the town, in the middle of the olive plantations, another more clear and rapid, but much smaller. At 2 we arrive in the town.
Strabo has been so unusually copious in his remarks on the places in the line of my route from Pyrgo to Arkadhia, that I shall here insert the most important part of what he has written on the subject, omitting little more than the passages where his text is so obviously corrupt, or where the author's meaning is rendered so doubtful by the various readings, as to afford no intelligible information.
“Near the mouth of the Alpheius, (says the geographer) is the sacred Grove of Diana Alpheionia, or Alpheiusa, distant from Olympia eighty stades; proceeding southward from thence, there occurs a mountain which separates Macistia from Pisatis, then a river Chalcis, the

§ 1.059  fountain Cruni, and the town of Chalcis, next to which is Samicum, and a most venerated temple of Neptune Samius, situated in a wood of wild olives; though all the Triphylii contribute to its support, it is administered by the Macistii. Beyond the temple at a distance of thirty stades, or a little more from the sea, is Pylus Triphyliacus, or Lepreaticus. Near Pylus, to the eastward, rises the mountain called Minthe, where is a sacred inclosure of Hades, and a grove of Ceres, situated above the Pyliac plain. This plain is fertile, and in the maritime part extends from Samicum as far as the Neda. The coast is narrow, and bordered by sand-hills, from which circumstance it may perhaps be thought that Pylus was called Ημαθόεις. Towards the north, bordering on Pylus, there were two small towns of Triphylia called Hypana and Typaneae; one of which has been incorporated into the community of Elis; the other still exists. In the neighbourhood flow two rivers, the Dalion and Acheron; the latter so called because it has some reference to Hades, for in these places they have a great veneration for Ceres, Proserpine, and Hades. To the south of Pylus stands Lepreum, situated at forty stades from the sea. Between Lepreum and the Anigrus is the temple of Neptune Samius, distant 100 stades from each.

§ 1.060  Here it is that the poet represents Telemachus to have found the Pylii employed in offering sacrifices to the god. The Lepreatae possessed a fertile district, bordering upon that of the Cyparissii; both of them, together with Macistus, were anciently occupied by the Caucones. Macistus is also called Platanistus; both the district and town being known by this name. It is said that in the Lepreatis there is a monument of Caucon, who was either some national leader, or otherwise bore the name of that people. Another tribe, called the Paroreatae, occupied, near Macistus and Lepreum, the mountains of Triphylia, which terminate on the sea near the temple of Neptune Samius. Below these Paroreatae there are two caverns, one sacred to the nymphs Anigriades, the other noted for the story of the Atlantides and the birth of Dardanus. Here also are the groves called Endymionaeum and Eurycydium. Samicum, which is now a fortress, was formerly a city called Samos, perhaps because it is situated on a hill, for σάμος formerly signified 'heights.' It was probably the acropolis of Arene, of which Homer speaks in the Catalogue, Οι δε Πύλον τ' ενέμοντο και Αρήνην ερατεινήν: for the poet says, that the river Minyeius, now called Anigrus, fell into the sea

§ 1.061  near Arene, whence it is supposed that Arene stood at the mouth of the Anigrus. The Minyeius received its name from the Minyae, who, driven out from Lemnos, went to Laconia, and passing from thence into Triphylia, established themselves near Arene, in the canton now named Hypaesia. Near the cavern of the Anigriades there is a source of water which renders all the district below it marshy and full of mud. The greater part of its waters is received by the Anigrus, which being deep and sluggish, and checked in its course by the action of the sea, forms a lake, whose water emits a very bad smell, and renders the fish unfit to be eaten. The shore is bordered by a sandy ridge. It is said that the Centaurs washed their wounds in the waters of the Anigrus, which possess the virtue of curing cutaneous disorders. Between the Anigrus and the mountain from whence flows the Jardanes, there is a meadow and a remarkable sepulchre, and some precipitous rocks of the same mountain, called the Achaean rocks, upon which the aforesaid city Samos was built. This place seems not to have been

§ 1.062  noticed by the writers of the Peripli, either from its being destroyed, or from its not being in a conspicuous situation. The Poseidium is a grove, as I have said, on the sea side. Above it rises a lofty hill, which advances in front of Samicum, where Samos formerly stood, so that the latter position is not seen from the sea. From Pylus and Lepreum there is a distance of about 400 stades to Pylus of Messenia and Coryphasium, which are fortresses on the sea side adjacent to the island Sphagia, distant 750 stades from the Alpheius, and from Chelonatas 1030. In the interval is the temple of Hercules Macistius, and the river Acidon which flows by the tomb of Jardanus and Chaa, a town formerly existing near Lepreum, where also is the plain Aepasium. Cyparissia is on the Triphyliae sea, as well as Pyrgi and the rivers Acidon and Neda. But at present Triphylia is separated from Messenia by the course of the Neda. This rapid river rises in Lycaeum, a mountain of Arcadia, from a fountain, which is said to have been caused to flow by Rhea when she brought forth Jupiter. The river passes by Phigalia, and

§ 1.063  falls into the sea where the Pyrgitae, who are the last people of Triphylia, confine upon the Cyparissii, the first of Messenia.”
This is all the geographical matter respecting the coast of Triphylia that I have been able to extract from Strabo.
Pausanias speaks of the same places in the following terms: “Quitting Eleia,” he says, “you come to a place near the sea called Samicum. Above it to the right is Triphylia, and in Triphylia the city Lepreus. The Lepreatae wish to be considered a part of the Arcadians; but they appear from the beginning to have been subject to the Eleians; for those who conquered in the Olympic games were proclaimed by the herald as Eleians from Lepreus, and Aristophanes, the poet, calls Lepreus a city of the Eleians. There is a road to Lepreus from Samicum, leaving the Anigrus on the left, another from Olympia, and a third from Elis: the longest of them is a day's journey. Not far from the city of the Lepreatae there is a fountain called Arene; it is said that the name was given to it from the wife of Aphareus. Returning to Samicum, on the

§ 1.064  direct road, occurs the place where the river Anigrus falls into the sea. The stream of this river is often repelled by the violence of the winds, which, bringing the sand of the sea into it, impedes the flowing of the water; when therefore the sand becomes wetted both by the sea and the river, it is dangerous for yoked cattle to enter it, and still more for a man on foot. The Anigrus descends from the Arcadian mountain Lapithus, and from its very fountains sends forth water of an extremely disagreeable smell. Before it receives the Acidas it does not contain fish, and those fish which descend into the Anigrus with the water of the Acidas are not eatable by men, though eatable before they entered it. In Samicum, not far from the river, there is a cavern called the cavern of the Nymphs Anigrides. If a person who is afflicted with a cutaneous disorder, having first prayed to the nymphs, and promised a certain sacrifice, rubs the diseased parts of the body with the water, when he has passed through the river he will leave the malady in the water, and come out himself healthy and with a clear skin. In the direct road to Olympia, soon after having passed the Anigrus, there is above Samicum a hill, which is the site of the city Samia.

§ 1.065  They say that Polysperchon the Aetolian made use of this place as a fortress against the Arcadians. As to the ruins of Arene no one, either of the Messenians or Eleians, could with certainty point them out to me; and there are different opinions upon this subject; but those persons appear to me to speak with the greatest probability, who say that Samicum itself was called Arene in the heroic times, for they quote the words of the Iliad: έστι δε τις ποταμος Μινυήιος εις αλα βάλλων Έγγύθεν Αρήνης.
Now these ruins (of Sarnia, or Samicum) are very near the Anigrus, and although it is doubted by the Arcadians that Samicum was called Arene, they confess that Minyeius was the ancient name of the river Anigrus.”
It seems unnecessary to add many observations on these two extracts. A reference to the Itinerary will be sufficient, I think, to leave little doubt as to the principal points. The hill which separated Macistia from Pisatis was probably not far to the southward of the modern Agulenitza, which, as I shall have occasion to show hereafter, stands upon the site of Epitalium, or the Homeric Thryoessa.
For the existence of a Chalcis between this position and Khaiaffa we have, I believe, no

§ 1.066  other authority than the line of Homer, upon which Strabo here comments, and which is of doubtful authenticity. There is a river, however, as I have remarked in the Itinerary, which descends from the mountain of Smerna into the lagoon a mile or two northward of Khaiaffa. It is possible that the ancient name of this stream may have been Chalcis. In the neighbourhood of Khaiaffa we find the ruins of Sarnia or Samicum, the caverns, the marsh, the Anigrus, the Achaean rocks, as well as some other particulars in conformity with the ancient authors, as I have remarked in the Itinerary. The fetid smell of the marsh and its unwholesome fish, which Pausanias, a lover of fable, ascribes to a peculiar quality of the river Anigrus, is rationally accounted for by the more philosophic Strabo, as the effect of the repulsion of the sand by the surf, and the consequent stagnation of the waters. It is observable that Pausanias states, that the Anigrus rises in Lapithus, an Arcadian mountain; I am not informed of the exact course of the river, but its origin is certainly in the mountain of Smerna, which terminates westward at Khaiaffa, for the next stream to the southward, or that which joins the sea at St. Isidore, flows from a valley which separates the mountain of Smerna from Mount Vunuka, receiving contributions

§ 1.067  from the adjacent slopes of both mountains. The sources of the Anigrus, therefore, as well as those of the Acidas, which, according to Pausanias, was a branch of the Anigrus, must be in the mountain of Smerna, which thus becomes identified with the ancient Lapithus. This was the mountain inhabited by the Paroreatae, who, as well as the Caucones-Pylii, were driven out of their country by the Minyae, when the latter founded the six towns of Macistus, Phrixa, Lepreum, Pyrgi, Epium, and Nudium; and who consequently appear to have occupied the whole country, which was afterwards called Triphylia, from its being inhabited by the three tribes of Epeii, Eleii, and Minyae. As to its being called by Pausanias an Arcadian mountain, one is not much surprised at this, as Arcadia was sometimes supposed to border on this part of the coast for the length of 100 stades, whence the Pylus, here situated, was known by the epithet of Arcadic as well as Triphyliae; though it is certain that in the time of the Roman empire the mountain of Smerna, and all the country as far as the Alpheius, constituted a part of Triphylia, and consequently belonged to the Eleia.

§ 1.068  If Pausanias has determined the ancient name of the mountain of Smerna to have been Lapithus, it is no less certain from Strabo that Mount Vunuka was the ancient Minthe. What the geographer says of the Acidon, or Jardanes, seems to agree very well with the testimony of Pausanias as to the same river, which he calls Acidas, and which, as I have already hinted, appears to have been a stream flowing from the mountain of Smerna into the lake of Khaiaffa, in which it joined the Anigrus. The river of St. Isidore I conceive to be that which Strabo calls Mamaus, or Pamisus, or Arcadicus: as to his two temples of Neptune, one of them appears to have stood under Samicum, at or near the present Derveni of Khaiaffa, the other on the shore about midway between it and Lepreum. The latter was that at which Strabo supposes Telemachus to have landed; the former he sufficiently distinguishes by the words “the most venerated”. His distance of 200 stades, however, between the Anigrus and Lepreum is too much by a third.
On arriving at Arkadhia I proceed to the house of the consular agent, M. Pasqualego, who soon afterwards accompanies me to the castle. This fortress, the acropolis of the

§ 1.069  ancient Cyparissiae, is situated at about a mile in direct distance from the sea, on the narrow summit of a rock, connected with and immediately overlooked by a high mountain called Aia Paraskevi or St. Friday. The castle looks down upon the houses of the town, which cover the flanks of the ridge on both sides; beyond them it commands a view in either direction of the beautiful slope which descends from the mountain of Paraskevi to the sea. Near the town are plantations of olives mixed with corn fields, but beyond these the plain on both sides is covered with wild shrubs, and scarcely a village is seen.
There are said to be 600 houses in the town, one-third of which are Greek. None of the latter have so good an appearance as some of those at Gastuni and Pyrgo, though the collection of the taxes and most of the other offices are here in the hands of the Greeks. The Turk who farms the revenue of the Porte is Seid Ahmet Aga, who is likewise Kadi: he pays forty purses for the town and district, which contains between eighty and ninety villages. The number of χαρτιά, or Kharatjes,

§ 1.070  is 4216: — 500 of thirteen piastres, 1500 of seven, the rest of three. The nominal sums are eleven, five, and two and a half, but the real sums taken are as above. [b The acquittance for the Kharatj, or annual capitation tax, is called by the Greeks το χαρτί, the paper, from its importance, as no Rayah can venture beyond his district unprovided with this document, without being liable to pay the tax a second time; nor will this caution always save him.]
On the shore below the town, two or three magazines, behind a projection of rock, indicate the Skala of Arkadhia, but it seldom happens that ships venture to remain long in the roadstead, and during the winter hardly a boat appears. The island of Proti, by the Italians called Prodano, is, in fact, the port of Arkadhia, and all the export produce is conveyed there. [I touched at Proti in 1802, sailing from Tzerigo to Zakytho, and found a sheltered cove bordered by steep rocks, the convenience and frequent use of which is attested by numerous Greek scribblings of all ages on the rocks.] This consists, in common years, of 15,000 barrels of oil, 50,000 kilos of wheat, together with hogs, barley, vallonea, honey, cotton, cheese, butter, hides. The oil is carried to the Adriatic, the rest chiefly to the Seven Islands. It is thought that at two months' notice Malta might procure from hence 500 oxen and 2000 sheep. The roadstead of Arkadhia, though bad, seems to be the best on this coast northward of Navarino, with the wind to the south or south-east, for I observe today (the wind being in that quarter) that the beach

§ 1.071  here is smooth, while breakers whiten all the shore of Triphylia and Elis.
A little south of the Skala, close to the seaside, a fine stream rushes out of the rock, and runs into the sea; close by there is a bason with a spring of water, bubbling up at the bottom; around it are some stones, which once belonged to some ancient structure, and are now used by the washerwomen to beat their linen upon. A little southward of this spot, on the top of the bank overlooking the sea beach, there is a building in a wood of olives, erected for the fair, which is held here on the 8th September, O.S., together with some sheds for selling cattle. Immediately below the castle, half way from thence to the sea side, in a garden surrounded with a hedge of bay, and containing some fig-trees and pot-herbs, I find, in a church of St. George, a fragment of a fluted column, and two or three others in the garden, one of which is in its original situation, and seems to indicate this place as the site of a temple. I found also a large hollowed block of stone in the neighbouring hedge. At the entrance of the castle, as well as in different parts of its walls, are seen some pieces of Hellenic wall of the third order of masonry, or that which is neither altogether polygonal nor quite regular.

§ 1.072  Such are the poor remains of Cyparissiae.
Pausanias is very brief in his description of this place. “On approaching Cyparissiae,” he says, “from Pylus, [old Navarino,] there is a source of water below the city near the sea; it is said to have been produced by Bacchus, who here struck the earth with his thyrsus; hence the fountain is called Dionysias. In Cyparissiae there is a temple of Apollo and another of Minerva Cyparissia. In the place called Aulon there is a temple of Aesculapius Aulonius. Near Aulon the river Neda separates Messenia from Eleia.” It is evident from these words, that the fountain situated to the southward of the Skala of Arkadhia is the ancient Dionysias. St. George seems to have fixed his abode in the temple of Apollo. Minerva, as usual with this deity, probably inhabited the acropolis or modern castle of Arkadhia. Aulon having been near the mouth of the Neda, and situated, if we may judge from its name, in a pass, probably occupied the Klidhi, where the church of St. John, which I passed yesterday at 11.25, in a position recommended by some fine sources of water, may, perhaps, stand on the site of the temple of Aesculapius.

§ 1.073  The Kazasi or Vilayeti of Arkadhia is divided into four Κόλια. 1. The Koli of Zurtza, which extends from Aisidhoro to the plain of Arkadhia. 2. Kambos, or the plain of Arkadhia. 3. Kondovuni, which contains the mountains south-eastward of the town towards the Vilayeti of Andrussa. 4. Sulima, which comprehends the mountains to the north-eastward towards Karitena, and reaches to near the Columns as the ruins of the Phigaleian temple are called.
1. The chief places in Zurtza are, Zurtza, Strovitzi, Glatza, Sarona, Alvena, Buzi, Pavlitza, Bartzeli. All these lie among the fertile hills at the foot of the mountain of Alvena, which are bounded to the south by the Neda, and are separated from the sea by the narrow maritime plain between that river and Ai Sidhoro. The country produces corn and oil.
2. Kambo contains not only the plain watered by the river of Arkadhia northward of the town, but all the country to the southward of Arkadhia which lies at the foot of the mountain of Aia, and extends to the shore, above which it is considerably elevated. The plain northward of the town is very fertile, and produces corn, wine, and oil, but all the villages are small: to the southward of Arkadhia, the principal places

§ 1.074  are, Filiatra, three hours from Arkadhia, containing 50 houses, and Gargaliano, of 150 houses, three hours farther; they are both similarly situated on an elevated plain, at a short distance from the coast, and cultivate wine, oil, and silk. At Filiatra the chief production is oil, of which the annual produce is 6000 barrels: Gargaliano annually produces 7000 barrels of wine. Ligudhista is a village of 40 houses, and of similar produce. The boundary of this Koli southward is the river Vrysomilo, an hour beyond Gargaliano, where the Vilayeti of Navarino begins, at three hours distance from Neokastro.
3. Kondovuni contains the mountains between Kambo and the Vilayeti of Andrussa; it has twenty-five villages, of which the largest, Varibopi, has only fifty houses. In the midst of this district is the town of Aia, which gives name to the mountain above Filiatra and Gargaliano. Aetos is another large village in the same mountain, towards Arkadhia. Both these places pay their dues separately, and are not considered as belonging to the Vilayeti of Arkadhia.
4. Sulima contains the mountains from the plain of Arkadhia north-eastward, nearly as far as the Columns. Sulima, the chief village, situated near the sources of the river which flows to Nisi,

§ 1.075  contains eighty houses. The other principal villages are Lapi, Sidherokastro, Klisura, Psari, Platania, Karamustafa, Kuvala, Mavromati. This Koli produces a little oil, but its chief produce is vallonea, butter, cheese, honey, sheep, and cattle.
The metropolitan Bishop of Arkadhia, or Christianopolis as it is called in the ecclesiastical books, has no suffragans. [His proper see is said to be a village in the Koli of Kambo, still called Christianu] His diocese includes the districts of Fanari, Karitena, Londari, and all the western coast between the rivers Rufeas and Longovardho; the latter joins the sea between Filiatra and Gargaliano. This district suffered greatly in the insurrection of 1770, as is testified by the ruins of two or three churches at Arkadhia, upon which the Turks wreaked their vengeance after the affair was over.

§ 1.076  CHAPTER III, MESSENIA. — ARCADIA.
March 4. At 7.40 I leave Arkadhia for Tripolitza, passing under the northern side of the Castle, and entering some low hills at the foot of Mount Paraskevi, on the side of which, one mile and a half east of the town, stands the village Vryses so called, because a fine stream here gushes out of the hill, and after turning several mills, and watering gardens, joins the sea a little below the place where we crossed it on approaching the town. Soon after having passed the olive plantations, the foot of the Cyparissian mountain meets that which, branching from Lycaeum, fills up the space between the Neda and the river of Arkadhia. The latter, before it enters the plain of Arkadhia, flows in a ravine between the two mountains. We cross over an uncultivated tract, overgrown for the most part with lentisk, oleander, and arbutus, of which last the fruit is now

§ 1.077  almost ripe: it is gathered, and serves, they tell me, to make brandy. We cross the river at 10.15, and at 10.45 two of its branches coming from the northern range, on the side of which are seen the villages of Marmaro, towards the sea, and of Sidherokastro, under a lofty summit, where are some ruins of a castle, which by the description is not Hellenic.
The direction of this mountain is nearly east and west, that on the Messenian, or southern side of the valley, runs about north-west and south-east, the Paraskevi, or summit above the town of Arkadhia, forming the north-western end of the range, where a turn to the west terminates in the castle of Arkadhia. After having passed the Paraskevi, the district called Kondovuni lies on our right, and consists of mountains which, as the name indicates, are of no great height, and which extend to the confines of Andrussa and Navarino. The highest summit of the Lycaean range, called Tetrazi, is seen occasionally to the north-east. As we advance, the hollow is overgrown with oaks, which cover also a great part of the hills on the right. The forest begins at 10.40, and continues as far as the opening into the plain of Messene, where we arrive at 2.20. In this interval we halt for a few minutes in the midst of the forest at 11.30, where, on the left, are seen the villages of Agrielea and Klisura, and on the right Varibopi, Vidhisova, and Botia.

§ 1.078  At 1, make another short halt at the guard house of the Kokhla Derveni, as this pass is called, and pay some paras to the poor guards in Albanian dresses who are stationed here.
The summit, called Makryplai covered with snow, now makes its appearance in front, a little to the left of our direction. At 2.10 the village of Mila is a mile distant, on the side of the right hand range; at half that distance are the ruins of an old castle on a rock, of the construction of the middle ages. The ridges of Kondovuni here terminate in Mount Ithome, an insulated lofty hill, to the south-eastward of which, when we have passed out into the plain, I perceive another hill of the same height, of a conical form and still more remarkable. It seems to be that called Evan by Pausanias. Between these two summits, on their eastern slope, stands the monastery of Vurkano, which now gives name to Mount Ithome. A little beyond the southern hill is the town of Andrussa. After emerging from the pass we skirt the roots of Mount Lycaeum in a north-east direction. To the south appear in the plain the villages of Alituri and Meligala on the north-west side of the heights of Mila.

§ 1.079  We now cross the head of the plain in the direction of the Makryplai summit.
On the foot of the range of hills which terminate the Messenian plains, and connect Mount Lycaeum with Makryplai, are several small hamlets, consisting chiefly of huts with thatched roofs. In the middle of the plain, by the side of our road, is a little grove of the finest plane-trees; not a single leaf is to be seen either on these or on the oaks. A river, now dry, passes near the grove, and winding towards the height of Mila there unites with some others. At 4.30 we arrive at an opening in the mountains, from whence one of these rivers issues, the ruined castle of Mila bearing WSW. Leaving the ravine on the left, we ascend the Makryplai, and cross it about two miles to the left of the summit. At 5.30 we fall into the road from Tripolitza to Andrussa, a little below a Khan near the summit of the pass, where I had intended to pass the night; but finding it filled by a Voivoda and his suite, we pass on half a mile to the guard-house of the Derveni of Makryplai, where I obtain a decent apartment belonging to an old Greek who farms the Derveni from the Voivoda of Londari: the revenue is derived from a small contribution paid by all passengers. Another room in the house is occupied by a Turk from Anapli, who visits me to learn the news, having heard that the French fleet is out. The Turks of the Morea, conscious of their weakness, are excessively alarmed lest the French should endeavour to excite an insurrection of the Greeks, and make a landing for that purpose in the Peninsula; and this fear acting on their cruel disposition renders them capable of committing any excesses against the Greeks, who are therefore as much alarmed at such reports as the Turks themselves.
From the highest point of the ascent of Makryplai I had a fine view of the great Messenian plains, bounded by Lycaeum, Ithome, Evan, and the range which stretches from Andrussa to the low point of Koroni, the fortifications of which were visible with the glass.

§ 1.080  March 5. — Between the Derveni and the summit of Makryplai, but nearer the latter and not in sight from either, I am told there is an ancient ruin in the middle of the ερημία, or forest, between the villages of Velanidhia and Keratries. It is called the castle of Xuria, a name often applied to such remains. All the offers that I can make to the Greek of the Derveni will not induce him to show me the road to this Paleokastro. He asserts that it is the headquarters of the robbers, who not long since murdered two travellers in the mountains above Londari. If there be any robbers here, my host is probably on good terms with them, as indeed with his small force it is prudent for him to be.
Leaving the Derveni at a little after 7, on a bright frosty morning, we descend along a paved road through a forest of oaks, which covers this part of the mountain, till at 8.30 we arrive at the foot of the mountain: the oaks are some of the finest I have yet seen in Greece; those of the Kokhla Derveni were crooked, and few of them of any great size; but the greater part of these are straight as well as large. Even these, however, are not to be compared to the hedge-row oaks of England, and not one of them has a perfectly handsome head. The forest is four or five miles in circumference, and belongs to the district of Londari. At 9, we arrive at the fountain of the Pasha as it is called, on the edge of the great plain of the Alpheius, but our road, instead of entering the plain, leaves it on the left, and after crossing a tributary of that river, traverses some low heights, the last roots of a mountain which separates the valleys of the two extreme branches of the Alpheius, and thus passes between Londari and Sinanu. At the latter place there are some remains of Megalopolis, by the natives called the ruins of Palea Arkadhia, the provincial

§ 1.082  name having become that of its ruined capital, by a sort of process analogous to that conversion of particulars into generals, and the reverse, of which there are so many instances in the transition of Hellenic into Romaic. The Palea now serves to distinguish Megalopolis from Arkhadhia, which name may, perhaps, have been substituted for Cyparissiae by some colony from Megalopolis, during the decline of the Roman empire.
We now approach the range which bounds the plain of the Alpheius on the east, as Lycaeum does on the west. This eastern range extends from Dhimitzana, which is seen in a lofty situation to the north, twelve or fifteen miles from our road, as far as Mount Khelmos, which lies eight or ten miles to the right. To the north of Khelmos there is another high summit, rising immediately opposite to Londari and Mount Makryplai; it is called Tzimbaru. At 10, we cross the river of Londari, and soon after another stream, which issues from the foot of the mountain near Rapsomati, a little village to our right. About three miles farther on the right, is another village, Gardhiki. We now ascend the pass, and look down to the left upon a rocky gorge, through which flows a torrent, called Gdhani.

§ 1.083  At 11.45, having arrived at the summit of the rocky ascent, I have a fine view of Karitena and its castle, situated at the northern or lower extremity of the same plain of Megalopolis, or of the upper Alpheius, which we have just been skirting at its southern extremity. Karitena is situated in a strong pass, defended by its castle, which stands on a very remarkable table-height. In the opposite direction are seen the peaked summits of Mount Taygetum, covered with snow. The mountain we pass is not very high or difficult. It was here that the two travellers are said to have been murdered by the robbers. We now descend into a marshy valley, opening into a plain, the middle of which, on the right, is occupied by a lake. The plain is three or four miles in diameter, surrounded with bare rocky hills without any cultivation, except round two or three small villages, one of which, to the south-west, is called Papari I observe some flocks of sheep and goats, and a great quantity of starlings. Having crossed the northern end of this plain in an ENE direction, we arrive, at 1.30, at the remains of a Paleokastro, consisting of a piece of wall of the third order, following the slope of a rocky flat-topped hill, which rises to the height of about fifty feet above the plain. The wall of the acropolis is traceable round the summit.

§ 1.084  These are probably the remains of Asea. A quarter of an hour farther, a fine source of water issues from the foot of the same height: it is called Frangovrysi, Frank-spring, and gives name to a Khan, which stands near the fountain, and is reckoned two hours and a half from Tripolitza. Towards the opposite side of the valley, at no great distance, there is another copious source.
The road afterwards crosses a marshy tract, and then ascends a rocky height, which divides the vale of Frangovrysi from that of Tripolitza. It is called Kravari, and seems to be the ancient Boreium. The road is paved both over the marsh and the mountain, which it crosses in a north north east direction, bending from thence to Tripolitza more northerly.
From the summit of the hill, the castle of Tripolitza is visible, but not the town. The scenery is most dismal, and reminds me of the first view of the plain of Argyrokastro, which it resembles, in being an uniform, marshy level, of great extent, inclosed within lofty, rugged mountains of limestone. But both these plains present a very different aspect in the spring, and are in fact very fertile districts if properly managed. An inundation called Taki appears in the corner to our right.

§ 1.085  The great elevation of the plain above the level of the sea is immediately evident from the comparative height of the mountains, which appear much lower here than they do from the side of Argos or of Megalopolis. Having descended into the plain, the road ceases to be paved, and at the end of four miles we arrive at the gates of the capital, of which nothing is seen but a small part of the walls, until we are close upon it.
On the highest point of a hill at the southern end of the city, a large tower serves for a citadel; the rest of the fortification consists of a poor Turkish wall, with small towers, which are rather more respectable than the wall, but are situated at great distances apart. The walls inclose within them several vacant spaces, where the rugged rock is seen in many places projecting above the soil. The houses are built of mud bricks like the other towns of the Morea, the streets are no less filthy and ill-paved, and the habitations in general equally wretched.
In the principal Mosque, among the barbarous columns of the portico, there is a fine Doric fluted shaft of white marble brought from the ruins of Tegea. There is another of the same material and dimensions in a smaller mosque near the Palace. The latter building surrounds a large square court not far from the great Mosque, and is a good specimen of the miserable magnificence of Turkey.

§ 1.086  March 6. — This forenoon I visit Mehmet Pasha, surnamed Vanli, as being a native of Van near the frontiers of Persia; my reception was marked with the ceremony and civility that no Turkish governor now dares refuse to an Englishman, but without the smallest appearance of cordiality, and I am told that the Vanli is considered as leaning to the French. He has fed his adherents at Constantinople so well, that he hopes to remain in his government another year. His most active partizan there is Dhimitri Paparagopulo, a Tripolitziote. This man began by carrying on a small business as a serraf, or broker, in which capacity he served Aly Effendi, a Turk of Tripolitza, who was ambassador at Paris. Dhimitri, having discovered that the Sultan was fond of French manufactures and wines, advised Aly to send him some as presents, and thus obtained favour for his patron, who in return procured the French protection for Dhimitri. Aly on his return to Constantinople was appointed Tersane-Tefterdar, or treasurer of the navy, an office intended as a check upon the Capitan Pasha, and Dhimitri rose so rapidly in his business of serraf, that he is now courted by a Pasha of Three Tails. Papadhopulo of Aios Petros, or St. Peter's, and Barbopulo of Tripolitza are of the same party, and under the favour of Vanli find their interest in oppressing all their fellow Christians who are in their power. So much do they resemble Turks, that X hear them called Papasoglu and Barboglu; and they are said to delight in giving their names this Turkish form.

§ 1.087  March 10. Τριπολιτζά, vulgarly pronounced Tripolitja, and called by the Turks Tarabolusa, is the chief town of a Kaza, bounded by those of Argos, Mistra, Londari, Karitena, and Kalavryta. St. Peter's properly belongs to it, but being inhabited entirely by Christians, it has been formed into a separate Vilayeti, under the government of a Greek Hodja-bashi, immediately responsible to the Pasha, who has found this the best mode of ensuring order, and collecting the revenue, in the difficult mountains which form that district. The Vilayeti of Tripolitza contains sixty villages, including those of St. Peter's. The town contains 2,500 houses, of which 1,000 are Greek. The walls were built about sixteen years ago, probably at the same time as those of Athens, which they much resemble in their paltry construction. The grass on the plain of Tripolitza is of a very fine quality, and so plentiful and long that there is a regular hay harvest. The climate differs from that of the maritime plains almost as much as the south of England from the south of France. In the winter the snow often lies very thick upon the plain for several days. It has now been raining, with little intermission, for five days, and there has been much thunder; the mountains around are covered with snow. Mount Khrepa, or Apanokrepa as it is generally called, which is the highest summit of Mount Maenalium, lies between Tripolitza and Mantineia, but nearer the former. Of the opposite, or eastern range, the summit is called Turniki, from a village of that name in one of the roads to Argos. Mount Malevo, in the direction of Aios Petros, and seen over the part of the range which bounds the plain of Tegea, is higher than either of these, to judge by the quantity of snow which crowns it. Its height is probably about 5,000 feet.

§ 1.088  March 11. — A sharp frost this morning. I ride out with Kyr Yanataki, agent of the English consul at Patra, to Paleo Episkopi, a ruined church on the site of Tegea, about three miles and a half on the road to Aios Petros. The position, though so near to Tripolitza, is not seen from it, the view being interrupted by a rising ground upon which stands a church of Aio Sosti (St. Saviour). This height is the summit of a low ridge which crosses from Mount Maenalium to the eastern range, and separates the course of the waters flowing to the Taki, from those which flow to another inundation near the village of Persova on the road which leads to Argos, over Mount Parthenium. Paleo Episkopi, or the old episcopal church, stands on a small height in the middle of the fields, on the right hand side of the road to St. Peter's, and is surrounded at a small distance by the remains of a wall apparently of the same date as the church, which is built of brick mixed with fragments of ancient architecture of white marble, together with plain wrought blocks and mutilated inscriptions of the same material. One of the latter I find very interesting, though consisting merely of names, as a part of these names are classed under the four φυλαί, or tribes of the citizens of Tegea mentioned by Pausanias. They are ranged under the four heads of
ΙΠΠΟΘΟΙΤΑΙ ΠΟΛΙΤΑΙ
ΕΠ ΑΘΑΝΑΙΑΝ ΠΟΛΙΤΑΙ
ΚΡΑΡΙΩΤΑΙ ΠΟΛΙΤΑΙ
ΑΠΟΛΛΩΝΙΑTAI
after which follows a long list of METOIKOI, or sojourners. In our copies of Pausanias the names are written ιπποθοίτις, Αθανεάτις, Κλαρεώτις, and Άνολλωνίάτίς. I measured here a piece of architrave of which the metope was one foot in breadth, the length of the glyphs of the triglyph one foot eight inches. I found also, lying on the ground, the trunk of a white marble statue, measuring ten inches and a half from the hip-bone to the arm-pit. The form is elegant, but no part, except the back, preserves its surface.
After passing an hour here we ride to the little village of Akhuria, close to which my companion possesses a farm. The priest whose house we enter sets before us a menestra, or soup made of rice and salted star-fish, with a dish of boiled wild onions, cold and without oil, nothing but salt, pepper, and vinegar being allowed in Lent; afterwards, on finding that I do not keep fast, he produces some eggs and better wine than I got in the city, though as light in body as in colour, and deriving its flavour entirely from the turpentine with which it is fortified to prevent its turning sour in the spring.
The Plain of Tegea, which lies on a lower level than that of Tripolitza, presents a very different aspect, being almost entirely cultivated with corn and vines. It produces excellent wheat and barley.

§ 1.091  Kalambokki is chiefly grown in the lowest part, near the Taki, where a great part of the ground now inundated is dry in the summer. The slope of the land, though scarcely perceptible, is such that the upper part of the plain of Tegea is well drained into this lake. In many parts the soil appears stony and light, in others it is a rich black loam. From Akhuria we ride to Piali a village belonging to Yanataki, where, in the church, which is in ruins and without a roof, I find many fragments of the ancient Tegea, such as pieces of fluted columns of white marble, and a fragment of architrave, with a caput bovis for the metope; but the most remarkable remains at Piali are the foundations of an ancient building near the church, formed of fine squared stones, among which are two pieces of some large columns of white marble. They are so much buried in the ground, that the only dimension I could obtain was the chord of the fluting, measuring eight inches; the fluting Doric, whereas some of those in the columns in the church appeared to be Ionic. The small marble Doric columns in the mosques of Tripolitza are known to have been brought ten years ago from Piali, where they were dug out of a pond near the church, on the side of which some lofty white poplars are now growing.

§ 1.092  The Papas says that fifteen of the small columns were then taken out, but he cannot inform me what became of them all. It is said that some steps of marble, deeply worn by use, were found in the same pond. The excavation, where the fragments of the great columns are still lying, is more recent, and has been made for the purpose of obtaining building materials. The great columns must be broken, before they can be of any use to modern workmen, and I cannot learn that any of them have yet been so treated; so that perhaps the masons, finding these great cylinders of hard marble too intractable, may resort to some new excavation, or be satisfied with the foundation stones, which are of a stone less hard. Though the proximity of so large a modern town as Tripolitza must have been injurious to the preservation of the remains of Tegea, the deep alluvial soil of its site, on the other hand, is favourable to the concealment of such treasures, and may still contain some of the works of Grecian art, which remained there at the end of the second century.
The principal objects then observed by Pausanias were, a stadium near the Temple of Minerva Alea, formed entirely of embankments

§ 1.093  of earth, without any seats of stone; here were celebrated two gymnastic contests, called Alaea and Halotia. On the northern side of the temple was the fountain Auge, and three stades distant from it the Temple of Hermes Aepytus. There were temples also of Minerva Poliatis and of Diana Hegemone. The agora contained a temple of Venus, surnamed εν πλίνθω, or “Venus in the tile”, from the shape of the agora; the statue of the goddess was of marble. There were two στήλαι, or pillars, upon one of which were represented in high relief four Tegeate legislators; on another a citizen of Tegea, who had been victorious at Olympia. On a third pillar, the figure of Mars Gynaecothaenas was wrought in low relief. The agora contained likewise, an altar of Jupiter Teleius, with a quadrangular statue, “a form in which,” adds Pausanias, “the Arcadians seem to me greatly to delight;” also, monuments of Tegeatas, son of Lycaon, and his wife, Maera, daughter of Atlas; — a temple and statue of Lucina, surnamed εγ γόνασι, or “on the knees,” near which was an altar of the Earth; — and two pillars of white marble, bearing

§ 1.094  in relief the figures of Polybius and of Elatus, son of Areas. Near the agora was the theatre containing the pedestals of some brazen statues, which had been removed; one of the pedestals had supported a statue of Philopoemen, and was inscribed with an elegy of eight lines in his honour.
In other parts of Tegea Pausanias remarked “statues erected by each of the four tribes of the Tegeatae, to Apollo Agyieus — a temple of Ceres and Proserpine, surnamed the Fruit-bearers, and near it a temple of Venus Paphia — two temples of Bacchus — an altar of Proserpine — a temple of Apollo, containing a gilded statue by Cheirisophus of Crete, by which stood a statue of Cheirisophus himself in marble — the Common Hearth of the Arcadians-, containing a statue of Hercules, with a wound in the thigh — the house of Aleus — and the monument of Echemus, with a pillar on which was represented in relief the battle of Echemus and Hyllus.” But of all the buildings or monuments at Tegea the most remarkable was “the temple of Minerva Alea, originally built by Aleus, the founder of the city, and renewed afterwards in a magnificent manner by the Tegeatae.”

§ 1.095  The second temple having been burnt in the last year of the 96th Olympiad, (BC 395) the Tegeatae employed Scopas, of Paros, to build a third, “a man,” adds Pausanias, “who has made many statues as well in Greece as in Ionia and Caria.”
The Aeti, or pediments of the temple, were adorned with works of entire statuary. In the front Aetus was represented the hunting of the boar of Calydon. The centre was occupied by the boar, on one side of which were Atalante, Meleager, Theseus, Telamon, Peleus, Pollux, Iolaus, Prothous, Cometes; on the other side were Epochus supporting Ancaeus, who was represented as wounded and dropping his axe, then Castor and Amphiaraus, Hippothous, and lastly Peirithous. The Aetus at the back of the temple contained the contest of Telephus and Achilles in the plain of the Caicus. After the battle of Actium, Augustus, displeased with the Tegeatae for having espoused the cause of Antonius in conjunction with all the other Arcadians except the Mantinenses, carried away from Tegea an ancient ivory statue of Minerva Alea by Endoeus, together with the teeth of the Calydonian boar, leaving the skin, which, with some other dedications more remarkable for curiosity than beauty, still remained in the temple at Tegea in the time of Pausanias. The statue of Minerva was placed in the entrance of

§ 1.096  the forum of Augustus at Rome, and one of the teeth in the temple of Bacchus in Caesar's gardens; the other was said to have been broken.
The statue of Minerva which Pausanias found in the temple of Alea had been brought from the demus of the Manthurenses, where it was called the statue of Minerva Hippia. Aesculapius and Hygieia, made of Pentelic marble by Scopas, stood on either side of the goddess. Her altar was of high antiquity, and rich with works in relief. The temple of Minerva Alea,” adds Pausanias, “far excels all the temples in Peloponnesus, both in magnitude and in the other particulars of its construction. The columns are of three orders, first, Doric, then Corinthian, and on the outside of the temple Ionic.” The same testimony as to the superior magnificence of the temple of Minerva Alea is repeated by him in speaking of that of Apollo at Bassae, near Phigaleia, which he describes as “inferior to none of the temples of Peloponnesus, except that of Tegea, either in the beauty of its material or the harmony of its construction.”

§ 1.097  I have already observed, that the material of the temple of Jupiter at Olympia, was a soft conchite limestone; that of Phigaleia, if I am not misinformed, is of an ordinary, though very hard, kind of limestone. It seems to follow, therefore, from the words of Pausanias alone, that the temple of Minerva Alea was of white marble; and hence it is highly probable that the large columns which I saw at Piali belonged to that building. Those columns are about five feet in diameter. Now, unless the temple of Alea was decastyle, these dimensions are too small to have belonged to the outer peristyle, since Pausanias gives us to understand that the temple of Alea was larger than the Olympian temple, which was nearly of the same size as the Parthenon. In the Olympian, which was a hexastyle, the columns were more than seven feet in diameter: in the Athenian, which was an octastyle, they were upwards of six. It is clear, moreover, from Pausanias, that the outer peristyle of the temple of Minerva Alea was not Doric, but Ionic; for his words, εκτός του ναού are precisely those which he makes use of in describing the peristyle of the temple of Jupiter at Olympia. One can only infer, therefore, that the Doric columns formed an order within the cell, though for what reason Pausanias could have described this order as πρωτος, or the first, it seems difficult to understand; by

§ 1.098  the words επί τούτω, “above this order,” he probably meant an upper range of small columns supporting the roof, like those still existing at Paestum. Perhaps future excavations will bring to light some Ionic columns of still larger dimensions than the great Doric columns at Piali. The smaller Doric columns, which have been removed from Tegea to the mosques of Tripolitza, may have belonged to one of the other temples mentioned by Pausanias, and not to the temple of Minerva Alea; or possibly to a colonnade round the pond, which seems, by the steps I have mentioned, to have once belonged to the hierum of Minerva Alea.
There are a few plantations of mulberries about Piali; neither in these nor any of the few other trees which are seen on the site of Tegea is there any appearance of spring. The corn is just above ground. The part of the plain to the south of the height of Aio Sosti is about ten miles in circumference, and contains fifteen or twenty villages. Tegea stood at the northern end of it, and it seems not improbable, that the height upon which the church of Aio Sosti stands was the χώριον ύψηλον, or high place, mentioned by Pausanias as sacred to Jupiter Clarius, on which there were many altars, and where an εορτή, or festival, was celebrated. I am assured at Piali that walls can be traced from a little

§ 1.099  village on the eastern side of this height, round by Paleo-Episkopi to Piali, which is one mile and a half from Aio Sosti. This would make Tegea three or four miles in circumference. I did not procure a single coin at Piali, whereas at Ibrahim Effendi, a little hamlet a mile to the north-west, where we rode afterwards, the peasants brought me fifty in the course of a few minutes, all found in ploughing near Paleo-Episkopi. Some of these are of Arcadia, and one or two of Tegea itself, but the greater part are of the Lower Empire, at which period it is probable that Tegea was reduced to a small town round the church, which is certainly of a remote period of Christianity, and, from its present name, appears to have been once the cathedral of a bishopric.
All the wells which I saw about the villages on the site of Tegea are formed of ancient materials, chiefly of white marble. These wells yield excellent water. In our way back to Tripolitza we ride up to the village and church of Aio Sosti. It commands a fine view of the whole plain of Tegea, with the surrounding mountains, Cresium, Boreium, Maenalium, Parthenium; to the north is seen the plain of Tripolitza, together with the south-eastern part of that of Mantinia inclosed between the parallel ridges of Maenalium and Artemisium. The remainder of the Mantineian plain is shut out by an eastern projection of the heights of Mount Khrepa. To the westward of Aio Sosti the country swells into gentle risings, reaching as far as the low ridge which runs to Tripolitza from Mount Boreium. This ridge forms a natural separation between the valley of Pallantium and that of Tegea. The road from Frangovrysi to the capital traverses the whole length of the former.
In returning to Tripolitza we overtake Kyr Anagnosti Papasoglu, the Greek governor of Aios Petros, with pistols at his girdle, and preceded by three Albanian soldiers, going on a visit to the Pasha. He generally travels with twenty or thirty armed Albanians, but does not venture to make his appearance before the Turkish court with more than his present escort.

§ 1.100  March 12. — I ride with Kyr Yanataki to Paleopoli, as the site of Mantineia is now called; set out at 9.30, a cold foggy morning. Arrive there in little more than an hour, the distance about eight miles. The road, which in some places is muddy, passes along the foot of Mount Khrepa to a projecting point, where a low ridge of rocks extends for some distance into the plain, opposite to a projection of the eastern mountains, and thus forms a natural division in it. By the road side I saw the foundations of a Hellenic wall. Proceeding we soon find ourselves opposite to the monastery and small village of Tzipiana, in the road which leads from Tripolitza to Argos by Turniki, over the highest part of the mountain anciently called Artemisium. There are said to be twenty monks in the convent, which stands on the side of a rock at a considerable elevation above the plain. Our road turns afterwards to the north, and then crosses the plain of Mantineia diagonally, leaving to the left the Kalavryta road, which continues to the northern extremity of the plain, where it ascends a ridge which forms a natural separation between the Mantinice and Orchomenia. The plain of Mantineia is not much cultivated. The corn-fields are just beginning to look green; in other parts the labourers are ploughing the ground which is to lie fallow this year. In the vineyards they are cutting down the last year's shoots, and hoeing the ground into little hillocks; this seems to be the severest kind of labour. I saw a very young girl and a boy still younger at the plough in a field by the roadside as I passed by in the morning, and when I returned in the evening they were still at work. The only supper after a day of such fatigue in this season of fast, is probably a lump of bread made of maize.

§ 1.102  It is not surprising that the women all look old at thirty. The men bear want and hard labour better; but though strong, they have a wrinkled weatherbeaten countenance before they are full grown. When sick they have no physician but nature. The vineyards in this plain have a square vat of masoniy built in the field for treading the grapes, after which operation the juice, in skins, is carried into the villages Kalambokki in the plains of Tegea and Mantineia is sown in the end of April and beginning of May, when the inundated parts are clear of water; the grain is reaped in September.
Among the scenes of desolation which Greece presents in every part, there is none more striking to the traveller who has read Pausanias, than the Mantinice. Instead of the large fortified city, and the objects which dignified the approach from Tegea, namely, the Stadium, Hippodrome, Temple of Neptune, and other monuments, the landscape now presents only rocky ridges, inclosing a still more naked plain, where not a single tree can be found to represent the wood of oaks and cork-trees, called Pelagus, or the groves and gardens which we may suppose to have been maintained in constant verdure in such a temperate climate as that of this elevated plain, by its copious supply of water.
Mantineia, like Tegea, was situated entirely

§ 1.103  in the plain, and nearly in its lowest part, as appears by the course of the waters. It bad not even the advantage of such a rising ground as that of Aio Sosti at Tegea, at the same time that the insulated rocky height of Gurtzuli seems to have been inconveniently near, when not forming a part of the defences. In the existing ruins I could not discover any citadel, or interior inclosure of any kind. The circuit of the walls is entire, with the exception of a space of four or five towers on the eastern side; in no place are there more than three courses of masonry existing above the ground, and this height is so uniform that one cannot but believe that the remainder of the works was constructed in sun-baked brick, as it appears to have been when Agesipolis, by means of the little river Ophis, which flowed through the city, made an inundation which submerged the foundations, and effected a breach in the superstructure. As it is difficult to conceive the possibility of forming from the rivulets of the Mantinice an inundation, sufficiently deep to cover the existing remains, it is probable that when Mantineia was again fortified, soon after the battle of Leuctra, a repetition of the former disaster was guarded against, by giving a greater height

§ 1.104  to the foundations, which, in such a marshy level, must always have been of stone, and thus the fortification, according to the ideas of Pausanias, answered every purpose; “for walls,” he observes, “made of crude brick are the best against military engines, but when exposed to the action of water they dissolve like wax before the sun.” The masonry approaches the most regular kind, but the courses are not always equal and horizontal, nor the stones always rectangular; and there are also some perfect specimens of the polygonal, or second order, which may be parts of the more ancient work. As in the generality of Hellenic walls, the facing only of the work is constructed with large wrought stones put together without cement; the middle being filled up with a rubble of broken stones mixed with mortar: the inner facing was two feet thick, the outer four feet, the rubble four feet, total ten feet. The form of the city was slightly elliptical, and about equal to a circle of 1250 yards in diameter, or two miles and a quarter in circumference. The number of towers, if I reckoned right, is 118, the curtains are generally about eighty feet long, the towers twenty-three feet in the face, and thirteen in the flanks. There were ten gates, the approach to which was carefully defended; the mode varies in almost all of them, and furnishes a

§ 1.105  curious illustration of Greek military architecture. The following figure will give an idea of one of them.
The entire circuit of the walls is protected by a wet ditch, formed by a small stream, which flows in from the east, and, embracing the city so as to make it an island, flows westward from the opposite extremity. Though formed by a running stream, the ditch is almost stagnant. I found a great number of serpents sleeping in the sun on the edge of the ditch, under the walls. Manlineia, being more distant than Tegea from Tripolitza, has probably not been so much disturbed by masonic depredations. Indeed, I should think an excavation would give nearly a complete plan of the town; for the foundations of the houses and the line of the streets are in some places apparent.
When Pausanias visited Mantineia, it had recently received great favours from the Emperor Hadrian, chiefly for the sake of his favourite, Antinous, who was a native of Bithyneium on the Sangarius, which was a colony of Mantineia. Hadrian directed a temple of Antinous to be

§ 1.106  built at Mantineia, a τελετή, or annual ceremony, to be celebrated in honour of him, and games every fifth year in the Stadium, at the same time that the ancient name Mantineia was restored to the city, in place of that of Antigoneia, which had been attached to it in honour of Antigonus Gonatas, King of Macedonia. The following were the monuments which Pausanias observed within the city. First, “a double temple, divided in the middle by a wall, and containing in one part a statue of Aesculapius by Alcamenes, in the other statues of Latona and her children, by Praxiteles. On the pedestal which supported the latter a muse was represented in relief, with Marsyas playing on the pipe. Here were also a figure of Polybius in relief on a pillar, and temples of Jupiter Soter, of Jupiter Epidotus, and of the Dioscuri;” in a different part of the town there was a temple of Ceres, and Proserpine, in which a perpetual fire was maintained. Near the theatre stood a temple of Juno, containing three statues, by Praxiteles, namely, Juno seated on a throne, with her daughter Hebe and Minerva standing by her. Near the altar of Juno was the tomb of Areas, which, by command

§ 1.107  of the oracle of Delphi, was brought hither from Triodi in Mount Maenalium. Not far from the theatre there were two monuments; that called the Common Hearth, was circular, and was said to be the tomb of Autonoe; on the other was a pillar, upon which Gryllus, son of Xenophon, was represented in relief, mounted on a horse. Behind the theatre were the ruins of the temple of Venus Symmachia, which had been erected in commemoration of the alliance of the Romans and Mantinenses, in the seafight at Actium. The statue had been removed, but an epigram on the basis, shewed that it had been dedicated by Nicippe. There were also a temple and statue of Minerva Alea, a temple of Antinous, and a house in the Gymnasium, which, besides containing statues of Antinous, was remarkable for its marbles and pictures, of which the greater part were portraits of Antinous in the character of Bacchus. “I never saw this man” adds Pausanias, “while he was living, but I have seen many statues and pictures of him.” The same building contained an imitation of a picture of the battle of Mantineia

§ 1.108  which was in the Cerameicus at Athens. In the agora of Mantineia there was a brazen statue of Deomeneia, and the heroum of Podares, who distinguished himself in the battle of Mantineia, next to Gryllus and Cephisodorus; but the designation of another Podares, a descendant of the former, had been substituted upon the monument, three generations before the time of Pausanias, in place of that of the hero himself.
The theatre of Mantineia still exists in part; it stood towards the north side of the inclosure, about midway between the centre of the city and the walls. Its diameter was about 240 feet. A part of the circular wall which supported the cavea remains, and is of polygonal masonry.
On the north-eastern side of the city, just within the walls, are the Kalyvia of Paleopoli, where two huts now contain all the inhabitants of Mantineia. [Τα Καλυβια, the Huts, is commonly applied in Greece to a hamlet inhabited by the labourers of a village or convent, which may be too distant to be a convenient residence for them.] They form part of a tjiftlik belonging to a Turk of Tripolitza, who has lately built on the side of the neighbouring hill eight or ten houses, which having also been called Paleopoli, the huts within the ancient walls have become a Kalyvia, or dependent hamlet; and thus the proud city, one of the eyes of Arcadia,

§ 1.109  has become a dependency of a farm of an Asiatic barbarian.
To the north of Mantineia rises the high conical insulated hill already alluded to, upon which stands the village of Gurtzuli.
From the ruins I rode up to the tjiftlik, or ζευγαλατία, of Paleopoli, and afterwards to Gurtzuli, which consists of twelve or fifteen houses, together with the Pyrgo of the Aga who owns the village. On the summit of the hill there is a ruined church, shaded by some holly-oaks, from whence there is an extensive view of the plain and surrounding mountains. To the northeast is seen the village of Pikerni, or Pikernes, now the largest in the Mantinice. It is situated in a recess of the Artemisian range; a torrent running by the village receives the water of a fountain from the southern side of the valley, and then descends to Paleopoli, near which it is joined by a smaller rivulet from the southward. The united stream, as I have already remarked, then separates again, and after having encircled the ancient walls, again flows in a single body to the north-west, where it is joined by a larger rivulet which, descending from the part of Mount Artemisium near Tzipiana, passes along the plain to the westward of the ruins. The

§ 1.110  united waters then stagnate in the plain, or when sufficiently copious find a subterraneous exit by a Katavothra, as the Moreites call those subterraneous channels which are frequent in the limestone mountains of the Peninsula. Indeed, so many of the valleys of Arcadia are surrounded on every side with mountains, that without such a provision of nature, they must be lakes, or at least uncultivable marshes. Even with the assistance of the Katavothra there are lakes or marshes in almost all the valleys. The Mantinic plain is so dead a level, that it is marshy during all the winter months and great part of the spring.
At Gurtzuli we found none but women, the men being all at work in the fields. In reply to our request for refreshment, they protested that they had not anything eatable in the village; but as this assertion would not pass muster with Kyr Yanataki, they produced at length some eggs, wine, and wheaten bread for me, and for my companion some cold bean porridge of yesterday, which, being a solid mass, is sliced and eaten with salt and vinegar: during our meal

§ 1.111  our hostesses bring me a great number of coins, and I procure several more on returning to the ruins from the men and boys of the Kalyvia, who plough the corn fields which now occupy all the space within the ancient walls. Some of these are just brought to light by the plough; the silver were all of Sicyon. They tell me that none find medals but those who work at Paleo-poli.
The Hippodrome and Stadium of Mantineia as Pausanias informs us, were at the foot of Mount Alesium, at no great distance from the city, on the road to Tegea; Alesium is thus identified with the projection of the range of Artemisium, which closes the vale of Pikernes on the south; I could not however trace any remains either of the Hippodrome or Stadium. The latter must have been at least half a mile from the walls, for the temple of Neptune, near which it stood, was seven stades distant from them. On the mountain itself there was a grove of Ceres. I purchased from a peasant of Pikernes a curious little relique, which seems once to have been a dedication in the grove of Ceres. It is a small herm surmounted with a head of Ceres, or at least with an ideal female head, having a lock of hair hanging on either

§ 1.112  shoulder, the usual indication of divinity; on the neck are the words ΧΡΙΩΝΙΣ ΔΑΜΑΤΡΙ — Chrionis to Ceres.
Mount Maenalium, which forms a continued ridge along the western side of the plains of Tripolitza and Paleopoli, is now deeply covered with snow, amidst which appears a scattered forest of firs: the mountain for the most part is a bare white limestone. Mount Turniki, the ancient Artemisium, is of equal height, and also produces firs.
Having passed the whole day at Gurtzuli, or at the ruins, employing the theodolite, sextant, and tape, I return by the same road to Tripolitza, where we arrive at sunset, having halted only a few minutes at the rocky point already mentioned, which projects from the Maenalian range — not because any thing is now to be seen here more than I before described, but because it seems quite clear to me that this was the place called Scope, where Epaminondas expired in the arms of victory, and near which his monument, erected on the spot where he fell, still remained in the time of Pausanias. “After proceeding” , says that careful observer, “thirty stades on the road from Mantineia to Pallantium, the grove called Pelagus is near the road; here the cavalry of the Athenians and Lacedaemonians fought against that of

§ 1.113  the Boeotians, Epaminondas being wounded, was carried out of the battle. Holding his hand upon the wound, and in great pain, he continued to view the engagement from the place, which was afterwards called Scope, until seeing that the combat was at an end, he withdrew his hand and expired. He was buried where the action took place. Upon the tomb stands a column, bearing a shield, upon which a serpent is represented in relief; the serpent signifies that Epaminondas was of the race of the Sparti. There are pillars on the monument, one of which is ancient, and bears a Boeotian epigram, the other was raised by the Emperor Hadrian, who composed also the epigram which is upon it” There is no doubt that the rocky point in question was on the ancient road from Mantineia to Pallantium; for Pallantium, if not upon the site of Tripolitza, must have been exactly in that direction from Mantineia. The wood Pelagus occupied the middle of the plain; for the road from Mantineia to Tegea passed through it; and it is evident, from the passage just translated, that the wood extended westward nearly to the Pallantium road. The space between the foot of the mountain and the forest was the place therefore where the cavalry of the two armies fought. The narrow opening between the two opposite mountains formed a natural limit between the Mantinice and Tegeatice, and the evidence of Pausanias concurs in showing that here was the frontier of the two districts. He says, “Beyond the temple of Neptune,” (which, as I have already remarked, was seven stades from the walls on the road to Tegea) “you arrive at a place full of oaks, called Pelagus, through which leads the road from Mantineia to Tegea: the boundary between the Mantinenses and Tegeatae is an altar in the road.”

§ 1.114  March 14 and 15. — Frost and snow. I measure the column-shaft, from Tegea, which stands in the corner of the gallery of the second mosque; it tapers, is formed of a single block of white marble, and is eight feet two inches in height; there are twenty flutings, each three inches and three quarters in the chord; the diameter, therefore, is about two feet. I enter the mosque, but find nothing remarkable.
The Greek bishop who resides at Tripolitza is called Bishop of Moukhla, and takes his title from a ruined town of the Lower Empire, which lies to the left of the road from Tripolitza to Argos over Mount Partheni, as the ancient Parthenium is still called. The Bishop is a suffragan of the metropolitan of Lacedaemon. It is supposed by the Greeks that Moukhla was a settlement from Amyclae of Laconia, and that it was one of the three places which were united to form Tripolitza, the other two being Tegea and Mantineia; an hypothesis preferable perhaps to that which supposes Pallantium, Tegea, and Mantineia to have been the three places; since, besides the authority of tradition in its favour, there is the consideration that even in the time of Pausanias Pallantium was chiefly supported by ancient recollections, and had probably ceased to exist long before the foundation of Tripolitza.

§ 1.115  March 16. — I ride out in search of Pallantium; first making half the circuit of the walls of the town by going out at the Kalavryta gate, and then turning to the left and riding round to the Londari road, or that by which I arrived on the 5th. I then leave the Londari road to the left, and ascend over the rocky roots of Mount Maenalium, until I come to the aqueduct which supplies the castle of Tripolitza; this I follow among the gorges, until I arrive at the spring which supplies it; the source is very copious, and is situated in a little rocky hollow, resembling, on a small scale, the valley of the Tombs of the Kings of Thebes in Egypt, except that here a patch of corn covers the bottom. This, however, is not the only source

§ 1.116  that feeds the aqueduct; it is joined by another conduit from a valley at the foot of Mount Kravari, or Boreium, on the left of the road to Londari. From the springs I ride directly up the side of one of the rocky hills, and having arrived at the summit, look down upon a small village situated among the mountains, called Sylimna, behind which, on the northern side, rises a peaked height: the fountains and rivulets around, all run into the river of David: which comes from the north through a narrow valley, dividing Mount Khrepa from the ranges which follow the eastern side of the plain of Megalopolis.
The river of Davia is certainly the Helisson, one of the branches of the Alpheius; its principal sources are at Alonistena, a village in Mount Maenalium, on the way to Vitina. I descend to Sylimna; from whence, finding no vestiges of antiquity there, I continue the descent into the valley: then, leaving the village of Karteroli, and the Karitena road to the left, turn along the roots of Mount Khrepa, and arrive at a mill, supplied by a rivulet flowing directly from the southernmost summit, where, in a very lofty situation facing the south, is seen the monastery of the All-holy Virgin upon Khrepa. I follow the mill-stream into a little retired valley

§ 1.117  at the foot of the Apano-Khrepa on the western side, and leaving a pyrgo, and some cottages belonging to a Turk, as well as another little Kalyvia on the left, fall into one of the roads which lead from the villages in the valley of the Helisson to Tripolitza, and which all join the Karitena road near a pass through the rocky height at the back of the city, which leads directly to the Karitena gate, or the first from the castle towards the north. I was told of a Paleokastro near Sylimna, but it proved to be nothing but a ruined church on the top of a rock. The retired valley at the western foot of Mount Khrepa could not, I think, have been very far from the site of Maenalus, though I could not hear of any remains of antiquity in that direction. As to Pallantium, it must clearly have been on the eastern side of the Maenalian ridge, for the Pallantic plain is certainly that which I traversed in its whole length, in the road from Frangovrysi, and which terminates at the castle of Tripolitza. Thana, a village standing on the ridge which bounds the Pallantic valley eastward, and situated between two and three miles southward of Tripolitza, is supposed by the Greeks of the city to have once been a considerable town, but there are

§ 1.118  scarcely any indications of Hellenic antiquity at that place, and upon the whole I am inclined to think, that Pallantium occupied a part of Tripolitza itself; which would at once account for the want of any remains of Pallantium, all such having been lost in subsequent constructions. The castle-hill is perhaps that, which Pausanias describes as having once been the acropolis of Pallantium, and upon which there existed in his time a sanctuary of the gods, surnamed Cathari, or the Pure; for it is almost inconceivable that this height, which stands at the opening of the principal pass leading from the Mantinico-Tegeatic plain over the Maenalium range into the Megalopolitis, and in so commanding a position with regard to the two most important of the Arcadian plains, should not have been occupied by the ancients.
Pallantium was one of the oldest cities in Arcadia, but it had dwindled to a small town when Antoninus Pius again raised it to the rank of a city, and bestowed upon it freedom and an immunity from tribute. These favours were conferred upon Pallantium, in consideration of its having been the metropolis from whence Evander brought a colony to Rome, and from which one of the hills of Rome received the name of Palatine. Virgil, however, it must be observed,

§ 1.119  does not agree in this respect with Antoninus, as he supposes Evander to have come from Pheneus. Notwithstanding the emperor's patronage, Pallantium scarcely revived, as seems clear from the manner in which Pausanias, who visited the place soon after its restoration, speaks of the acropolis. In the town he remarked only a temple of Pallas, with statues of Pallas and Evander in marble, a temple of Ceres and Proserpine, and near it a statue of Polybius.

§ 1.120  CHAPTER IV: ARCADIA. — LACONIA.
March 17 — I leave Tripolitza at 9 for Mistra, with one of the Pasha's Tartars, by whose assistance I advance at the rate of four miles and a half an hour. After losing twenty minutes, we begin at 10.45 to ascend the ridge, which appears, from the words of Pausanias, to have been called Cresium; for after observing that Choma, which was on the northern side of Mount Boreium, was the boundary of the Megalopolitae towards Pallantium and Tegea, he adds, that in proceeding from thence to Tegea, Cresium was a small mountain on the right hand. The inundation called Taki is not far from us on the right; the plain around this lake appears, from another part of the passage of Pausanias just referred to, to have been the Manthuric, or plain of the demus Manthurenses; it is not so well

§ 1.120  cultivated or inhabited, nor nearly so extensive as the part of the Tegeatic plain which remains on our left. The inundation terminates in a katavothra, or cavern, at the foot of a perpendicular cliff in Mount Kravari. There is a constant stream running into the mountain through the cavern, which is very conspicuous from our road, though inaccessible at this time of the year on account of the inundation. It is this cavern which gives the name of Taki to the inundation, from its arched form, the word being derived from the Persian tauk, an arch. The stream of the Taki has probably an outlet in the plain of Asea, the level of which seems to be between those of Tegea and Megalopolis. Having crossed the ridge of Cresium, we descend into the vale of the Saranda Potamo, a fine torrent running northward. It is joined by several streams from the steep sides of the great mountain which rises from the eastern side of the Tegeatic plain, and the snows of which are rapidly melting by the heat of this day's sun.
The part of this mountain which was crossed on the road from Tegea to Argos was called Parthenium. Its prolongation southward forms a continuous ridge with the mountains on the eastern side of Laconia. The Saranda Potamo disappears under the rocks to our right, near the place we first came upon it From this

§ 1.122  peculiarity it is evidently the Alpheius, for Pausanias thus describes the road I am following: “On the road from Tegea into the Laconice, at the distance of two stades from the city, there is an altar of Pan on the left of the road, and another of Jupiter Lycaeus; there are foundations also of the temples of those deities. Seven stades farther stands a temple of Diana Limnatis, with a statue of ebony, of the workmanship which the Greeks called Aeginaean. Ten stades from thence are the ruins of the temple of Diana Cnaceatis. The Alpheius forms the boundary between the Tegeatae and Lacedaemonians: its source is at Phylace, not far from which a stream rising from many small fountains flows into it, and gives to the place of junction the name of Σύμβολα, or the Confluence. The Alpheius differs very much in its nature from other rivers, for it often hides itself and appears again. Flowing from Phylace and the Symbola, it descends into the earth in the Tegeatice, then rising again in the Asaea,” &c.

§ 1.123  Were it not for the announcement of the road in the beginning of this passage, it might be doubtful which of the two subterraneous rivers of the Tegeatice (or rather of the southern part of the Tegeatice, for there is a third near the modern Persova, at the foot of Mount Parthenium) was the true Alpheius, but Pausanias was following the direct road to Sparta, which, from the nature of the country, could have been no other than the modern route from Tripolitza to Mistra; and he had already spoken, in his route from Megalopolis by Asea to Tegea, of the Manthuric plain, the waters of which flow into the mountain at the Taki, though he has not noticed that subterraneous discharge.
We follow up the ravine of the Saranda Potamo, closely confined between rocky hills, and frequently cross the river, till at 12.20 we arrive at a Khan which is named Krya Vrysis, cold spring, from a neighbouring copious source, the stream from which is joined by a river from the mountain to the eastward. The Krya Vrysis appears to be what Pausanias calls the source of the Alpheius, and the eastern branch that which he designates as originating in many small fountains. The confluence of the two was the Symbola. As Phylace was not far from the source of the Alpheius and the Symbola, it could not have been very distant from the modern Krya Vrysi, but I do not observe any remains of antiquity.

§ 1.124  Phylace and the course of the eastern branch of the Alpheius, seem to have formed the frontier line of the Tegeatice and Laconice. Having halted ten minutes, we proceed along the ravine, with rocks on either side, but soon turn out of it to the east, and then, regaining the former direction, pass at 1.40 through a narrow strait called the Stenuri. Vervena, a village in the Vilayeti of Aios Petros is seen on the left, in a lofty situation under Mount Malevo, as the highest part of this range is called. It is in the vicinity of Vervena that the small streams have their origin, which unite to compose the eastern branch of the Alpheius. From the Stenuri we descend into a small plain, in which are many wild pear trees, and pass from thence through some narrow ravines and rocks, where two men could hardly march abreast, until, at 3.20, we arrive in the midst of this difficult country, at a Derveni, or guard-house, from whence appears on the left, on the southern slope of Mount Malevo, the village of Arakhova belonging to the Mistra Kazasi, or Vilayeti of Mistra.

§ 1.125  At 4 we arrive at the Khan of Krevata, so called from a Greek family of Mistra, one of whom built it; below it, on the east, is a little stream, and a few Kalambokki grounds: the waters flow to the Eurotas. We halt twenty minutes at the Khan, and then proceed over the same kind of mountains till 5, when, at the rise of one of them, the magnificent range of Taygetum presents itself to view, and Mistra is seen on a steep height, under the middle of it. The view of the plain before Mistra, in which Sparta was situated, is intercepted by the lower roots of the northern part of Taygetum. We continue descending the long slope of the Malevo range, enjoying occasionally a view of Mistra, of Mount Taygetum, and of the continuation of that range to the northward of Mistra, on the face of which are seen the large villages of Longastra, Bordhonia, and Ghiorghitza.
At 6.15 we enter the ravine of a winter torrent coming from the east, and at 6.20 cross the Kelafina, a wide, deep, and rapid stream, just above a small island; one of the loaded horses falls twice in the stream. Proceed along its left bank into the valley of the Iri, or Eurotas, cross that river at 6.35, and soon after enter among the roots of Taygetum, which, advancing to the eastward, terminate on the north side of Sparta, so nearly meeting the opposite range, of which we have been following the slopes, as to leave only a space for a narrow valley, in which the Kelafina joins the Iri, just above the site of Sparta. After passing for a short distance through the hills, we re-enter the plain, and arrive at Mistra at 7.35. The last hour and a half has not been performed at so quick a rate as the rest. The whole distance from Tripolitza is about forty-two miles by the road. The voivoda assigns me a lodging at the metropolitan bishop's.

§ 1.126  March 18th. Mistra and Argos being an appanage of the sultan's sister, are under a voivoda sent from Constantinople, who accounts to the sultan for the revenue of the district, and is local governor, subject to the general government of the pasha. He has two Greek assessors, who arrange all details of the collection. The person at present residing here, is only Vekil, or deputy of the sultana's chief agent, who is shortly expected from Constantinople. I visit this morning the acting voivoda and the kadi. The latter says, “the people here like me so well, that they are going to build me a new house, and I shall therefore remain with them.” It seems they have lately built one for the voivoda, and that the kadi's speech was directed to a Greek, who, as being

§ 1.127  agent of the English consul at Patra, had accompanied me in the visit, and who being also one of the chiefs of the Greek community, might have great influence in promoting the kadi's wish for a new house.
I ride up to the Castle of Mistra, and pass the rest of the morning at that important geographical station. The castle seems never to have been very formidably fortified, though it is strong by its position and great height; it is about five hundred feet above the level of the plain; the hill on three sides is extremely steep; on the fourth, or southern side, it is perpendicular, and separated from another similar rock by the torrent Pandeleimona, so called from a monastery του Παντελεήμονος towards its sources. This stream divides the town into two parts, tumbling over a rocky bed, like the Hercina at Livadhia; a little below the town it joins another rivulet which rises to the northward, near the village of Varsova: the united stream joins the Eurotas, to the southward of Sparta. There are still the remains of some fine cisterns in the castle. The view from thence is of the utmost beauty and interest; the mountains to the north, east, and south, are spread before the spectator from Artemisium, on the confines of Argolis and Arcadia, to the island of Cythera inclusive, together with a small part of the Laconic gulf,

§ 1.128  just within that island. All the plain of Sparta is in view, except the south-west corner near Bardhunia, which is concealed by a projection of Mount Taygetum. Towards the mountain the scene is equally grand, though of a different nature. A lofty summit of Taygetum, immediately behind the castle, three or four miles distant, is clothed with a forest of firs, and now deeply covered with snow; the nearer slopes of the mountain are variegated with the vineyards, corn-fields, and olive plantations belonging to the villages of Barsiniko, and Vlakhokhori situated on opposite sides of the ravine of the Pandeleimona, which winds from the southward in the direction of the highest summit of Taygetum. This remarkable peak is not much inferior in height to Olono, or any of the highest points of the Peloponnesus, and is more conspicuous than any, from its abrupt sharpness. I cannot learn at Mistra any modern name for it, except the very common one of Ai Elia, or Saint Elias, who, like Apollo of old, seems to delight in the protection of lofty summits.
A cultivated tract of country, similar to that about Barseniko and Vlakhokhori, occupies the middle region of Taygetum through its whole length; it is concealed from the great plain by a chain of rocky heights which immediately

§ 1.129  overhang the plain, and of which the Castle-hill of Mistra is one. Like that hill they terminate in steep slopes or in abrupt precipices, some of which are almost twice as high as the Castle of Mistra, though they appear insignificant when compared with the snowy peaks of Taygetum behind them. They are intersected and separated from one another by the rocky gorges of several torrents which have their origin in the great summits, and which, after crossing the upper cultivated region, issue through those gorges into the plain, and then traversing its whole breadth join the Eurotas flowing under the eastern hills. This abrupt termination of Taygetum, extending all the way from the Castle of Mistra, inclusive, to the extremity of the plain, forms the chief peculiarity in the scenery of Sparta and its vicinity. Whether seen in profile, contrasted with the richness of the plain, or in front with the majestic summits of Taygetum rising above it, this long gigantic bank presents a variety of the sublimest and most beautiful scenery, such as we hardly find equalled in any part of picturesque Greece itself.
One of the most delightful spots in this scene is the village of Perori, a little to the southward of Mistra, where the mosque and houses interspersed amidst gardens are traversed by a rapid stream like the Pandeleimona, which issues from

§ 1.130  a stupendous rocky opening behind the village. It would seem, that in the time of Coronelli this village was connected with Mistra, and formed a part of the southern quarter then called Exokhori.
The southern part of the town is still named Misokhori; the part occupied by the Metropoli, under which name the cathedral and bishop's house are comprised, is Katokhori: the houses are so much dispersed, that the town occupies a mile and a half along the foot of the hill, though there are not altogether more than 1000 houses, of which about a fourth are Turkish. Katokhori alone, together with another quarter now deserted, called Kastro, on the north-eastern side of the castle above Katokhori, once contained an equal number, but they were destroyed during the insurrection of 1770, or after that event, and their ruins only are now left, occupying a space equal to that of the present inhabited town. When the Albanian army was destroyed or driven out of the Peninsula, there still remained the old Albanian colony of Bardhunia, the Maniates, and the hungry Pashas of the Morea, to plunder Mistra in succession; and it was not until the Turkish fleet had reduced Mani to terms, that the Porte had the power of affording the place any protection. The remains of the house of Krevata, once the richest family in the Morea, but which is now extinct, in consequence of having been tempted by the Russians to engage in the insurrection, are seen in Katokhori, between the Metropoli and the river Pandeleimona. The Krevata, who joined the insurrection, fled into Mani on its failure, and died there.

§ 1.131  March 19. — I visit some of the chief Greeks, in company with the English agent. There are still some men of property both landed and commercial, and the place is at length recovering from the effects of the Russian insurrection; new buildings are rising in many parts of the town. Before the year 1770, Mistra often exported 50,000 okes of silk per annum; the export now amounts, in good years, to half that quantity, sent to Mothoni for Tunis, to Patra for Europe, or to Anapli for Khio and Constantinople. The olive plantations around the town of Mistra alone produce, in good years, 50,000 barrels of oil of forty-eight okes, of which from 5000 to 10,000 are exported; the rest is consumed in the Morea. The oil is said by the Mistriotes to be the best in the Peninsula; I saw some quite colourless: the merchants buy it from the planters at forty to fifty-five paras the Botza of twenty okes. In the alternate years, when the olive crop is generally deficient, the price is higher.

§ 1.132  A new tax of a para an oke has lately been laid upon oil. Every large house has a cistern attached to it for holding the oil, where it is kept until sold. Velanidhi and prinokokki are gathered in large quantities on Mount Taygetum; the former is found entirely within the government of the Bey of Mani, and he enjoys a monopoly of it. The prinokokki is purchased from the peasants at fifteen to twenty piastres the oke, and is shipped at Marathonisi for Tunis and Leghorn; at Tunis it is chiefly used in dyeing the Feshes, or red skull caps, which in every part of Turkey are worn under the turban, or head shawl. The other productions of the Mistra Kazasi are similar to those of the other parts of the Peninsula. The Greeks complain of the weight of the kharatj, or capitation, and of the avarisi, or tax on moveable property; both of which being exacted as if there were 8500 persons liable to them, whereas there are only 3000, each person pays in the proportion of 2 and 5/6ths. Mr. V. D. our agent, tells me that he pays 500 piastres a year for imposts of all kinds. He was lately subjected to an avania of 1000 piastres, the Pasha having been informed that he was shipping grain at Marathonisi contrary to the order of the Porte, which itself monopolizes the grain of this district According to a recent firmahn, the Greeks of Mistra are allowed to repair their churches on condition of paying 300 piastres for each to a mosque at Constantinople

§ 1.133  March 20. — Having heard of some antiquities at Sklavokhori, which the learned of Mistra consider the site of the ancient Amyclae, I set out for that place at 9.25. At 9.40 pass Perori, and at 10 ride through Aianni, which, like Perori, has a picturesque mosque, a fine stream running through it, and some good gardens. It stands nearer to the precipices than Perori, and the river does not come through an opening in the rocks from the upper Taygetum, but rises in the village itself. At 10.30 cross another stream which flows through a rocky gorge from the elevated hollow included between the summits of Taygetum and the heights which border the plain. At 11.10 cross another rivulet flowing from another opening in the precipitous heights; and at 11.20 arrive in the village of Sklavokhori, which is situated half a mile from

§ 1.134  the foot of the mountain midway between two openings.
Eight or nine ruined churches shew the former importance of Sklavokhori; of houses there are not at present more than thirty, much dispersed. In a church dedicated to the sleep (i.e. the death) of the Virgin I find three columns with Doric capitals, one of which is of grey granite; one of the capitals is of the spreading kind, with an echinus forming a very acute angle with the plinth, like the Doric capitals of Sicily and Paestum — those of the others are much more obtuse; on the outside of the church there is a broken column with an inscription. In other chapels I find some Ionic capitals of white marble, and some fragments of inscriptions, one of which contains the letters ΑΜΥΚΛ, which seem to have belonged to the word Amyclae, though I do not think the position of Sklavokhori will agree with the idea given of that of Amyclae by Polybius and Pausanias, according to whom that place was much nearer to the Eurotas and to Sparta. A chapel of St. Elias contains two curious marbles, representing in relief, in a hollow compartment various articles of female apparel and ornament;

§ 1.135  slippers, bonnets, combs, mirrors, &c. In the centre of each there is an inscription, as follows: ΛΑΥ ΑΓΗΤΑ ΑΝΤΙΠΑΤΡΟΥ ΙΕΡΕΙΑ, ΑΝΘΟΥΣΗ ΔΑΜΑΙΝΕΤΟΥ ΥΠΟΣΤΑΤΡΙΑ.
The forms of the characters in the first inscription would seem to indicate a greater antiquity than those in the latter, which is confirmed by the dialectic difference between them. Mr. V. D. has constructed a car, for the purpose of conveying this stone to the coast, for Lord A. Mistra is the only place I have yet seen in Greece where cars are used; they serve chiefly for transporting the barrels of oil. They are merely a rough frame-work upon two solid trucks, and closely resemble those in use in several of the plains of Asia Minor.
From Sklavokhori I ride to Aia Kyriaki, St. Sunday, a church standing on a height half a mile from the Eurotas, nearly in the centre of the plain as to its length. I here perceive that the heights, at the north-eastern extremity of the plain upon which Sparta stood, are a part of a chain of low hills following the course of the Eurotas through the whole length of the plain of Mistra, and separating the latter from the lower level of the vale of the Eurotas, leaving openings only for the streams which descend

§ 1.136  from Mount Taygetum into the Eurotas. Aia Kyriaki and another summit farther south are the only eminences of any considerable height in this little chain, which is not readily distinguishable from the opposite side of the plain.
Nothing is now to be seen at Aia Kyriaki but two imperfect inscriptions, in one of which are the letters AMY following the name Δεξιμαχου and leaving little doubt, that the incomplete word was ΑΜΥΚΛΑΙΟΥ. As far as this evidence goes, therefore, St. Kyriaki has as good pretensions to be considered the site of Amyclae as Sklavokhori. The numerous churches still existing at the latter place either entire or in ruins, shew that it was once a Christian town of considerable importance, and its name appears to indicate that it was the principal settlement of the Slavonic colonists of the Laconice in the middle ages; it is very probable, therefore, that at the time when Sklavokhori was populous, the fragments of antiquity now found in the churches were brought thither from Sparta, or the other ancient sites in the neighbourhood; for although the modern Greek masons are great destroyers of the remains of

§ 1.137  antiquity, the more lettered classes, who have some respect for the ancient fame of the nation, are in the habit of preserving inscribed or sculptured stones by depositing them in the churches or private houses.
Aia Kyriaki commands a fine view of the plain and surrounding heights. From near the opposite side of the Eurotas, rises a steep bank surmounted at the height of 500 or 600 feet by a plain or table-land, beyond which there is an uneven country, intersected with ravines and rivers, which rises gradually to Mount Parnon and the other great summits of the eastern range; it contains large tracts of cultivated land and many villages, of which I had a good view from the castle of Mistra. This steep bank or bluff termination of the eastern range above the left bank of the Eurotas is another remarkable feature in the scenery of the country around Sparta; though inferior in height to some of the magnificent precipices which form a similar termination of Mount Taygetum, it shews, when taken together with them, the propriety of the term κοίλη Λακεδαίμων applied by Homer to the plain of Sparta, and to the city itself, which is well described also by Strabo as situated εν κοιλοτερω χωρίω. In most parts there is a level space between the great eastern bank and the Eurotas, but in one spot, a little south

§ 1.138  of the southern extremity of Sparta, it is washed by the river. It was upon this part of the height that stood the suburb of Sparta called Menelaium.
The situation as well of Amyclae and Menelaium as of Sparta itself, is nowhere so well described as in the narrative by Polybius of the expedition of Philip, son of Demetrius, in conjunction with Aratus and the Achaeans, against Sparta in the Social War, BC 218. Philip having overrun Aetolia, and retaliated upon its capital, Thermus, for the barbarous hostilities of the Aetolians against Dium and Dodona, moved at first northward to the extremity of the Ambracian Gulf, from whence he sailed in the course of a night to Leucas. From Leucas he sailed to Corinth; whence, after despatching messengers to summon his Peloponnesian allies to meet him with their forces at Tegea, he marched on the first day to Argos, and on the second to Tegea, where he was joined by Aratus and the Achaean troops. From Tegea he made a circuitous march through the mountains on the north-east of Laconia, and on the fourth day from Corinth and the seventh from Aetolia, suddenly made his appearance, to the astonished Spartans, on the hills which overlook their city. Leaving Mount Menelaium on his right hand,

§ 1.139  he moved forwards, and encamped at Amyclae. “Amyclae”, adds the historian, “is a place in the Laconice, remarkable for the abundance of its trees and its fertility; it is distant about twenty stades from Lacedaemon on the side towards the sea.” Philip then proceeded to overrun the whole country to the southward, penetrating even as far as the extreme points of Asine, Taenarus, and Boeae, from which last he returned to Amyclae. Lycurgus, the king of Sparta, had meantime obtained an advantage over the Messenians, who, unable to reach Tegea before the king had passed through that place, had endeavoured to join him by marching through the Argeia into the Laconice, when, having been suddenly attacked by Lycurgus at the Glympeis, on the frontier of the two provinces, they fled with the loss of their baggage, and retired home again through the country of Argos. Lycurgus, on his return from this excursion, occupied Menelaium and its vicinity with 2000 men, and gave orders to the remaining forces in the city to be ready upon a given signal, to march out and draw up along the bank of the Eurotas, in the narrow space between the river and the city. Polybius then describes the situation of Sparta as follows: “Although Sparta,” he says,

§ 1.140  “considered in its general appearance is of a circular form, and situated in a plain, yet within it contains several rising grounds and hills. On the eastern side flows the Eurotas, which for the greater part of the year is so large as not to be fordable. To the south-east of the city are the hills upon which stands Menelaium. They are rough, lofty, and difficult of ascent, and they command entirely all the ground between the river and the city; for the river takes its course along the very border of these heights, and the whole space from the foot of the hills to Sparta does not exceed a stade and a half in breadth. Such was the defile along which Philip, as he returned (northward), must be forced to pass, having on his left hand the city. The Lacedaemonians had moreover, by diverting the river above the straits, inundated the ground between the city and the hills, with the view that neither the cavalry nor infantry of the enemy should find a secure footing there, but that being obliged to march close under the mountain in a long file, and unable to afford each other assistance, they should thus be exposed to the Lacedaemonians. Philip, upon perceiving this arrangement,

§ 1.141  determined upon driving Lycurgus from Menelaium, for which purpose, taking with him the mercenaries, the peltastae, and the Illyrians, he crossed the river (from Amyclae). Lycurgus prepared to receive him (on Menelaium), and at the same time sent orders to his forces in the city to be ready on seeing the signal to march out, and deploy under the walls with the cavalry on the right. The success of Philip was complete; he killed 100 of the enemy, and forced all the remainder to take refuge in the city, except a small number in company with Lycurgus, who, after a circuitous route, entered Sparta in the following night. Philip then left his Illyrians in possession of the heights of Menelaium, and was returning to his camp with the light-armed and peltastae, when Aratus having in the mean time advanced from Amyclae with the phalanx (along the left bank of the river) nearly to the city, Philip crossed to the right bank with the light-armed, the peltastae, and cavalry, to observe the enemy, and effect a diversion until the phalanx should have passed through the defile (at the foot of Menelaium). An action took place, the peltastae particularly distinguished themselves, and the Lacedaemonian horse was driven back to the gates: after

§ 1.142  which, Philip recrossed the Eurotas without impediment, and covered the rear-guard of the phalanx. Night then coming on, he halted near the (northern) opening of the pass. No position (observes Polybius) could be more advantageous than this for a hostile attempt against Laconia from Tegea, or from any other part of the interior of Peloponnesus; for it is not only the key of the passes leading into Laconia, but, though situated close to the river, and only two stades distant from the city, it is well protected on that side by an inaccessible mountain, above which there is a level, fertile, and well watered country, affording great facilities to an army either for access or retreat. Philip, however, declined remaining here: but next day, after sending forward his baggage, he drew out his army in the plain, and having remained a short time in sight of the city, then moved by his right towards Sellasia. Here he halted for the night, and the next morning, after having viewed the scene of action at Sellasia between the hills Eva and Olympus, where Cleomenes and Antigonus had fought, he proceeded towards Tegea, taking care to have a strong rear-guard. At Tegea he ordered the plunder from Laconia to be sold, and then returned through Argos to Corinth.”

§ 1.143  From this narrative of Polybius it clearly appears, that Amyclae stood about two miles and a half from Sparta, near the right bank of the Eurotas, a situation in perfect agreement with what Xenophon says of Amyclae in describing the invasion of Laconia by Epaminondas, after the battle of Leuctra, on that memorable occasion when Agesilaus lived to see his former proud saying confuted, that no Spartan woman had ever seen the smoke of an enemy's fire. In this instance, the Thebans and their Peloponnesian allies descended from Sellasia into the plain immediately opposite to Sparta (the same narrow level on the left bank of the Eurotas in which Philip drew out his army as a challenge to the Lacedaemonians before he retired). Epaminondas perceiving a large body of the enemy at the Sanctuary of Minerva Alea on the opposite side of the Eurotas, did not pass over the bridge, but withdrawing his forces marched forward with the river on his right hand, burning and destroying, until he arrived near Amyclae, when he crossed the river, and encamped. Here the Thebans strengthened their position by felling trees and laying them before their ranks, a precaution which their Arcadian allies neglected. On the third or fourth day all the cavalry

§ 1.144  advanced to the Hippodrome and Temple of Neptune Gaeouchus, where they were met by the Lacedaemonian horse supported by 300 infantry, who had been placed in a concealed position at the sanctuary of the Tyndaridae. The manoeuvre was successful, and the Thebans were forced to retreat to their camp. From thence they undertook a march of spoliation against Helos and Gythium, soon after which a movement of the Athenians in aid of the Lacedaemonians, the defection of some of the allies, a want of provisions, and the approach of winter, obliged Epaminondas to retire out of Laconia.”
I think it must be evident from these two extracts, that Amyclae was not far from Aia Kyriaki. That hill indeed is more distant from what appears to have been the southern extremity of Sparta than the words of Polybius warrant; but as we find that there were some buildings or other places to the south of Sparta which must have occupied a considerable space of ground, such as the Hippodrome, the Phoebaeum, and the temples of Gaeaouchus and the Tyndaridae; and on the other hand, as Amyclae seems, from the description of it by Polybius, to have been dispersed among gardens and plantations, it may easily be conceived that, at the time treated of by Polybius, the distance between the nearest points of the southern suburb

§ 1.145  of Sparta and of Amyclae may not have been greater than two miles and a half I think, therefore, that notwithstanding its distance, the hill of Aia Kyriaki, being such a commanding position as the early Greeks usually chose for their towns, may have been the site of the more ancient Amyclae, which, though it became a mere dependency of Sparta in after ages, was one of the cities of the Laconice at the time of the Trojan war, and until the Doric conquest.
Pausaniasa describes Amyclae as a κώμη, or small town. He adds, that the Tiasa, so called from a daughter of Eurotas, flowed between Sparta and Amyclae. Midway between the southern extremity of the site of Sparta and Aia Kyriaki, a river formed from the junction of the streams of Mistra, Perori, Ai Ianni, and another, falls into the Eurotas, and not only corresponds perfectly to the Tiasa of Pausanias, but explains also the cause of that fertility and luxuriance of vegetation about Amyclae which Polybius has noticed.
Polybius describes the temple of Apollo at Amyclae as not inferior in celebrity to any in Laconia. On the way thither from Sparta, Pausanias observed, on the bank of the Tiasa, a

§ 1.146  temple of the Graces, named Phaenna and Cleta. At Amyclae, near the temple of Apollo, there was a figure, upon a pillar, of Aenetus, who died in the moment of being crowned for a pentathlic victory at Olympia, and five brazen tripods, of which the three most ancient were said to have been dedicated from the tenth of the spoils of Messenia; the others, which were of larger size, from those of the victory at Aegospotami. To the lower part of each tripod was affixed a statue. Two of the ancient tripods, with the statues of Venus and Diana attached to them, were the work of Gitiadas; the third, with the statue of Proserpine, was by Callon of Aegina. On the fourth tripod was represented Sparta with a lyre in her hand, by Aristandrus. On the fifth was a Venus, by Polycleitus. The statue of Apollo Amyclaeus was a work of the rudest and most ancient kind, and resembled, with the exception of the face, hands, and feet, a column of brass between forty and fifty feet high. It had a helmet on the head, and in the hands a spear and a bow. The pedestal of the statue was formed like an altar, and was supposed to be the tomb of Hyacinthus; both this and the

§ 1.147  throne were adorned with a profusion of works in relief, but the latter was by far the more remarkable monument, and was the work of Bathycles, who had himself dedicated two statues of Graces in the temple, and another of Diana Leucophryene, the patroness of his native city, Magnesia on the Maeander. Besides the temple of Apollo, Amyclae contained a temple of Alexandra, daughter of Priam, in which were statues of Alexandra, of Clytaemnestra, and of Agamemnon.
At Aia Kyriaki I met with a peasant of Riviotissa, a small village in the plain, who gave me the following information. The reputed owner of the land which he cultivates as zevgalates or metayer, is Stathi, Protosyngelo of the bishopric, who resides at the Metropoli as one of the bishop's officers. Out of a crop of twenty-one kilos, he pays three to the voivoda for dhekatia, six to Stathi for rent, and reserves the rest to himself; he is at all the expense of stock and labour: the same manner of farming the land occurs in the culture of every kind of

§ 1.148  grain, whether wheat, barley, maize, or spring wheat (dhiminio). The greater part of the land on the banks of the Eurotas is cultivated in dhiminio, for which they are now ploughing and sowing; it is watered artificially by canals from the Eurotas, or by means of the streams which descend from Mount Taygetum. Wheat, in the common way, is sown in November and December. In the Kefalokhoria in the mountains near the sources of the streams, the dhiminio ripens without irrigation on account of the coolness of the climate, the greater quantity of rain in summer, and the superior quality of the land, but of course it is not reaped so early as in the plain; there also they have spring barley, which they have not in the plain. The soil of the plain is described to me, as being in general a poor mixture of white clay and stones, difficult to plough, and better suited to olives than corn; and such it appeared to me, except near Mistra and on the banks of the Eurotas. Thus it answers exactly to the words of Euripides, who, contrasting Laconia with Messenia, describes the former as a poor land in

§ 1.149  which there is much arable, but difficult to work. The women of Mistra and the plain are taller and more robust than the other Greeks, have more colour in general, and look healthier; which agrees also with Homer's Λακεδαίμονα καλλιγύναικα.

§ 1.150  CHAPTER V LACONIA
March 21. — Set out at 7.55 for Sparta, riding directly down the hill from the Metropoli to the left bank of the river of Pandeleimona. At 8.08 begin to follow its left bank; at 8.10 the road to Longastra turns off to the left; at 8.15 join the Tripolitza road; at 8.22 cross the stream from Varsova and Kyparissia, where it joins the former; at 8.25 leave the Tripolitza road to the left; at 8.38 cross a bridge over the river of Trypi. Half a mile below the bridge stands a church of St. Irene, in the wall of which there is the trunk of a statue, and within the church an inscription in honour of a pancratiast. Near it is a ruined casino of Krevata. At the bridge, where I halted five minutes, I was overtaken by the voivoda, going to keep order at the paneghyri, or fair, which is held today at Magula, as the ruins of Sparta are called. He tells me that last year two boys were murdered at this bridge by drunken Turks returning from the fair.
At 9 I arrive at the aqueduct of Sparta, where

§ 1.151  a road towards Tzakonia turns off to the left. The remains of the aqueduct are traced across the valley which separates the heights of Sparta from the branch, or long counterfort, of Mount Taygetum, which I mentioned in our approach to Mistra; a small rivulet from an opening in the mountain flows along the valley into the Eurotas: the aqueduct is again traceable farther up the valley; it appears to be contemporary with the walls which inclose the largest of the heights upon which Sparta stood. There is another monument, apparently of the same date as the walls and aqueduct on the slope towards the Eurotas. This is a circus, the smallest perhaps in existence, being only twenty-three yards in diameter within. But when Sparta was reduced to the hill which is now surrounded with the Roman wall, this circus may have been quite large enough for the diminished population. The wall of the circus is sixteen feet thick, and was supported by large buttresses on the outside at small distances from one another, a construction which seems to have been intended for a considerable height of wall, as well as for a great weight within, though not a vestige of seats is now to be seen. The entrance to the circus was on the side towards the river. Below the circus are some remains of a bridge over the Eurotas.

§ 1.152  The hills alluded to by Polybius, upon which Sparta was built, formed towards the Eurotas an irregular line of a mile and a half from the valley on the north, which separated them from the above-mentioned branch of Taygetum, to the south-eastern extremity of the site where the Eurotas is joined by a brisk little stream, which is now called Trypiotiko, from its origin near Trypi a large village in the Taygetan range, to the northward of Mistra. These hills present a very varied outline from the river, and are divided into four separate heights. First, beginning from the north, there is a small insulated hill with a flat summit, as high, if not higher, than any other part of the site; it stands between the north-east end of the large height and the junction of the northern rivulet with the Eurotas. Secondly, the principal height; it is entirely surrounded with the ruins of Roman walls, except the western extremity, which is occupied by the theatre; at the opposite or eastern extremity of this height, stands the ruined circus, at about one-third of the distance from the northern rivulet to the southern, or Trypiotiko. This largest hill of Sparta has a very broken outline and several summits, but the basis of them all is an irregular level, which is elevated forty or fifty feet above the marshy plain on the side of

§ 1.153  the Eurotas, and presents a bank of that elevation towards the river. The third and fourth of the Spartan hills lie between the circus and the village of Psykhiko, which stands at the foot of the last height on the south side, and not very far from the Trypiotiko. These two summits rest on the same table-land already mentioned; for the last half mile, towards the junction of the Trypiotiko, they terminate north-eastward, in a precipice of about thirty feet high. In consequence of the difference of level, between the plateau of Sparta, upon which the several summits just mentioned are based, and the plain on the bank of the Eurotas, as well as by means of a general slope towards the west and south, the hills of Sparta present a higher profile towards the river than in any other direction. The level between the heights and the Eurotas is narrowest at the south-eastern extremity of the site, where it is about fifty yards wide; it is narrowed also, though not so much, below the circus, above and below which it swells into a plain of a quarter of a mile in breadth, inclosed between the hills and the right bank of the river.
The only villages on the site of Sparta are Magula and Psykhiko.. Magula is a tjiftlik belonging to a Turk of Mistra, and contains a small pyrgo, with three or four huts situated amidst gardens.

§ 1.154  Magula is a Greek name often applied to a height with ruins, especially when they are in a plain: it is hence given generally to the site of Sparta, though specifically to the tjiftlik. Psykhiko has fourteen or fifteen cottages, including a kalyvia or dependent hamlet, which is situated about 300 yards to the northeastward of Psykhiko, on the edge of the cliff just mentioned, immediately above a source of water, which, issuing from under the cliff, follows its foot for some distance, and then crosses the level and joins the Eurotas about 300 yards above the junction of the Trypiotiko. Thus, above that junction there is a low meadow surrounded on three sides by a running stream, and on the fourth by the cliffs at the southeastern extremity of the table-land of Sparta. The inclosed space is planted with mulberries, growing among fields of dhiminio, or spring corn. This is probably the position of the Platanistas, which both Pausanias and Lucian describe as a place surrounded by water. All the level parts of the site of Sparta are cultivated with corn.
The only considerable relics of Hellenic workmanship are, 1. The theatre, the remains of which are daily decreasing, as it serves for a stone quarry to Mistra and the surrounding country.

§ 1.155  In the cavea I perceived only a few fragments of seats; but the enormous masses of masonry which supported the two extremities of the cavea still subsist; they are built of quadrangular stones, which are not so large as those usually employed by the Greeks in similar constructions, and seem to indicate, that although the theatre may have existed from an early period, the exterior work now apparent is not older than the Roman empire. That the Spartans had a theatre from early times, there is no doubt, not for dramatic exhibitions, which were forbidden by the Lycurgan institutions, but for gymnastic exercises and public assemblies. Under such circumstances, a scene like that of the theatre of Athens would hardly be wanted, and accordingly the remains of the scene of the theatre of Sparta are chiefly of brick, and seem to show that it was an addition of Roman times. The centre of the building was excavated in the hill, but the ground affords little advantage compared with what occurred in some other Greek theatres, and the wings of the cavea were entirely artificial from the foundation to the very summit of the theatre. The interior diameter, or length of the orchestra, it is impossible to ascertain without excavation; the breadth of

§ 1.156  each wing appears to have been about 115 feet; the total diameter about 450 feet, which was probably greater than the diameter of any theatre in Greece Proper, except that of Athens, unless it shall be found that Pausanias is correct in saying that the theatre of Megalopolis was the greatest in Greece. In front of the theatre, and not far from it, there is a sepulchral chamber carefully constructed of large quadrangular stones.
2. A little more than half way from the theatre to the circus, I found two opposite doors, each formed of three stones, and buried almost to the soffit, thus: [figure] On one side of these doors there is some appearance of seats, as if the building had been a place of public assembly; I found also a fragment of the drapery of a statue of white marble, executed in a manner which modern artists cannot, or at least do not imitate.
3. Four other doors constructed like the two just mentioned, and buried in the ground to a similar height. They are found standing in a line in the middle of a corn field, in the way

§ 1.157  from the theatre to the junction of the Trypiotiko and Eurotas. Here are some foundations also of a wall of later construction.
4. In the modern road from Magula and Psykhiko towards Sklavokhori, there is an ancient bridge over the Trypiotiko, which is still in use. Its arch has a rise of about one-third of the span, and is constructed of large single blocks of stone, reaching from side to side: a part of the ancient causeway remains at either end of the bridge, of the same solid construction. A quarter of a mile beyond the bridge to the south-west, is the little village of Kalagonia.
Every part of the site of Sparta is covered with fragments of wrought stones, among which, especially near the ruin 3, are found pieces of Doric columns of white marble, together with other fragments of architecture of different orders and dimensions. Similar remains have formed the principal materials of the Roman walls, now almost entirely ruined, which surround the principal height. The depth, in the ground, of the door frames in ruins 2 and 3, shew the height to which the ruins of the city have raised the present above the ancient surface, and leave great reason to believe that some of the works of art existing in the time of Pausanias may be found amidst the accumulated

§ 1.158  soil, whenever a complete search can be made with safety. Meantime the large supply of building materials which exists above ground in the ruined walls of the citadel, and particularly in the vast mass of the theatre, may long serve as a protection from the hands of the masons to what may remain below the surface. It is not only by carrying away the wrought stones of the ancient buildings that those persons destroy the remains of antiquity in every part of Greece, but they often break the large wrought masses into smaller pieces, rather than resort to the natural quarry, if the ancient site happens to be nearer, or otherwise more conveniently situated for moving the materials.
Those whose only idea of the Spartans, is that of a people inimical to the elegant arts, as connected with luxury, may not expect to find many valuable monuments of art among the remains of their capital. But, in fact, the institutions of Lycurgus, which formed the Spartan discipline, had already ceased to have their entire effect, before the arts attained their acme in Greece; it is evident, moreover, from the remote date of some of the monuments of Sparta described by Pausanias and other authors, that in every age those religious feelings which were founded on the common belief and customs of all Greece,

§ 1.159  and which were gratified by the dedication of splendid edifices and works of sculpture, were as strong at Sparta as in any part of the country. Without a firm basis of religion, or superstition, the Lycurgan discipline could not have long endured. Artists, therefore, though not enjoying at Sparta all the benefits of that passion for the decoration of their city which distinguished the Athenians, could never have been without encouragement, and they would be equally inspired by that consciousness that they were forming a dedication to the gods and an object of adoration, which was, perhaps, the chief cause of the excellence of the Greeks in sculpture, as it may have been of the painters of Europe after the revival of the arts.
It is a remark of Thucydides that, “If Lacedaemon were demolished, and nothing remained but its sacred buildings and foundations, men of a distant age would find a difficulty in believing the existence of its former power, or that it had possessed two of the five divisions of Peloponnesus, or that it had commanded the whole country, as well as many allies beyond the Peninsula -- so inferior was the appearance of the city to its fame, being neither adorned with temples and splendid edifices, nor built in contiguity, but in separate quarters, in the ancient method.

§ 1.160  Whereas, if Athens,” adds the historian, “were reduced to a similar state, it would be supposed that her power had been twice as great as the reality.” The arts of architecture and sculpture, however, received a great developement in Greece from increasing riches and emulation after the time of Thucydides, the monuments multiplied more rapidly than in earlier ages, and Sparta, relaxing in the severity of its manners, partook in the general taste. There seems no reason, therefore, to suppose that the site of Sparta, favourable by its own peculiarities to the preservation of remains of antiquity, would be a more unpromising field for research than at least the second-rate cities of Greece, especially as it appears from Pausanias to have preserved its monuments at the end of the second century of our era, in a more entire and uninjured state than almost any city except Athens.
Before I attempt to render intelligible any observations on the ancient topography of the city, I shall give an abstract of the description of Sparta by Pausanias; in which, by attempting a division of it under several heads, we shall be enabled perhaps to discover a greater degree of method in his description, than is at first apparent. 1st. The first place he notices is the agora. Here

§ 1.161  were, the council-house of the elders (senate) and the offices of the Ephori, Nomophylaces, and Bidiaei. The most remarkable building was the Persian Stoa, first erected from the spoils of the Medes, and afterwards enlarged and decorated: on the columns were figures of Persians in white marble, and among them that of Mardonius; also that of Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus. The agora contained likewise temples of Julius Caesar, and of Augustus; in the latter there was a brazen statue of Agias, a Spartan prophet. In the place called Chorus were statues of Apollo Pythaeus, Diana, and Latona, and near it were temples of Earth, of Jupiter Agoraeus, of Minerva Agoraea, of Apollo, of Juno, and of Neptune Asphalius. There was a colossal statue in the agora representing the people of Sparta, and a temple of the Fates, adjacent to which was the tomb of Orestes, and near the latter a statue of Polydorus, with statues of Jupiter Xenius and Minerva Xenia. There was also a Hermes Agoraeus bearing Bacchus as a child, and the old Ephoreia, a

§ 1.162  building in which were the monuments of Epimenides of Crete, and of Aphareus.
Secondly. In proceeding from the agora along the street Aphetae or Aphetais, there first occurred the Booneta, formerly the house of King Polydorus; beyond the office of the Bidiaei was the temple of Minerva, surnamed Celeutheia, with a statue dedicated by Ulysses, who erected three sanctuaries of Celeutheia in different places. In proceeding along the Aphetais, occurred the heroa of Iops, Amphiaraus, and Lelex — the temenus of Neptune Taenarius — a statue of Minerva, dedicated by the Tarentini — the place called Hellenium — the monument of Talthybius — the altar of Apollo Acritas — Gaseptum, a structure sacred to Earth, near which there was a statue of Apollo Maleates: and at the extremity of the Aphetais, very near the wall (of the city) the temple of Dictynna and the royal sepulchres of the Eurypontidae. Near the Hellenium was the temple of Arsinoe, who was sister of the wives of Castor and Pollux. Near the Barriers was a temple of Diana, and a little farther a tomb of the Eleian prophets,

§ 1.163  called the Iamidae — a temple of Maro and Alpheius, who fell at Thermopylae — the temple of Jupiter Tropaeus, built by the Dorians on conquering the Achaei of Laconice, and the Amyclaei — the temple of the Mother of the Gods — the heroa of Hippolytus and Aulon.
Thirdly. The street of Scias. This street was so called from an ancient place of assembly, said to have been built by Theodorus of Samos near which was a round structure, said to have been founded by Epimenides, containing statues of Jupiter and Venus Olympii; near these buildings were the tomb of Cynortas, the temple and monument of Castor, the tomb of Idas and Lynceus, and the temple of Proserpine the Saviour b. Near the temple of Apollo Carneius, called the Domestic stood a statue of Apollo Aphetaeus. A quadrangular place surrounded with stoae was anciently used for selling secondhand wares. Near it there was an altar sacred to Jupiter, Minerva, and the Dioscuri, all surnamed Ambulii — opposite to which were the place called Colona and the temple of Bacchus Colonatas, and the temenus of the hero who conducted Bacchus to Sparta. Not far from the Dionysium of Colona was the temple of Jupiter

§ 1.164  Euanemus, on the right of which was the heroum of Pleuron. Near the latter was the temple of Juno Argeia, standing on a hill — the temple of Juno Hypercheiria contained an ancient wooden statue of Aphrodite Hera. [ξόανον αρχαΐον. The word ξόανον, used by Strabo in reference to statues of every material, is always applied by Pausanias to those in wood. In the Arcadics (c. 17) he informs us, that the ancient ξόανά were made of oak and cedar (juniper) of various kinds, of ebony, cypress, box, and λώτος, (the Celtis australis according to Sibthorp). It appears also from Pausanias, or from other authors, that the Greeks employed occasionally the olive, myrtle, ivy, vine, agnus castus, and some other woods.] In the road which led to the right of the hill there was a statue of Hetoemocles.
Fourthly. The next division of the description of Pausanias was to the west of the agora. Here was the Cenotaph of Brasidas, and near the latter a magnificent theatre of white marble, opposite to which were the monuments of Pausanias and of Leonidas: at the latter there was a pillar bearing the names of the men who fell at Thermopylae, with those of their fathers.
Fifthly. In the place called Theomelida, were the royal sepulchres of the Agidae, and near them the Lesche of the Crotani, who were a portion of the Pitanatae, and near the Lesche a temple of Aesculapius. Proceeding from thence

§ 1.165  were the monument of Taenarus and the temples of Neptune Hippocurius and of Diana Aeginaea. Returning to the Lesche, occurred the temple of Diana Issoria, otherwise called Limnaea. Very near the tombs of the Agidae there was a pillar, recording the victories gained by Anchionis at Olympia and elsewhere. Pausanias then describes the temples of Thetis, of Ceres Chthonia, of Sarapis, and of Jupiter Olympius. In going to the Dromus from the tombs of the Agidae, the monument of Eumedes was on the left. There was an ancient statue of Hercules, to which the Σφαιρεις, or Ephebi, rising to man's estate, offered sacrifice, and near it, without the Dromus, was a house, anciently that of Menelaus. The Dromus contained two gymnasia; “it is the place”, adds Pausanias, “where young men are exercised in running, to this day.” Proceeding from thence there occurred temples of the Dioscuri, of the Graces, of Lucina, of Apollo Carneius, and of Diana Hegemache; on the right of the Dromus stood a trophy, erected by Pollux for his victory over Lynceus, near a temple of Aesculapius, surnamed Agnitas, because his statue was made of the wood of the agnus; at the beginning of the Dromus there were statues of the Dioscuri Apheterii,

§ 1.166  and a little farther the heroum of Alcon, and the temple of Neptune Domatites. The place Platanistas received that name from its plane-trees, which were lofty and thickly planted. It was an island surrounded with a running water; two bridges led into it, on each of which there was a statue of Hercules at one end, and of Lycurgus at the other. The night before the contest, each division of the Ephebi sacrificed a young dog in the Phoebaeum without the city, near Therapne, and drew lots as to the bridge by which either party was to enter the Platanistas. Near midday they crossed the bridges. The opponents contended with their hands, and, by kicking, biting, and poking the eyes of the adversaries endeavoured to drive them into the water. At the Platanistas were the heroum of Cynisca and a stoa, behind which were heroa of Alcimus and Enaraephorus, a little farther that of Dorceus, from whom the

§ 1.167  neighbouring fountain was called Dorceia, and that of Sebrus, from which the place was named Sebrium. On the right of Sebrium was the monument of the poet Alcman, near which there was a temple of Helene; very near the wall (of the city), were a temple of Hercules, with a statue representing the god in armour, and the monument of Oionus. Eastward of the Dromus there was a turning to the right to a temple of Minerva Axiopoenus, and to the left to another temple of Minerva, founded by Theras, near which was a temple of Hippoethenes, and opposite to it an ancient wooden Statue of Enyalius in fetters.
Sixthly. That which appears to form a sixth division in the description of Pausanias begins abruptly as follows. “In Sparta there is a Lesche called Poecile, where are heroa of Cadmus, Oeolycus, Aegeus, and Amphilochus. The Lacedaemonians are the only people who give Juno the epithet of Aegophagus, and sacrifice goats to the goddess; her temple was said to have been founded by Hercules.” Near the theatre stood a temple of Neptune Genethlius, and heroa of Cleodaeus and Oebalus. The most celebrated of the temples of Aesculapius in Sparta was near the Booneta; to its left was the

§ 1.168  heroum of Teleclus; on proceeding, there was a small height, on which stood an ancient temple of Venus with a wooden statue of the goddess armed; this building was singular, as having an upper story sacred to Morpho, a name of Venus, and which contained a statue in cedar of the goddess veiled and fettered. Near it there was a temple of Hilaeira and Phoebe containing their statues, and an egg suspended from the roof, said to have been that of Leda. Chiton was a house in which the priestesses of the same temple wove every year the garment for the statue of Apollo at Amyclae. Near it was the house of Phormion, and on the way from Chiton towards the city gates the heroa of Chilon and Athenaeus.
Seventhly. The Lacedaemonians had a temple of Lycurgus; behind it were the tomb of Eucosmus his son, and an altar of Lathria and Anaxandra; opposite the temple were monuments of Theopompus and Eurybiades, and the heroum of Astrabacus.
Eighthly. In the place called Limnaeum were temples of Diana Orthia and Latona. The statue of the former was small, and made of wood.
Ninthly. The Lacedaemonians, says

§ 1.169  Pausanias, have not a citadel in a high place like the Cadmeia at Thebes, or the Larissa at Argos; but the highest of the hills in the city, they call the acropolis. It contained the temple of Minerva Poliuchus, or Chalcioecus, which was begun by Tyndareus. Long afterwards the Lacedaemonians caused both the temple and the statue to be made of brass by Gitiadas, a Spartan, who composed Doric poems and a hymn to the goddess. Many of the actions of Hercules, and some of those of the Dioscuri, were figured on the brass in relief, together with other representations, of which the largest and most admirable were the birth of Minerva, and figures of Neptune and Amphitrite. There was a separate sanctuary of Minerva Ergane. Adjacent to the southern stoa of the Chalcioecus stood a temple of Jupiter Cosmetas, before which was the monument of Tyndareus. The western stoa of the temple of Chalcioecus contained two eagles bearing two Victories, dedicated by Lysander for his victories at Ephesus and Aegospotami. To the left of the temple there was a sanctuary of the Muses, and behind it a temple of Venus containing some very ancient statues of wood. To the right of the Chalcioecus stood a most ancient brazen statue of Jupiter, by Learchus of Rhegium, formed of

§ 1.170  several hammered pieces united with nails. Near the Σκήνωμα there was a statue of Euryleonis.
Near the altar of Chalcioecus stood two statues of Pausanias, together with those of Venus Abologerta, and of the brothers Sleep and Death. In the way to the Alpium there was a temple of Minerva Ophthalmitis, said to have been founded by Lycurgus. On proceeding from thence, occurred a temple of Ammon. Pausanias then ends with some remarks upon the name of Diana Cnagia, which seem to shew that there was a temple of that deity near the acropolis, with a statue said to have been brought by Cnageus from Crete.
The theatre is the only point in the preceding description which can be identified with absolute certainty. But it is a point which throws great light on the whole description of Pausanias. Between the western side of the agora and the theatre, he mentions only one monument, the tomb of Brasidas. We have the situation, therefore, of the agora in the hollow of the great height behind the theatre. Thus placed, the eastern extremity of the agora would be not far removed from an opening, partly natural and partly artificial, which is still observable

§ 1.171  towards the middle of that bank of hills which overlooks the valley of the Eurotas, and forms the front of Sparta to the northeast. This opening, it is further remarkable, is immediately opposite to the remains of a bridge over the Eurotas. Here therefore it would seem that the roads from all the eastern side of Laconia centered and crossed the river into the city, and having entered it, terminated in the agora. Pausanias has described two main streets leading from the agora to the walls of Sparta, in each of which there was a succession of remarkable objects — the one named Aphetae, the other Scias. The Scias passed by two heights, and terminated not far beyond that upon which the temple of Juno Argeia was situated. Pausanias does not indeed describe the first mentioned of the two heights by the word λόφος, as he does that of Juno Argeia, but he says the place was called Κολώνα, and that the temple of Bacchus which stood there had the epithet of Colonatas, which seems sufficient to shew that it stood upon a height. These particulars, therefore, answer so well to the two heights north-westward of Psykhiko, that it may fairly be presumed that the street Scias led in this direction; that the height nearest to the agora was the Colona, surmounted by the Dionysium,

§ 1.172  and that the temple of Juno Argeia stood on the height nearest to Psykhiko. It may be observed, also, that the ancient bridge over the Trypiotiko, lying nearly in a line with the two hills, appears to mark the former existence of a street in that direction, and so far tends to confirm what has just been advanced. — The street called Aphetae, or Aphetais, traversed the city to the Dictynneium and the tombs of the kings of the race of Eurypon; it departed from the agora at the Booneta near which building stood a temple of Aesculapius, from whence there appears to have been another street leading to the walls, for though Pausanias does not specifically describe a Street, or give a name to it, he continues to mention a Succession of objects from the Asclepieium, terminating in the city gates. If the supposed direction of the Scias is right, it seems evident that the Aphetae and the street proceeding from the Asclepieium, must both be drawn' from the agora to the walls, in the interval between the Street of Scias and the theatre. It is difficult to say whether the Aphetais, or the street beginning at the Asclepieium, was the more westerly of the two. I should be disposed to think the latter, because Pausanias describes the Scias immediately after the Aphetais. It seems not improbable, that the modern name Kalagonia may

§ 1.173  be a corruption of Heptagonia, which, from Livy's narrative of the attempt of T. Quinctius Flamininus to take Sparta, just before his treaty with Nabis, seems to have been a building in the circumference of the city, and probably on the side towards Amyclae, because the Romans advanced from thence and retired thither after their failure. It appears from the historian, that Quinctius, having 50,000 men, threatened the city on every side, but reserved his real attack for the three points of the Dictynneium, Heptagonia, and Phoebaeum, because Nabis, whose walls were incomplete, had reserved for the last those parts where the defence might be partly supplied by the strength of the exterior buildings themselves.
For the rest of the topography of Sparta the most important point to determine is the acropolis. Pausanias says it was the highest of the hills of Sparta. This is rather a doubtful description, as there is little or no apparent difference between the height of the great hill and of that at the northern extremity of the site. Upon farther examination, however, it is seen that the only part of the great hill equal in height to the other is the back of the theatre, which could not have been the acropolis.

§ 1.174  There is some reason to think also that the natural height of this hill has been increased by the theatre itself and its ruins, so that the expression of Pausanias may still have been just, as applied to the northern hill, which, moreover, being separated from the rest, and at one angle of the site, was better adapted for an acropolis than any other.
As to the Dromus, if we suppose the Platanistas to have occupied the low ground above the junction of the Trypiotiko and Iri, and this seems the only place that will suit the descriptions of Lucian and Pausanias, it will almost necessarily follow, that the Dromus was the plain which lies along the bank of the Eurotas to the north-westward of that point; for that it was near the Platanistas, and consequently to the river, is evident from its having been employed in the exercises of the Spartan youth, as well as from the tenor of the narrative of Pausanias. Nor is this opinion invalidated by the passage of Xenophon in which he relates that the cavalry of Epaminondas, whose camp was at Amyclae, advanced, in approaching the city, as far as the Hippodrome and temple of Neptune Gaeauchus; for it seems evident that the Hippodrome was not the same place as the Dromus; first, because the Dromus is described by Pausanias as containing two gymnasia, and

§ 1.175  as being a place, not for the running of horses, but of men, like the stadium in other Greek cities. Secondly, because Pausanias mentions the Gaeauchus in a very different part of his narrative from that in which the Dromus occurs, and apparently as being to the southward of the city.
The Lesche Poecile seems to have been not far from the theatre, possibly to the westward, where some ancient foundations are now seen near Magula. I am inclined to believe that the temple of Lycurgus was in the same pert of the site.
In front of the theatre, as I have already remarked, there is an ancient sepulchre still existing. It is highly probable that a monument so situated was that of some illustrious person; we have seen that Pausanias describes the tombs of the kings Leonidas and Pausanias exactly in this situation; the existing sepulchre, therefore, has some claim to be that of the two celebrated Spartans, who, in this case, were buried in a very different part of the city from the rest of the Agidae.
Some idea may be formed from the ancient authorities of the situation of the five tribes of Sparta; namely, the Pitanatae, Limnatae, Messoatae, Aegidae, and Cynosurenses.

§ 1.176  1. Pitanatae; — Herodotus shews that the theatre was in the quarter of Pitane; Plutarch mentions it as being the most desirable and fashionable quarter of Sparta, like the Colyttus at Athens, and the Craneium at Corinth; and Pindar describes Pitane as being at the ford of the Eurotas. These authorities seem to indicate that the Pitanatae inhabited all the part of Sparta adjacent to the agora, and extended to the river about the centre of its course in front of Sparta, for here was probably in all times its most frequented passage. The Pitanatae thus placed in the middle part of the eastern side of the city, will throw some light on the position of the royal sepulchres of the race of Agis, which stood near the Lesche of the Crotani, who were a division of the Pitanatae. If the tombs of the Agidae stood, like those of the Eurypontidae, on the skirts of the town, we may suppose that they were not far distant, from the natural opening in the eastern bank of the site of Sparta near the ruined Circus. They will thus be placed at no great distance from the Dromus, as they really appear to have been from the description of Pausanias.

§ 1.177  2. The Limnatae; there can be no doubt that this tribe inhabited a part of the city near the Eurotas, the name having been derived from the marshes, which once existed there. As the Dromus occupied a great part of the lower level towards the southern extremity, we cannot hesitate in supposing the Limnatae to have occupied the northern; and this part of the site being in the neighbourhood of the acropolis, accounts for Pausanias having passed immediately from the mention of the Limnaeum to that of acropolis. The Issorium appears to have been in this vicinity, for Plutarch and Polyaenus, in relating a stratagem of Agesilaus for defeating a conspiracy which was formed in the city, at the moment when Epaminondas threatened it from the opposite side of the Eurotas, indicate the Issorium as a strong height, near Pitane. The Issorium was a temple of Diana, sumamed Issoria, or Pitanatis, or Limnaea; from this last epithet, added to the other data, it is probable that the Issorium was that part of the great summit which advances into the level of the Eurotas, a little above the ruined circus.
3. The Messoatae seem to have occupied the south-eastern part of the town, for the tomb of

§ 1.178  Alcman, one of the most eminent characters of this tribe, was not far from the Platanistas.
4. The Aegidae, for a similar reason, appear to have been in the north-western part of the city; for the tomb of Aegeus, who gave name to them, was near the Lesche Poecile.
5. If the foregoing arrangement of the four tribes is well founded, the fifth, or Cynosurenses, were the occupants of the south-western part of the city. Barthelemy, however, has supposed that they inhabited the part adjacent to the branch of Taygetum, which overlooks Sparta to the north-west, such rocky projections according to him, having been called Cynosurae.
Polybius has very clearly defined the limit of Sparta to the eastward, at the time of the invasion of Philip (BC 218), by saying there was a distance of a stade and a half between the foot of the cliffs of Mount Menelaium and the nearest part of the city. The narrowness of the interval is strongly described also by Livy, in relating the expedition of Quinctius against Nabis, which occurred twenty-three years afterwards; and again in that of Philopoemen, three years later, against the same Spartan tyrant; It

§ 1.179  clearly appears, therefore, that the city then extended to the cliffs at the south-eastern extremity of the plateau, or tableland, and that only the meadow, which I suppose to have been the Platanistas, was excluded.
Though Polybius says, that Sparta had no walls when Philip threatened the place, it appears from Pausanias that some fortifications had been hastily thrown up in the earliest attempt of the Macedonians under Demetrius Poliorcetes, and again when Pyrrhus overran Laconia. Nabis undertook to raise a more solid work around the city, and to protect it by a ditch though, as we have already seen, the operation was not completed when Quinctius attacked Sparta. Livy, in relating the subsequent attack of Sparta by Philopoemen, alludes to two of the city gates, one of which led to Mount Barbosthenes, the other to Pherae. After the death of Nabis, Philopoemen demolished all the defences of Sparta; but, at length, the Spartans having been taken into favour by Rome, the City was surrounded with walls by order of Appius, the Roman legate. In this state it probably remained, with little other change than that of its progress to decay, for the

§ 1.180  ensuing 250 years, at the end of which time Pausanias visited Sparta, and mentions both walls and gates. Not a vestige of them, however, can now be traced.
Polybius describes the form of Sparta as circular, and its circumference as forty-eight stades, which, at the valuation of the stade by Polybius himself, is six Roman miles. As the side towards the Eurotas measured about two miles with the windings of the outline, the computation of Polybius sufficiently agrees with actual appearances, though the form of the city seems rather to have been semicircular than circular.
It is singular that neither Pausanias nor any other ancient authority has made mention of that lively, bright, perennial rivulet now called the river of Trypi, which skirts the site of Sparta on the south. An allusion to it, however, appears to have been made by the Oracle of Delphi in its answer to Lycurgus, as reported by Plutarch. The oracle is said to have directed the Spartan legislator to erect temples to Jupiter and Minerva, and to fix the seat of the senate and kings between the Babyca and Cnacion These two names were obsolete long before the time of Plutarch; one of them he supposed to be the same as the river Oenus, now the Kelefina: as to the other, it is difficult to discover

§ 1.181  what he thought, owing, perhaps, to a defect in his text. In the opinion of Aristotle, as reported in the same passage of Plutarch, the Babyca was the bridge over the Eurotas, and the Cnacion a river. Whence it seems that Aristotle considered the river Trypiotiko to have been the Cnacion; for though the buildings alluded to by Plutarch did not lie exactly between that stream and the bridge over the Eurotas (supposing it to have been in the same central situation where its remains are now traced); there is no other river to which the interpretation of Aristotle can be applicable. If we suppose the Trypiotiko to have been the Cnacion, and the CEnus, or modern Kelefina, to have been the same as the Babyca, the oracle is then perfectly intelligible and correctly applicable to the locality; for the agora of Sparta lay about midway between the mouth of the Kelefina and the Trypiotiko.
The following is the only information we find in ancient history as to Therapne, and it is so obscure, that I cannot but suspect some defect in the text of Pausanias. After having described Sparta, and then Amyclae, he says, “another road leads to Therapne, upon which there is a statue of Minerva Alea; before crossing the Eurotas, a little above the bank, there is a

§ 1.182  temple of Jupiter Plusius; on the opposite bank there is a temple of Aesculapius Cotyleus, built by Hercules. The most ancient monument on this road is the temple of Mars surnamed Thereitas, in which there is a statue of the god said to have been brought by the Dioscuri from Colchi: it is on the left of the road. Therapne contains a temple of Menelaus, where are said to be the tombs of Menelaus and Helen, and a fountain called Messeis. On the right hand of the road to Therapne there is another fountain, Polydeuceia, and a temple of Pollux. Near Therapne is the Phoebaeum. Here is a temple of the Dioscuri; and here the Ephebi sacrifice to Enyalius. Not far from hence is the temple of Neptune, surnamed Gaeouchus, from whence, proceeding towards Taygetum, occurs the place called Alesiae, where is the heroum of Lacedaemon, son of Taygete From thence, after having crossed the river Phellia, near Amyclae, and proceeded in the direction of the sea, occurs Pharis”, &c. In this description Pausanias receives some illustration from a passage in Xenophon already referred to. The

§ 1.183  historian states, in relating the expedition of the Thebans and their allies against Sparta, after the battle of Leuctra, that Epaminondas marched from Sellasia to the bridge over the Eurotas, when seeing a body of hoplitae prepared to oppose him in the sanctuary of Minerva Alea, he drew off his forces, and marched along the left bank of the Eurotas, until he arrived opposite to Amyclae, where he crossed the river. Now the statue described, in the passage just cited, as standing between the city and a temple of Jupiter, near the right bank of the Eurotas, just before crossing it on the way to Therapne, is the only Minerva Alea at Sparta, mentioned by Pausanias. Here, therefore, the two authors perfectly agree, if we suppose the road to Therapne to have crossed the bridge of the Eurotas: and as there was a difference of five or six centuries between the visit of Epaminondas and that of Pausanias, it is not surprising that there should have been a temple and defensible post at the sanctuary of Minerva Alea at the former period of time, and a statue only at the latter. And hence it becomes highly probable that the present ford in the road from the vicinity of Magula to the eastward, which is central in reference to the eastern side of the site of Sparta, and where vestiges of a bridge are still apparent, was in all ages the situation of the bridge, the existence

§ 1.184  of which, as we have seen, is attested by Plutarch and Aristotle, as well as by Xenophon. In the time of Pausanias it is probable that the city, instead of extending nearly to the bridge as in that of Xenophon, terminated at the heights, and left the whole level towards the bank of the river unoccupied; and that hence the passage across the level, which in the earlier period was a street nearly as far as the bridge, is described by Pausanias as the road to Therapne. As to the position of Therapne itself, there seems no other inference to be drawn from the words of Pausanias, than that the Phoebaeum and Therapne, though very near to each other, were on opposite banks of the Eurotas, Therapne on the left and the Phoebaeum on the right, and that Pausanias has omitted to notice that the river lay between them: for he proceeds, as we have seen, immediately from the Phoebaeum, to describe the places in the plain, without any mention of the Eurotas. It may be added, that this position of the Phoebaeum on the right bank of the Eurotas, agrees thoroughly with what may be inferred from the passage of Livy before cited, where he states that Quinctius, who was encamped on the right bank of the Eurotas near Amyclae, directed one

§ 1.185  of his columns of attack against the part of the city adjoining to the Ephebeium, of which word Phoebaeum was the local form.
I have already suggested that the walls which surround the great height, or second from the north, are of a late period of the Roman empire, and that they probably then defended all that remained of the population of Sparta. The fact is sufficiently apparent from the construction of the walls themselves, formed almost entirely of ancient fragments, and thus indicating an advanced state of ruin in the city itself. It is no less evident from the reduced space inclosed by them, comprehending only the principal height, and excluding the cavea of the theatre, the exterior wall of which was a part of the new inclosure. The circus, as I have already remarked, seems, both from its construction and dimensions, to have been of the same period as the town walls. As it must have been intended for the spectacles and customs of heathen Greece, all these constructions may be attributed to a period prior, though probably not by many years, to the establishment of Christianity in the Peloponnesus. Perhaps they were the work of Julian in his endeavours to restore the declining cities of Greece, and to reanimate expiring Polytheism. The invasion of the Goths in the fourth century, and the

§ 1.186  irruption of the Slavonic tribes in the subsequent ages of barbarism, must have contributed to the further depopulation of Sparta; but at what time it was totally abandoned, or at what exact period Mistra became the chief place of the Κοίλη Λακεδαίμων, or Lacedaemonian valley, it is impossible to determine. We may presume that the advantages of the stronger position of Mistra, were felt and employed very soon after Constantinople ceased to be able to afford protection to its distant provinces. The name of Mistra first occurs in the form of Myzithra, which is still sometimes used, together with Morea for Peloponnesus, and other modern appellations, after the partial revival of letters in the twelfth century, when the Byzantine writers resumed the thread of Grecian history, and revealed at the same time the progress of barbarism Pachymer, speaking of an occurrence of the year 1269 names Monemvasia, Maini, Ieraki, and Myzithraa, as the chief places in the south of the Peloponnesus. It is true, that Nicephorus Gregoras, relating the same event, makes mention of Sparta as if it still existed; but it is probable, that Nicephorus merely preferred the ancient to the modern name, from a desire to shew his knowledge of antiquity, and to allude to the former glories of his country; and that, in reality, by Sparta he meant Mistra. The absence of any remains of churches at Sparta, and the antiquity of some of those at Mistra, prove that the Episcopal See was at a very early period of Christianity established at the latter place. The title of the bishop residing at Mistra is Metropolitan of Lacedaemonia, the same which we constantly find subscribed to the acts of the Councils.

§ 1.187  March 23. — Ride to the village of Sinan-bey near Sklavokhori, in search of the site of Bryseae which the description of Pausanias, and some information given me by a peasant at Sparta, induce me to think was near that village. To the west of it, at the foot of the mountain, I find a fine source of water and several antique fragments in a ruined chapel; among others, on a piece of white marble that appears to have been part of a frize, is a wolf pursuing a deer, in a spirited style, in very low relief. In the village I find also a sculptured marble which had been described to me by the same informant. It was lying near a chapel, with the wrought side downwards. It represents in relief, a battle of women on horseback, armed with bipennes, against men on foot, in. scaly armour, armed with short swords. The subject was probably the death of Penthesilea;

§ 1.188  the date that of the Roman Empire. The design is good, but the execution rough and unfinished; so much so, indeed, that an Ionic cornice at the top, which shews it to have belonged to a frize, is wrought in part only, the rest being simply smoothed and shaped out for the ornament. The stone was dug up three or four years ago, as I am told, in an adjoining field. [The marble is now in my possession.]
Through the gorge behind Sklavokhori, at the entrance of which stands a tower, on the summit of a perpendicular rock there is a road to Sokha, a village in the upper cultivated region of Taygetum, where are said to be some remains of antiquity, possibly those of the temple of Ceres Eleusinia, which was near the great summits, anciently called Taletum and Evoras. Sinanbey I take to be the site of Bryseae. The marbles representing female, ornaments, and recording the names of the priestesses, Laoagete and Anthuse, which are now lying at the neighbouring village of Sklavokhori, probably belonged to the temple of Bacchus at Bryseae, into which women alone were admitted, and of which they performed the secret rites. The name of Bryseae may have been derived from the source at the chapel. I return to Mistra through Aianni.

§ 1.189  #hapter VI LACONIA.
March 25. — This morning I bid adieu to my host the bishop, and leave Mistra for Monemvasia. His Holiness appears to be a kind-hearted man, and a favourite with his flock, but as ignorant a Kaloieros as I have chanced to meet. In the course of conversation, when I stated that Britain is seven or eight hundred (Greek) miles long; — “then it must be as large”, he said, “as the Morea,” which is about one fourth as long. When I told him it was an island, he cried, “Lord have mercy upon me.” He had taken his idea of islands from those of the Aegaean.
At Aianni I visit Amus Aga of Bardhunia,

§ 1.190  who is living upon the villages of the plain. He receives 500 piastres from the town of Mistra, not to disturb them; the villages, therefore, are the principal sufferers. I was the bearer of a letter to him from the voivoda, requesting him to supply me with an escort and orders for the Dervenis on the frontiers of Bardhunia, of which these Bardhuniotes have made themselves the guardians. I find him in a miserable cottage in Aianni, surrounded with his followers in Albanian dresses, and himself clothed like a chieftain of the same people, in a waistcoat and cloak covered with gold lace: he appears about forty years of age. His manner is frank and civil, like that of the generality of his race, and he immediately supplies me with two men on foot to accompany me. Some of the Bardhuniotes possess tjiftliks in the plain of Mistra. The brother of Amus Aga, called Dervish Bey, had a large pyrgo in the town of Mistra, which is now in ruins: he was put to death twelve years ago by the then voivoda, by order of the Porte.
I leave St. John at 7.57, and cross the plain in the direction of the opening through which the Eurotas issues from the Spartan valley into the plain of Elos. This gorge, which is noticed by Strabo, separates the eastern range from a

§ 1.191  long and lofty counterfort of Mount Taygetum called Lykovuni, which bounds the plain of Mistra on the south, as the parallel root, which terminates at the site of Sparta, does on the north. At 8.57 the tjiftlik of Mohammed Bey is on the left, half a mile, and a little farther that of Dervish Bey on the right, at the same distance. Under St. Elias, or the highest peak of Taygetum, half way down, appears the village of Polovitza. At 9.12 we pass a river called Takhurti which rises above Sokha, and then, having crossed the low ridge which I have already described as a continuation of the heights on which Sparta stood, we descend into the lower vale on the banks of the Eurotas, where, at 9.32, we pass another stream at a mill just under the village of Kakari, opposite to which, on the other side of the Eurotas, is the tjiftlik of Skura. At 9.39 arrive on the bank of the Eurotas, which is here wide, sandy, and rapid; on the opposite side of the river stands a pyrgo and zeugalatia, or tjiftlik called Babas, At 10.20 pass a mill under the heights, lose five minutes, and at 10.35 begin to cross the extremity of Lykovfini.. — The Eurotas remains on our left, flowing eastward through a rocky ravine lying between the height we cross and the great bank on the opposite side of the river, which is a continuation of Mount Menelaium.

§ 1.192  After having passed the extremity of Lykovuni, we enter a valley, through which a large stream flows into the Eurotas called Rasina, or Erasina; it descends from Potamia, a town of Bardhunia on the right. Though I find no mention in ancient history of a river Erasinus in this part of the country, the similarity of the modern name, and the frequent occurrence of Erasinus in ancient geography as the appellation of a river, leave great reason to suspect that Rasina is a corruption of Erasinus. Here the Eurotas resumes a more southerly course. On the hills to the right is seen Kurtzuna, two miles south of Potamia, and to the right of the latter the monastery of Garbitza, on the south side of the St. Elias, or highest summit of Taygetum, for which I can learn no other name here than the Mountain of Mani. At 10.53 we arrive at the Vasilo-Perama, or ford of the Vasili Potamo, as the Eurotas is here called, and cross it a quarter of a mile above the junction of the Potamia river, immediately opposite to which is a pyrgo and tjiftlik belonging to Dervish Bey, a young man whom I met at Amus Aga's. At 11.30 we are in the midst of low rugged heights with the Eurotas running through a gorge on the right, at the foot of Lykovuni.

§ 1.193  At 11.50 descend upon its bank. At 12.17, after having taken some armed men from a guard-house, we pass through the Derveni of Mavrokurla, a hollow road resembling a great ditch, among some rugged heights.
At 12.35 we again meet the bank of the Vasili Potamo, and at 12.45 enter a vale at first barren, but afterwards of good soil and green with wheat, more forward than in the plain of Mistra, and with sekali, or rye, already in ear: at 12.52 the pyrgo and tjiftlik of Abdul Kerim is on the right bank of the Eurotas, and the village of Finika somewhere near, but not in sight. At 2, on an ascent, which on the other side slopes to the plain of Elos, I halt for dinner on the edge of the hill, at the ruins of a chapel by the road side. I find these meridian halts, which are generally determined by the occurrence of a spring of water, to be the most acceptable arrangement for both men and cattle. From hence the village of Ieraki is seen on the side of the southernmost division of the eastern range, at the distance of three miles in a strait line. Behind it I perceive the ruins of a former town on the top of a hill. Among them there are said to be some remains of Hellenic walls. The gorge of the Eurotas at the foot of Lykovuni is now half a mile on our right: to the south

§ 1.194  and south-east appears the gulf of Kolokythia with a part of the plain of Elos near the sea, and the island of Cerigo terminating the prospect. To the eastward the eastern Laconic range ends in a peaked hill, which forms a remarkable object from the castle of Mistra, and on the side of which is the village of Beziane.
At 2.37 I pursue my journey, and descend gradually a barren tract, rocky and covered with bushes of mastic, holly-oak, and wild olive. At 3.08 arrive at a spot where the modern road passes over a flat surface of rock, in which the ruts of chariot wheels are still remaining for the distance of thirty or forty paces, they are four feet two inches asunder, and two inches deep; in one spot there is a semicircular excavation on one side, intended apparently for the purpose of allowing a car to turn out of the road to make room for another to pass. At 3.16, at a descent, I again see similar tracks of wheels, vestiges probably of the ancient carriage road which led from Sparta to Helos, and to the towns on the Laconic gulf. It here winds in curves first to the right, and then to the left, for the purpose of easing the descent; in some places there are marks of two or three ruts close together. Hereabout terminates the long narrow vale of the Eurotas, between the plains of Sparta and Helos, which Strabo has

§ 1.195  so well described by the words αυλων μακρος. At 3.26 ascending a hill to Tzasione of the villages of Elos, I meet again with the ancient road indicated by the same kind of wheel tracks to the extent of not less than 100 paces. Here it would seem that the ancient carriage road to Trinasus and Gythium, separated from that which led through Helos to Asopus, Epidaurus Limera, and Boeae.
Leaving one of the villages of Elos on the right, we pass at 3.50 through Tzasi, and descend into the maritime plain, and then turn to the left along the foot of some low hills, upon which are two or three more villages of the same district; to the right the plain extends to the sea, and a lagoon is seen at its south-eastern extremity. All the land towards the shore, being marshy, is in pasture, the rest is covered with corn now two feet high; and the forwardest I have yet seen. A few old mulberry and olive trees show that the plain once produced oil and silk. At 5 we arrive at Priniko, the last of the villages of Elos to the south-eastward.
The plain and sub-district of Elos extends from the mountain of Beziane to the foot of the hills of Bardhunia and to the frontier of Mani, which begins at Trinisa, the ancient Trinasus. The villages of Elos are eleven in

§ 1.196  number, none containing more than twenty houses; most of them are situated on the low hills which encircle the plain, but some are in the plain itself. Skala, which stands on the bank of the Eurotas, an hour above its mouth, is so called from being the place of embarkation of the district. Though Elos is almost entirely separated from the other parts of the district of Mistra by parts of Bardhunia and Monemvasia, its villages are all enrolled in that Kazasi. The dhekatia of cotton is one tenth, that of corn one seventh, a third of the remainder goes to the proprietor of the land, the rest to the zevgalates. The mukata of the three principal villages, Priniko, Tzasi, and Turali, was sold last year for twentyfour purses, and the purchasers are supposed to have been gainers in consequence of the high price of corn this year. Wheat is now twelve piastres a kilo in Mistra and Monemvasia. [The exchange with England was then about fifteen pence to the piastre.] The three villages just named produce corn, besides 4000 okes of cotton; and the fishery of the lagoon belongs to the same mukata. The chief produce of fish is in summer; in the winter the fish are disturbed by the violence of the wind and by the salt water, which is blown by it into the lake over the sandy beach which separates it from the sea.

§ 1.197  Cattle are sent in winter to Elos for pasture from the plain of Tripolitza. There are a few buffaloes used for labour in the plain. Elos, Anapli, Gastuni, and Nisi are, I believe, the only places in the Morea where these animals are seen.
At the sight of the high black cap of the voivoda's Dehli who accompanies me, the inhabitants of Priniko fled and hid themselves, and some time elapsed before I could procure admittance into one of the cottages. The Helote who owned it, when forced at length to make his appearance, bestowed the most ridiculous flattery on the ragged Turkish soldier. When told that the new voivoda was arrived at Anapli, on his way from Constantinople, and was daily expected at Mistra, “A thousand and a thousand times welcome”, he exclaimed, with a profusion of benedictions which the Turk received with a grave face, though perfectly understanding the value of these compliments to his master, and that the Greek knew as well as himself that the arrival of a new governor could make no other difference to the poor Helotes than the imposition of some extraordinary gratuity, and consequently that he meant nothing but curses in his heart. At dinner the Turkish soldier did ample justice to the Helote's fare, who not then knowing that I should

§ 1.198  remunerate him for the damage, must have considered the effect of the Dehli's teeth as all clear loss to him. He pretended nevertheless to lament that the Dehli ate very little, and after many pressing invitations, when at length he saw the Turk fairly a-ground, ended with the reflection, οι μεγάλοι άνθρωποι δεν τρώγουν “great men never eat much.” One of the cottagers told me of two or three miracles that had happened to him last year. On one occasion a wine barrel that had been long lying empty he found full of good wine. It has always been part of the Greek character to believe in θαύματα: when the traveller tells them that such wonders never occur in his own country, they reply that it is a proof of their being the especial favourites of Heaven, though they admit that at present they are suffering severe punishment for their sins. The boluk bashi, who superintends the affairs of the mukatasi of Tzasi, and the two other villages, said to me, This land of Elos is good and rich, but we are obliged to squeeze the peasants too much, otherwise it would produce a great deal more.” Thus it often happens, that Turks possessing local power are well inclined to exercise it with moderation for their own sakes, but the vicious system beginning from the head, and passing through all the gradations of the Turkish government, irresistibly impels them to a contrary course.
Priniko stands about a mile from the sea side; opposite to it begins the lagoon which extends for a mile along the shore, and then becomes a marsh as far as the south-eastern extremity of the plain, where the beach ceases, and the hills end in cliffs over-hanging the sea. The lake is about half a mile broad in the widest part.
I can neither see nor learn any thing decisive of the exact position of that maritime city Helos, which supplied some of the ships of Menelaus in the Trojan expedition, and after the return of the Heracleidae partook of the fate of the other Laconic cities, which were reduced to insignificance by the Doric conquerors for the sake of Sparta, that of Helos becoming at length so peculiarly the victim of their aristocratical oppression, that the name of the people was applied to all the servile class of the Lacedaemonian state, whether natives of Laconia or of Messenia.

§ 1.199  March 26, This morning, at a quarter of an hour beyond Priniko, I meet with an inscribed column, which was uncovered by the plough not long since in a field at the foot of the heights on the left of our road. The inscription contains the names of the Emperors Constantine, Valentinian, Valens, and Constans. The marsh is at a little distance on the right. Leaving this spot, at 6.15 we arrive, at the end of three miles, at the foot of the hill of Beziane, where some low cliffs overhang a narrow beach. The lower part of the hill, as well as the adjacent plain, is covered with the Velani oak, the leaves of which are just beginning to appear. We pass under the cliffs, and arrive, in five minutes, at a ruined chapel, where are some fragments of antiquity, and the base of a column of the time of the lower empire; — then ascend the mountain of Beziane, moving in the direction of the northernmost and highest peak; the road very rugged and overgrown with bushes. Just under the peak we pass a cave, in which saltpetre is made by simply boiling the earth: this is a common production of the caverns of the Morea. Sulphur being easily supplied from Milo and Crete, gunpowder is made in many parts of the Peninsula.
A little under the cave I see some tracks of ancient wheels in the rock, of the same dimensions as those I measured yesterday. Having passed the higher peak to the left, and proceeded in the direction of the lower and southernmost peak, I halt under the latter for ten minutes, to take some observations of the eastern coast of Mani, which, as well as the greater

§ 1.201  part of the gulf, is here displayed before us, bounded eastward by the hills behind Cape Xyli, and the mountains of Monemvasia. We now descend by a paved zig-zag road into the plain of Finiki, and enter the plain at the Turkish village of Patsha opposite to it is Finiki, standing on the side of the mountain which borders the plain on the south. Having passed at 10.30 through Patissia, we cross the plain from thence, and at 11.40 enter the hills which close the plain on the east, and upon which stand the villages of Sykia and St. Theodore. We leave, on the left in the plain, another village called Katavothra, and behind us, at the distance of a mile, that of Melaos, or Molaghos, situated eastward of Patissia, under the southeastern side of the high peak of the hill of Beziane. There are some fine fountains and gardens at Melaos, and two or three large pyrghi, which, as well as those of Patissia, are of a more solid construction than the ordinary Turkish towers. Melaos, some of the Greeks say, is properly Menelaos, and has something to do, though they know not what, with the history of Menelaus and Helen. The plain of Finiki answers precisely to that called Leuce by Strabo; it has thus changed its denomination from white to red; but I do not perceive that either of

§ 1.202  them is appropriate as a descriptive name. The plain is partly grown with corn just springing up, but the greater part of it is in natural pasture. Having passed, at 12, between Sykia and Aio Thodhoro, the vulgar pronunciation of “Aγιος Θεώδορος”, we enter among low heights and narrow barren vales, where the ground is in many places covered with wild lavender in blossom, and ascend the mountains, which are steep, rugged, lofty rocks, offering no possibility of cultivation. At 12.50, in the highest part of this wilderness, I halt on the slope of one of the mountains, and dine with a rock for my table, near an opening in the range, which admits of a partial view on either side. To the northwest is seen the hill of Beziane, and to the eastward the sea near Monemvasia; directly before us is a rocky precipice, terminating a mountain, which trends to the south-eastward, and is separated by a ravine from the mountain immediately in face of Monemvasia. At 1.20 we begin to descend into this ravine, and skirt the foot of the precipitous summit, over rocky barren ground, in the midst of which, at 1.50, are a fountain, a garden, and the ruins of a village from whence, descending towards the sea, we arrive, at 2.30, in front of the northern side of the island of Monemvasia, which is a bare precipice like the back of Gibraltar. We now move southward along the rocks on the shore at a very slow pace, the road being bad, and our wretched Agoyatic horses nearly at the extent of their powers. At 3.30 cross the bridge, and enter the gate of Monemvasia. My Dehli Bashiy Mehmet Aga, for these high titles are freely assumed by a Turk of the lowest rank when on a journey or absent from his superiors, conducts me without ceremony to the house of Hassan Bey, the governor, who is absent, and to whom he despatches a letter of recommendation which he brought from the voivoda of Mistra; in the mean time we take possession of the governor's house, which is pleasantly situated close to the sea. I receive a visit soon afterwards from the kadi and some of the other Turks.

§ 1.203  March 27. — The name of Mονεμβασία is derived from its singular situation, which admits only of one approach and entrance on the land side, over the bridge which connects the western extremity of the hill with the main land. The island is about half a mile in length, and one-third as much in breadth, its length forming a right angle to the direction of the main shore. The town is divided into two parts, the castle on the summit of the hill, and the town, which is built on the southern face of the island, occupying one-third of it towards the eastern end. The town is inclosed between two walls descending directly from the castle to the sea; the houses are piled upon one another, and intersected by narrow intricate streets. Many of the buildings are of Venetian construction; there are about 300 houses in the town, and 50 in the castle: all, except about six, are Turkish. Before the Russian invasion of the Morea there were 150 Greek families, but they, as well as the Greek inhabitants of the villages of this district, fled after that event to Asia, or to Petza, Ydhra, and the other islands. Some of them returned, after Hassan, the Capitan Pasha, had expelled the Albanians, who had marched into the Morea against the Russo-Greeks; but the Vilayeti has never recovered its Christian population, and does not now contain more than 500 Greeks; its cultivation has of course diminished, and now produces little more of the necessaries of life, than are sufficient for its own consumption. Before the insurrection, corn and kalambokki were exported: the only exports now are about 500 kantars of oil to Trieste, (the total quantity produced in the district being about 800 kantars) together with some figs, onions, and cheese.
The whole district is rocky and mountainous, except the plain of Finiki. The town is

§ 1.205  supplied with fruit and vegetables from Velies, a village on the hills, an hour west of Monemvasia, where are also a few vineyards, which produce a strong wine. That which gave rise to the name of Malmseya has long been extinct here. All the coast in sight from the town is an uncultivable rock. To the south, the coast line is terminated by Cape Kamili, a low narrow promontory, with a hummock upon it, supposed to resemble the back of a camel; Cape Malea, or Malia, rises above Cape Kamili, being exactly in the same line from Monemvasia. To the north, the coast in sight is terminated by Cape Kremidhi, the extreme point of the bay of Palea Monemvasia.
I visit a large monastery in the town, said to have been founded by the Emperor Andronicus Comnenus, which would make it a work of the twelfth century. The church is one of the largest in Greece, but is maintained in a state fit for the church service towards the altar only; of the rest of the building nothing is left but the bare walls; at the end opposite to the altar are the remains of two thrones, which were destroyed by the Turks after the Russian invasion. My ciceroni say they were the thrones of a king and queen, whose names they cannot tell me. It does not appear from Nicetas, that Andronicus passed his exile in this part of the empire. There are some fragments of white marble lying in different parts of the church; one has two peacocks on it, with their tails spread; — below, an ox's head and a serpent, upon which one of the peacocks is treading. It is a work of the lower ages, probably of the same date as the church. There is one monk belonging to the monastery, and a small apartment for the bishop, who, though a metropolitan of high rank in the eastern church, is obliged, in consequence of the wretched state of this place, and the insult and extortion to which he would be exposed here from the Turks, to reside at Kalamata, except at Easter, when he comes here to officiate at the festival. In virtue of an edict of the Emperor Andronicus, he assumes the place of the Patriarch of Jerusalem in the synod, when the latter happens to be absent, and then sits above the patriarchs of Alexandria and Antioch. His suffragan bishoprics are, Andrussa, Andruvista, Platza, Milea, Maini, Kolokythia, and Elos; all but the first and last are in Mani.

§ 1.206  March 28. — Hassan Bey is not only governor of the fortress and voivoda of the district, but captain also of the Sultan's galley, stationed here to clear the coast of pirates, and more particularly intended to preserve Mani in its present orderly state. He is not a little proud of his exploits against the Maniates. He has not left them, he says, a single tratta to carry on their depredations by sea. Two of their captured galleys, similar in construction to his own, but much smaller, are now lying here, drawn up on the beach just within the bridge. He affirms, that since he has been entrusted with this command he has blown up eighteen Maniate castles, and destroyed almost as many villages; only a few months since he took Marathonisi, after firing a prodigious number of shot into it, when he also captured 90 kantars of powder, in barrels of 400 okes, and 40 kantars of shot, which had been landed from a French brig of war. The same brig sailed from Mani to Crete, where another cargo was landed for the use of the Sfakhiotes, but which was also seized by the governor of Khania. Hassan receives from the Sultan for the maintenance of his galley 12,000 piastres a year, 100 kantars of biscuit, and 10 kantars of powder: the vessel mounts twelve guns, and has fifteen pair of oars. His services in this quarter are of ancient date; when the Capitan Pasha Hassan was sent to settle the affairs of the Morea, after the Russian invasion, Hassan Bey marched from Marathonisi, which had been taken by the Pasha, across the Taygetum to Kitries, where

§ 1.208  he shut up several of the Kapitanei in a tower, and forced them to a capitulation. The Greeks, who rose in consequence of Orlov's proceedings, are stated by Hassan to have committed the greatest cruelties against the Turks, and it is well known that the expedition of Dolgorouki against Mothoni failed in consequence of their disorderly, or cowardly, conduct. The Albanians, who entered the Morea on this occasion, amounted, according to Hassan, to 15,000, who themselves, alarmed at the great number of their countrymen that were following to share in the plunder, and supported by the government in their determination to admit no more, stationed parties at the isthmus, with orders to prevent any more Albanians from entering the peninsula. When the insurrection had been quelled, and peace made with Russia, the Albanians, who had committed and were continuing to commit the greatest excesses, were ordered to return home; but repeated firmahns having failed in producing obedience to this order, Hassan Bey accompanied the Capitan Pasha in his expedition against them, when they were totally defeated, and a pyramid of their heads was made near Tripolitza: of the survivors, some joined the old colonies of their countrymen at Lalla and Bardhunia, others entered into the service of the Pasha; only a few returned to Albania. Hassan speaks highly of

§ 1.209  the services of the interpreter of the fleet, Mavroyeni, upon this occasion, particularly in the pacification of Mani: he was afterwards voivoda of Moldavia, and was beheaded by a Grand Vezir Hassan, for which the vezir himself lost his head.
Hassan Bey's account of his wars in Mani is very amusing. It seldom happened, he says, that when he wished to destroy a village, he could not find some neighbouring village to assist him in the work, and generally under the guidance of a priest, upon condition of his having the stones of the ruins for a perquisite. Their own civil wars, Hassan says, are seldom very bloody, and months may pass without a single man being killed on either side. The women carry ammunition for their husbands or brothers, and it is a point of honour not to fire at them. To shew the respect in which Hassan's name is held in Mani, he shews me a poetical effusion which he has just received from thence, and in which he is described as gifted with every possible virtue. Poetry and piracy seem to be indigenous plants that will never be eradicated from Greece.
The Albanian dress is daily becoming more customary, both in the Morea and in the rest of Greece: in the latter, from the great increase of the Albanian power; in the Morea, probably

§ 1.210  in consequence of the prosperity of Ydhra, which is an Albanian colony, and of the settlements of Albanian peasantry that have been made in some parts of the Morea, particularly Argolis, as well as in the neighbouring provinces of Attica and Boeotia. The dress is lighter and more manageable than the Turkish or Greek. It is common for the Turks of Greece to dress their children as Albanians, though it would not comport with their own dignity and prejudices to adopt it themselves. Hassan's son is dressed a l'Albanoise; — himself as a galionji, or Turkish seaman.
I ride out this afternoon to Palea Monemvasia, upon a handsome Egyptian horse, with which the governor provides me. The bridge is 536 feet in length; we cross it at 1.25, and proceeding northward along the shore, at 2.25 pass the ruins of a small Hellenic city, situated on the cliffs immediately above the beach; the place is called Old Monemvasia. I have little doubt that the ruins are those of the ancient Epidaurus Limera, and that Monemvasia is the Minoa of Pausanias. I proceed twenty minutes farther to some ruined magazines, situated under a peninsula, which forms a harbour on either side of it: that on the

§ 1.211  south-west side is called the Port of Palea Monemvasia, and that on the north, the harbour of Kremidhi; the latter is included between the peninsula and the great promontory of Kremidhi already mentioned. Monemvasia itself has no harbour; the galleys and boats are hauled up on the beach. At the magazines of Old Monemvasia there now lies the wreck of an Ydhriote ship, which was burnt by lightning two or three years ago. I ascend the peninsula, it is crowned with a tower, and terminates to the NNE in a perpendicular precipice.
Returning, I examine the ruins of Epidaurus, of which Pausanias says only, that “the town was situated on a height not far from the sea; and that the remarkable objects in it were sanctuaries of Venus and Aesculapius, the latter containing an upright statue of marble; a temple of Minerva, in the acropolis, and another of Jupiter Soter, in face of the harbour”. The walls, both of the acropolis and town, are traceable all round; and in some places, particularly towards the sea, they remain to more than half their original height. The town formed a sort of semicircle on the southern side of the citadel. The towers are some of the smallest I have ever seen in Hellenic fortresses; the faces ten feet, the flanks twelve: the whole

§ 1.212  circumference of the place is less than three quarters of a mile. The town was divided into two separate parts by a wall, thus making, with the citadel, three interior divisions. On the acropolis there is a level space, which is separated from the remaining part of it by a little insulated rock, excavated for the foundations of a wall. I take this platform to have been the position of the temple of Minerva. On the site of the lower town, towards the sea front, there are two terrace walls, one of which is a perfect specimen of the second order of Hellenic masonry. Upon these terraces may have stood the temples of Venus and Aesculapius. There are, likewise, some remains of a modern town within the ancient inclosure, namely, houses, churches, and a tower of the lower ages.
After mentioning the port of Jupiter Soter, Pausanias immediately adds, “below the city a promontory extends into the sea, called Minoa. The bay does not differ from other retired shores of the Laconice, but the beach affords pebbles more beautiful in form, and which are of every variety of colour.” The beach, in fact, consists of pebbles, and among them I find many colours; though I question whether as

§ 1.213  varied a selection might not be made in many other parts of the Laconic coast. Of the harbour of Jupiter Soter, I cannot discover any remains; but this is not surprising, as upon such a shore it must have been artificial, and formed, as usual, by a mole projecting into the water, a work which might be easily covered, in the course of ages, by the accumulation of soil, or obliterated by the action of the sea, which, there is some reason to think, has gained upon this part of the Laconic coast. Ptolemy, by naming separately Minoa, the harbour of Jupiter Soter, and Epidaurus, in that order from south to north, would seem to place the harbour not exactly below the city, but rather more southward: there are no appearances, however, of a λιμήν in either place. It may be thought, perhaps, that this deficiency, added to the objection which may be made to Monemvasia as the ancient Minoa, because it is an island, and not an ακρα, or promontory, is an argument against the ruins being those of Epidaurus. It must also be admitted, that the distance of 300 stades, placed by Pausanias between Cape Malea and Epidaurus, is beyond the reality when applied to this position, even if we were to consider the 300 stades as a road distance; and moreover that the words κατα την πόλιν, by which Pausanias describes the position of Minoa relatively

§ 1.214  to Epidaurus, are hardly such as apply to two places situated near four miles asunder. It seems evident, however, that if the ruins at Old Monemvasia were not those of Epidaurus, they must be ascribed to Epidelium, for the Epidaurii bordered on the Boeatae, who occupied the extremity of the peninsula, and the only place on the coast southward of Minoa was Epidelium. This is the same place which Strabo, citing Artemidorus, calls Delium, and which he agrees with both Ptolemy and Pausanias in shewing to have been on the coast between Minoa and Malea. According to Pausanias, it was situated within the Boeatice, at 100 stades from Malea, and 200 from Epidaurus. Epidelium, however, was nothing more than a sanctuary of Apollo, surrounded perhaps with a few habitations, and which did not exist until the Mithradatic war, when a wooden statue of the god was conveyed thither miraculously from Delos, on the occasion of that island having been taken and ravaged by Metrophanes, commander of the forces of Mithradates. It is very clear that the ruins at Old Monemvasia could not have belonged to such a place, being those of a polis of considerable magnitude and antiquity.
As to the present insularity of Monemvasia, as inconsistent with the employment of the

§ 1.215  word άκρα by Pausanias, it is to be observed, that Nicetas, in the twelfth century, when the present town was in existence, describes it by the same word. Perhaps, therefore, both these authors thought ακρα not improperly applied to a rock so very near the shore; or it is not impossible that the sea may have recently gained upon the shore, and, by covering a narrow neck of sand, have converted a promontory into an island; for we have an undoubted example of such a change in the neighbouring district of Boeae, where the promontory Onugnathus has now become an island, called Elafonisi.
Though Minoa would seem, from the silence of Pausanias, not to have been occupied in his time, it was a fortress at an earlier period of the Roman empire, as appears by the word φρούριον, which is applied to it by Strabo. During the insecurity of the middle ages, it very naturally became, not only a fortress, but an important town.
Upon the whole, therefore, I have no doubt that Palea Monemvasia is the site of Epidaurus Limera, and that Epidelium occupied the position of Cape Kamili, which being at about one third of the distance between Cape Malea and Old Monemvasia, agrees with the proportion, at least, of the numbers of Pausanias. Cape Kamili affords some shelter from the winds, and

§ 1.216  is the only place on that part of the coast which is likely to have been chosen for a settlement.
It would seem from Coronelli, that the name of Epidaurus was still attached, in his time, to its ruins; but I cannot now learn any other name for them than that of Old Monemvasia. If Coronelli is correct, we must suppose that the Christian town, which the existing ruins prove to have stood on this site, continued to preserve the ancient name, until the place ceased to be inhabited. From the ruins I descend, on the south side, into the ravine of a torrent, which is cultivated with corn, and bordered by low rocks. A sloping road, about 100 yards in length, conducts into it down the side of the hill; the road is cut out of the rock, is just wide enough for a car, and still preserves some traces of wheels. The valley seems to have contained the sepulchres of the Epidaurii, a catacomb of this form being still seen in the rock, near a ruined church of the Holy Ghost. [sketch]
Not far from it there is a large cavern made into a mandhra, by a wall in front. Nearer the sea there is a marsh.

§ 1.217  Proceeding from the valley towards the shore, I arrive at Khranapes, a tjiftlik and garden, below which, bordering the sea-beach, there is a deep pool of fresh water, surrounded with reeds, about 100 yards long and thirty broad. This seems to be the “Lake of Ino, small and deep”, which, according to Pausanias, “was two stades distant from a spot marked by some altars of Aesculapius, which were situated amidst wild olive trees, and were intended to commemorate the place where a serpent, brought from Epidaurus of Argolis by the first founders of Limera, disappeared in the ground, and thus furnished them with an omen decisive of the position of their future city.” The garden, which is about a third of a mile southward of the ruins of Epidaurus, is inclosed within low rocks, and contains, among a variety of fruittrees, a date, which is an uncommon production in Greece. The garden forms a pretty contrast with the rocky desert around, for in the surrounding country no cultivation is seen, except in a few places in the vale of the torrent of Epidaurus, as far up as the springs, which I passed, at 1.50, on the 26th. The sun having set when I return to the town, I find the gates shut, and am obliged to wait for the governor's order for their being opened.

§ 1.218  March 29. — Cypresses are used at Monemvasia for making masts, they are procured from many parts of the district of Mistra, especially towards the eastern coast Fifty years ago, corn in this part of the Morea was three kilos a piastre; it is now from ten to thirteen piastres a kilo. Captain George Kondurioti has received from the Capitan Pasha the office of collector of the kharatj in Ydhra, Poro, and Eghina, which will give him great influence in Ydhra, and tend to preserve order there. A Spetziote has lately returned from America with a cargo of sugar, rum, and coffee, which was sold at a vast profit. This may lead to many similar speculations. Ydhra has now 100 square rigged ships: at the beginning of the French revolution it had only a few latine vessels and fishing boats.
I ascend this forenoon to the kastro, or citadel. It is separated from the town by a perpendicular cliff, through which there is a zigzag ascent cut in the rock. Above the cliffs there is a considerable space of ground, not level, but sloping upwards, to the crest of the northern side, or back of the island. This space forms the castle, where ten or a dozen guns are mounted. There still exist some good cisterns and the remains of two or three hundred houses and magazines; among these is the ruin of a large church, which has been converted into a

§ 1.219  mosque. The walls and batteries are in a most dilapidated state, and the place is entirely exposed to shells from the opposite mountain; some of those which were thrown by the Venetians are still lying on the ground.
Beyond Cape Kremidhi there is a more eastern projection of the same great promontory, not seen from Monemvasia, which is known in the Argolic peninsula and on the surrounding coasts by the name of Cape Ieraka. Its name is derived from a small but well sheltered port on its north side, and is undoubtedly a corruption of Zarax, in the usual Romaic form of the accusative; Pausanias tells us, that Zarax had a good harbour, and was situated 100 stades from Epidaurus Limera. It belonged to the Eleuthero-Laconic confederacy, but had never recovered from the destruction it suffered from Cleonymus, son of Cleomenes, son of Agesipolis; in the time of Pausanias it contained only a temple of Apollo by the sea-side, with a statue of the god holding a guitar in his hand. The Italians, when in possession of this part of the Morea, found the position and the shelter of Port Ieraka so convenient to their galleys, that they fortified its entrance with a chain, in the fashion of those times, whence it became known to the Italians by the name of Porto Cadena, by which it is denoted in the Italian charts.

§ 1.220  March 30. — Hassan's patron at Constantinople is Yusuf Effendi, formerly ambassador in England, and now Tersane-'Emini; — they have shared the mukata of the vilayeti between them. This day a Tjohadar and Tartar arrive from Constantinople, bringing Hassan the in. formation that the new voivoda of Mistra has been substituted for Yusuf in the farm for the present year, and requiring him to send the amount of his last year's contract to Constantinople. A servant of the new voivoda arrives also from Mistra, requesting Hassan's presence there. This man is a native of Edrene has been as far as Bagdad, and in almost every other part of Turkey, speaks a little Italian, and wishes to enter my service as janissary.

§ 1.221  April 1. — After having waited two days for horses from Sykia, I set out this day at 11.05. At 11.25 turn out of the former road to the south, and follow the opening of the mountain, through which flows the torrent of Epidaurus. After passing for a quarter of an hour along the torrent bed, we cross over the lower part of the rocky mountain on the right hand into a little elevated and fertile hollow, inclosed by mountains, where, on the southern side of the north-eastern hill, stands the village of Velies, in a situation like that of a Hellenic town. Pausanias tells us that there was a temple of Diana Limnatis in the road from Boeae to Epidaurus, and within the Epidauria. This valley seems to agree with both those conditions. The undulated ground below the village is fertile, but cultivated only in part; there are many olivetrees round the village, and it contains several handsome pyrghi, but some of them are in ruins, and all are uninhabited. At a brook are the remains of gardens and fruit-trees. Both the towers and the gardens belong to Turks of Monemvasia, who, though half starved and clothed in rags, have inherited the notion, universal among the Musulmans of Greece, that it is the business of the rayah to cultivate the land, and have, therefore, let their estates go to ruin; the massacres and persecutions which followed the insurrection excited by Russia, having deprived this corner of the peninsula of its Greek inhabitants. At 1.40, in passing Velies, the rain coming on, I hasten forward towards my Konak, leaving the baggage to follow. The last two days there has been a strong gale from the north, very cold, and sometimes almost amounting to a tempest. This morning there was frost with a

§ 1.222  clear sky, and much snow appeared on the adjacent mountains at the back of Epidaurus; but it soon changed to a sirocco, when the atmosphere immediately became charged with vapour.
The road continues over undulated cultivable ground among the mountains for half an hour, in the same direction as before, that is, southwestward; it then turns north, through an opening leading into the plain of Finiki. At 2.40 we pass a kalyvia, pleasantly situated in the opening, and soon after look down into the plain, with the mountain of Beziane, and the villages Patissia and Molaos before us; then, leaving Finiki on the slope to the right, we descend into the plain to the kalyvia of Finiki, which is midway between the mountains of Finiki and Beziane, and about an equal distance from Kavo-Xyli: arrive at 3.30. The land is fertile, and produces corn, but near the villages only. As we approach the Finikiotika kalyvia, the inhabitants fly and hide themselves. I soon get admission, however, into the best cottage in the village, in which the first object that meets my eye is an inscribed marble. The house is constructed, in the usual manner, of mud, with a coating of plaster; the roof is thatched, which is not a very common mode of covering the cottages in Greece. There is a raised earthen semicircle at one end for the fire, without any chimney; towards the other, a low partition,

§ 1.223  formed of the same material as the walls, separates the part of the building destined for the family from that which is occupied by the oxen and asses used on the farm, one door serving for both apartments. The usual articles of furniture of a Greek cottage are ranged, or hung around, namely, a loom, barrel-shaped wicker baskets, plastered with mud, for holding corn, a sieve, spindles, some copper cooking vessels, and two lyres. The floor is the bare earth covered, like the walls, with a coat of dried mud. An oven attached to the outside of the building, and in the garden some beans, artichokes, and a vine trailed over the roof, indicate a superior degree of affluence or industry. The inscribed marble is inserted in the wall on one side of the door, and turns out to be an interesting monument. It was erected in honour of Caius Julius Eurycles, who, in the time of Strabo, was governor of Laconia, and was so powerful that the island of Cythera was his private property. His name is inscribed on the Lacedaemonian coinage in brass, struck under his government. Strabo adds, that Eurycles abused the friendship of the Roman emperor so much as to excite an insurrection, which, however, soon ceased in consequence of his death. Pausanias tells us, that he built a magnificent bath at Corinth. On the present marble, unfortunately, the name of the dedicating city is not mentioned. The master of the cottage, when he returns home in the evening from his labour in the fields, tells me that he found the stone at Blitra, as they call some ruins near Kavo-Xyli, and that a Turk, who is now dead, advised him to convey it to his house: “But how do I know” he adds, “that it may not bring some mischief upon my house, having belonged perhaps to some church?” The Turk's reason for being unwilling to have any thing to do with the marble was because it had been a work of the infidels. The mischief contemplated by the Greek was my arrival with men and horses, which he thought would bring expense upon him, if nothing worse. While I was at dinner five oxen entered, and took up their abode for the night behind the low partition.

§ 1.224  April 2 — This morning at 7.15, sending away the baggage by the direct road to Turali, in the plain of Elos, I ride towards Kavo-Xyli, to see the ruins from which the marble was brought; — cross the plain, which is fertile, but little cultivated, and for the most part overgrown with bushes: a part of the land has been lately ploughed for sowing kalambokki and planting cotton, both which operations are performed in May. The grain is reaped in October. At half-way we cross a road which leads from the southward to Boza and Elos. At 8.15 arrive at Blitra, on the eastern side of Cape Xyli, which is a high rocky peninsula, terminating in alow tongue of land, which projects from the peninsula on the southern side; on the summit of the hill stands one of the line of towers which once served to protect this coast. Eastward of the peninsula there is a deep inlet of the sea and a good harbour, where, my conductor tells me, he has seen thirty-five ships lying; this being the safest anchorage in the gulf, though not so frequented as that of Marathonisi, on account of the want of commerce on this side. On the sea-shore, half a mile east of the peninsula, there are several quadrangular foundations cut in the rock, and extending into the water as far as I can see. Here also I find the remains of some public edifice, of which three or four courses of regular masonry remain, together with some large hewn blocks of white marble lying on the beach — a great quantity of pottery, two pieces of Doric columns of common stone, and eastward of the excavated foundations first mentioned,

§ 1.226  part of a column, fluted half way down. In the same direction, half a mile distant from the ruins, there is a remarkable insulated peak of rock connected with the range of hills which border the coast to the southward. I cannot discover any remains of an acropolis. The ruins are called Blitra; they occupy a point separating two inlets of the bay, of which that on the right is now called Arasma, or the anchorage, that on the left, or east, Skotines.
Comparing Strabo and Pausanias, I think there can be no doubt that Blitra is the site of Asopus, for Strabo thus describes the gulf to the eastward of Gythium: — first, “there is a marshy district with a town Helos, then a plain called Leuce, then a town with a harbour situated upon a chersonese, named Cyparissia, then Onugnathus, having also a harbour, then the city Boeae, then Malea, to which last there is a distance of 150 stades from Onugnathus. There is also a city in the Laconice called Asopus.” Pausanias tells us, that in the acropolis of Asopus there was a temple of Minerva Cyparissia, and at the foot of the acropolis the ruins of the city of the Achaei Paracyparissii. The fact, therefore, seems to have been, that Asopus, Cyparissia, and

§ 1.227  the city of the Paracyparissii were all the same place, of which Strabo not having personally examined the coast, was ignorant. From what Pausanias says, it may be inferred that the summit of Kavo-Xyli was the acropolis of Asopus, though nothing ancient is now to be seen upon it. He states the distance between the Cape Onugnathus, now the island Elafonisi, and Asopus at 200 stades which is too much for a paraplus, as he seems to have meant, but about equal to the road distance. At about one fourth of the distance from Asopus, was Hyperteleatum, a place in the Asopian district sacred to Aesculapius. There was another temple of Aesculapius surnamed Philolaus, twelve stades inland from the city, for so I should interpret ανωτέρω της πόλεως. The only objects which the Greek traveller remarked in the city itself, were a temple of the Roman emperors and a gymnasium, in which were some bones of extraordinary size, which he supposed to have been human. From the ruins I mount to the summit of the northernmost point of the peninsula, an important geographical station. The name of Castro Rampani, given to this place in many charts, if it ever existed, is now obsolete. I can learn no

§ 1.228  other name for the peninsula than that of Kavo-Xyli. At 9.50 we descend on the opposite side to Boza, where, at 10.10, in the ruins of a large church called the Metropolis, I find an inscribed marble of Christian time; others I am told have been carried away by the Maniates. Near the church there is a small subterranean chamber with two circular openings in the roof, each formed of a single stone pierced with a round hole. The walls of the chamber are of small stones: I suppose it to have been a granary.
At 10.20, leaving Boza, we proceed along the sea-side, and over the roots of the Beziane hill, descending in some places upon the sea beach, to the Molaitiko Pyrgo, another of the chain of coast towers: at 12 pass another ruined tower, and, 9 minutes after, the ruined church mentioned March 26th, where we quitted this lower road, and began to ascend the mountain. Proceed under the cliffs and along the sea-beach till 12.35, when, not being well guided, I find myself obliged to make a movement, partly retrograde, towards the right, in order to get into the road to Priniko on the other side of the marsh, the eastern end of which extends quite to the foot of the mountain. Thus, obliged to turn inland, I determine to proceed still further to the summit of a hill above Afidhia, where some ruins are seen. Pass through the kalyvia

§ 1.229  of Beziane, leave that village and many Velani oaks on the foot of the mountain to the right; mount the hill of Beziane, where are some tobacco grounds and gardens, and at length find the ruin on the hill, the object of my search, to be nothing more than one of the line of signal towers, and which was intended, apparently, to communicate on one side with the Castle of Mistra, which is in sight from it, and on the other with Cape Xyli and the coast. The village of Afidhia, of thirty houses, is beyond a hill on the right of our road, as we descend towards Priniko, and is not in sight. — -Cross a little cultivated valley, and there join the road from Afidhia to Priniko, — traverse some uncultivated hills, covered chiefly with wild olives and caroub trees — pass by Priniko, and enter the plain of Elos at 3.
Thus I have failed in discovering any remains of Acriae, which a comparison of Strabo and Pausanias clearly shews to have been on the coast between the plain of Helos and that of Leuce; for Strabo observes, that the Eurotas joined the sea between Acriae and Gythium, and having thus noticed Acriae, he does not again mention it when naming the places along the coast, Helos, Leuce, and Cyparissia, in the passage I have already cited. Pausanias thus speaks of the topography of this region: — “To

§ 1.230  the left of Gythium, thirty stades distant, are the walls of Trinasus on the main land, formerly, as it appears to me, a castle only, and not a city. I suppose that it takes its name from three islands which lie before it. Eighty stades beyond Trinasus are the ruins of Helos, and thirty stades farther is the city Acriae, upon the sea side.” He then describes the inland places above Acriae, after which he adds, that “towards the sea is the city Asopus, sixty stades from Acriae;” he then proceeds to describe Asopus, and the places to the southward of it. As it cannot be doubted that Leuce was the plain which contains Finiki, Patissia, &c., Acriae must have stood on a part of the heights which border the coast between the plains of Helos and Leuce, and which are an abrupt termination in the gulf of the last roots of the great range which borders all the eastern side of the Peloponnesus. From its position on these heights, the town probably received its name. The distance of eighty stades between Trinasus, now Trinisa, and Helos, places the latter towards the eastern side of the plain of Elos, probably at Priniko, which is now the principal place in Elos, and in some respects the most advantageously situated of its villages. The ninety stades between Helos and Asopus will thus agree extremely well with the

§ 1.231  time distance between Priniko and Kavo-Xyli at the rate of thirty stades to the hour; and of this total, sixty stades, or two-thirds of the whole distance from Kavo-Xyli to Priniko, will exactly place Acriae at the ruined church, where, on March 26, I observed some fragments of ancient buildings and the base of a column, and which I reckoned at about three and a half miles from Priniko, thus according with the thirty stades of Pausanias between Helos and Acriae. I certainly expected to have found some more unequivocal remains of Acriae, where Pausanias has described a harbour, a fortification near it, a gymnasium, between the two last a monument of one of the citizens of Acriae who had been five times victor in the foot race in the Olympic Stadium, and a very ancient temple and statue of the Mother of the Gods; but the maritime situation has probably been the cause of the dis-appearance of all its ancient materials, which may have been carried away by the Maniates for their new buildings, or to repair the damages which their villages so often sustain in their intestine contests. We cross the plain of Elos in the direction of Trinisa, at a slow pace in consequence of the marshy ground, and at 4.40 arrive at Turali, or Durali. Here a Buyurdi of Hassan Bey, which I brought with me, procured me a konak in the house of the Hodja-Bashi, a cottage some degrees better than that of yesterday.

§ 1.232  April 3. — We set out at 7.28, and in four minutes ford the Eurotas, which is not rapid nor deep, reaching only to the stirrups. At Limona a village of huts made of mud and wicker, and not so large as Turali, I stop ten minutes to examine the church, and to take a guide; then crossing the plain to the sea-beach, at our arrival upon it, pass a rivulet, and proceeding along the shore, arrive at 8.48 at the angle where the mountain advances to the sea: here are the ruins of a castle and a small stream. This is the boundary between Elos and Mani; at 9, passing round the head of a small creek, arrive at 9.05 at Trinisa. Here is a pyrgo and three or four houses, on a projection of the rocky shore opposite to three rocks, from which the place has in all ages derived its name. The village belongs to Anagnosti Kritira, who, in consequence of a letter sent to him by Hassan Bey, has come here from Marathonisi to meet me and offer refreshments: behind the houses are the ruins of one of the towers destroyed by the Turkish naval officers, Seremet and Hassan. At 9.17 we leave Trinisa: at 9.29 pass a mandhra in a small quarry, from whence seem to have been derived the materials of the walls of Trinasus, some remains of which are seen a little farther on.

§ 1.233  The circuit of the place was not more than four or five hundred yards, which agrees with the remark of Pausanias, that Trinasus was rather a fortress than a town. Not only the lower parts of walls of the third order remain on every side, except towards the sea, but in the centre are the foundations also of some buildings of the same kind of masonry. Leaving the ruins at 9.48, we pass over a rugged mountain into a vale half a mile in breadth, where a marsh skirts the sea-beach. In the marsh are tamarisks; in the vale flax and corn; on the hills velani oaks, and a few caroubs. We arrive at the end of the marsh at 10.17 traverse another rocky shore, and at 10.45, descending again upon the sea-beach, cross a stream flowing from a marsh in the corner of a small valley: at the end of which we pass under steep cliffs, where, at the height of thirty feet, I observe strata of rock formed of an aggregate of sea muscles. Under the cliffs, at 10.55, a copious spring is received into a cistern, and flows from thence through a stone conduit, for a third of a mile, to a mill in a little valley on the sea side. Soon afterwards we cross the valley of Gythium, leaving its ruins on the right; then ascend the side of the bare rocky hill, on the foot of which is situated the town of Marathonisi, and arrive there at 11.20.

§ 1.234  CHAPTER VII LACONIA.
Marathonisi consists of 100 wretched houses of mud-brick, in the midst of which stands a large church, with the proud distinction of a spire and bell; higher up the hill they are building a tower for Andon, the present Bey of Mani, whose family residence being at Vathy, he has no house of his own at Marathonisi. Only two hours after my arrival, the Bey himself comes to anchor in his corvette belonging to the squadron of Seremet Bey, who is also expected shortly. As the Pyrgo on the hill is not yet finished, I am obliged, on the Bey's arrival, to remove from the lodging, which had been assigned to me in a house formerly belonging to Tzanet Bey, and the best in Marathonisi, into the house of Mr. W. of Buda, who practises medicine here, and has six piastres

§ 1.235  a day to attend the Bey and his relations, together with some other persons of Marathonisi, who contribute to this stipend. His house consists of a ground floor, properly so called, being a floor upon the bare earth, over which there is an upper story divided into two apartments by a slender partition. Part of the sides and roof have been torn away by the shot which were fired by Seremet and Hassan when they besieged Tzanet Bey, and took from him the powder which the French had landed; it is now said that the Turks would not have reduced him, but for the influence of Andon's nephew, Demetrius Gligoraki, commonly called the Russian Knight, who joined him at Marathonisi with offers of assistance, and then induced him to capitulate.
The bey is an old unhealthy looking Greek, of a weak character, easily made to change his purpose by those around him. His five nephews came to visit him on his arrival; all of them, except the Cavaliere, live in this part of Maina. The Cavaliere is the eldest; then Constantine, surnamed Tzingurio, residing at Skutari; Ianaki, called Katzano, usually resident at Skutari also, but who is commandant of Marathonisi in the bey's absence; and Ghiorghio and

§ 1.236  Lambro, whose families are at Vathy. Tzingurio is a tall hard-featured man, with a pair of mustakia almost touching his shoulders, and a dagger and pistols of immense length in his girdle. He has made himself conspicuous in all the Maniate wars, and is looked upon as the greatest hero in Mani. Two sons-in-law of the bey also come to pay their court to him; Thodhoro Gligoraki, of Mavrovuni, a relation of the bey, and Constantine Zervo, a young man of Petrovuni. All these great characters honour me with visits. They are civil, but rather embarrassed in their manner, and deficient in that natural ease and politeness so remarkable in Turks, and generally also in Greeks. I am visited also by a cousin of the bey, Dhimitraki, of Mavrovuni. Andon Bey's real name is Antony Grigoraki, or Gligoraki; Aτωνιος, pronounced Andonios, being Turkified into Andon to fit the Turkish title of Bey, which he assumes as commander of a Turkish corvette, and the Capitan Pasha's deputy in the government of Mani. Tzanet, pronounced Djanet, is in like manner a corruption of Ianni, or Ίωάννης. Andon is the first cousin of Tzanet Bey, commonly called by the Turks Djanim Bey, who was expelled by the Turkish admiral for having corresponded with the French, and received gunpowder from them. Tzanet is now

§ 1.237  living at Vakho, between Skutari and Tzimova. His son, Petro Bizande (a word corrupted from the Turkish Bey-Zaade), is the hope and admiration of all the opposite party. He has been three years in France, and when he returned was dressed a la Francoise. Even his opponents speak with respect of him. He has two brothers, Grigorio and Dhimitraki. The majority of the Maniates are said to wish for the restoration of the family of Tzanet Bey; but they are kept in submission to Andon by Seremet and his squadron. Even those captains who are Andon's known enemies obey his orders at present. These reside chiefly about Cape Matapan, and between Vitylo and Skardhamula. The latter have been lately brought into order by the Cavaliere, who governs at Kytries in the bey's absence, and, many say, equally so in his presence.
An affair, which happened two months since at Vathy, shews the state of society in Mani. The son of a priest had by accident killed a boy, a relation of another priest. The latter papas declared war against the former, which is done in Mani in a formal manner, by crying out in the streets. The first papas went to his church to say mass with pistols in his girdle; such being a common custom in Mani; but, as is usual in such cases, he laid them behind the

§ 1.238  altar, on assuming the robe in which the priest performs divine service. The other papas entered the church with some of his party, and the instant the office was concluded, walked up to his enemy, who was still in his robes, and fired a pistol at him, which flashed in the pan: the latter, then running behind the altar, seized his arms, shot his enemy and one of his adherents, and drove all the rest out of the church. The affair was then settled by the interposition of the bey himself, in whose village it had happened. A composition in money, for the balance of blood, is the only efficient mode of making peace in these cases. When one of a family is slain, the person who takes upon him to revenge the injury often vows not to change his clothes or shave or eat meat till his revenge is satisfied.
Next to the captains, the priests are the chief men in the Maniate wars, both in council and field; and in the quarrels which so frequently occur between separate villages or families, they are generally the promoters and leaders of the strife. To pull down the adversary's house is generally the object and end of the war. The sufferer is then conquered, and seldom ventures to prosecute hostilities.

§ 1.239  A Maniate cannot fire without resting his musket, on account of its length, but he is an excellent marksman in his own manner. The Albanians are the same, and for this reason they cannot easily be disciplined without a change in their arms. Like the Albanians, the Maniates seldom venture to face their enemy in the field, but fire from behind houses, rocks, and trees. This must, in fact, be the case wherever no discipline exists, as no individual can depend upon the conduct of his neighbour; in short, their preference of a musket which has a long range, and their mode of fighting, are the reciprocating effect and cause of their state of society. The Maniates seem to be more addicted to assassination than the Albanians, though in Albania almost any mode of getting rid of an enemy is thought justifiable. The Maniates, however, shew great courage and obstinacy in their own way; and these qualities are held in the highest estimation among them. Even the women emulate the men in this respect. It is not long since a woman of Mount Taygetum stood a siege in her pyrgo, against a body of Turks; she fired upon them from the windows, and kept them employed on one side, while, at the back, she sent away in safety a female servant with two children. Though her ammunition was in reality all spent, the Turks

§ 1.240  retired, fearing that she would blow up the tower if they assaulted it.
A Frenchman named P. L. made his appearance here ten days ago, coming from Ydhra in a boat hired express. His inquiries were for Tzanet Bey, which induced the commandant to search his baggage for papers, when none being found, he was allowed to depart for Koroni, special care being taken that he should not see Tzanet Bey. Luckily for the Frenchman, none of those who were present at the search, except my host the Hungarian, observed a rouleau of money in his girdle.
The principal inhabitants of Marathonisi are relations or agents of the chief Greeks of Mistra. Of these the first is P., whose brother I knew at Mistra. He has resided here ten years, has been at Leghorn, speaks Italian, and has enriched himself by advancing money, in small sums, to the peasants at an exorbitant interest. To those who gather the vallonea on the mountains he allows thirteen or fourteen piastres the milliaja (ten cwt.), in acquittance of their debts to him. As all the vallonea for exportation is monopolized by the Bey, at a price which is fixed this year at twenty piastres the milliaja, P. cannot obtain more from the Bey, by the sale, than the difference of six or seven; but as the involved state of

§ 1.241  Andon's affairs, in consequence of the large sums he has paid the Porte, has rendered him dependent upon P., he is obliged to allow the latter to repurchase the vallonea from him at twenty-five, and to place the difference of five against the debt which he owes to P., who then sells the vallonea to the ships that carry it away, at about thirty-five. All the profit above twenty, the Bey, if he had a capital, might enjoy, as he possesses an acknowledged monopoly of the vallonea, which, as it requires no outlay for cultivation, and is subject to scarcely any natural injury, except from a fall of rain in August, would ensure to the Bey a large revenue, if he were able to avail himself of the advantages of his position. The greater part of the vallonea trade of Greece is in the hands of the house of Kyr E. of Ioannina, who has a brother settled at Leghorn, and another at this place. The latter has contracted for all the last year's crop, part at thirty, the rest at thirty-five. Three millions of pounds will be exported. The vallonea of Mani is generally one-third higher in price in the European market, than any other. A great part of it goes to England.
Mani, in abundant years, produces 8000 or 10,000 barrels of oil, of 48 okes, the greater part of which is grown on the western side, between Vitylo and Kalamata. It is reckoned

§ 1.242  better than that of Salona and Athens, and is carried to the Black Sea, Italy, and Trieste. Mani used formerly to produce 180,000 okes of cotton, but the civil wars and a want of industry, both of which have increased of late years, have reduced the produce, even in good years, to a third of that quantity; it is sent to the Archipelago and the Seven Islands. The produce of silk is 2000 okes, which goes to Mistra, to the Islands, and sometimes to Leghorn and Barbary. Mani and Bardhunia together produce 20,000 okes of galls. The other exports are honey, of which there are produced 10,000 okes, the greater part for Constantinople, Candia, and the Islands, the wax to Leghorn. There are two crops of honey, one in the winter, and another in the summer. Salted quails, put into bags of lamb-skin, are carried to Constantinople and the Islands. In abundant years, two shiploads of small horsebeans are exported to Italy; In such seasons the Maniates have corn and kalambokki sufficient for their support, and with industry and good management might almost always ensure it. At present they are in a wretched state, and have neither corn nor money. The Bey has the monopoly of oil as well as of vallonea. A price is fixed, which varies according to the demand, and to the price current in the market

§ 1.243  to which the oil is destined; but from this privilege, likewise, the Bey's embarrassments prevent him from deriving much advantage. The kharatj of Mani amounts to 17,000 piastres, of which 15,000 go to the Porte, and 2,000 to the Capitan Pasha. The duties on exports are 3 per cent., but little is derived from the customs outward, as oil and vallonea pay nothing. A rough calculation of the value of the exports of Mani in ordinary years, gives about forty thousand pounds sterling. The Bey sells the collection of the customs, at each port, to the best bidder every year: for that of Marathonisi, he obtained this year 2,000 piastres.
The Maniates reckon their population at 30,000, and their muskets at upwards of 10,000. In estimating the number of muskets, we may assume the largest possible proportion to the whole population, because scarcely any person passes from one village to another, if it be but to drive an ass loaded with wood, or for the labours of agriculture, without a musket slung behind him, or, at least, a dagger and pistols at his girdle — sometimes both. There are about 400 Maniate sailors serving in the ships of Ydhra; one small ship and about fifty coasting boats form the entire commercial marine of Mani. The villages are reckoned at 117 in number; few of them are very small, there are

§ 1.244  none like the tjiftliks of the Turkish districts of Greece, and early marriages are common; so that an average of forty-five or fifty houses to a village, and of six persons to a family, which would nearly give the population just mentioned, does not seem excessive: and this is probably a tenth or twelfth of the whole population of the Morea.
The remains of Gythium, called Paleopoli, are situated in a valley terminating in the sea, and enclosed by mountains prettily broken, partly cultivated and partly covered with Velani oaks. The town was situated on some low hills, in a small triangular plain, inclosed between them and the sea. On one side of the principal height flows a torrent. Ninety yards inland from the shore are the remains of a theatre, constructed of a semi-transparent kind of white marble, of a very coarse grain, and marked with broad parallel streaks of brown. There are several pieces of the displaced seats on the side of the hill which supported the theatre, and below, at one of the angles, a small part of the two lower rows is still in its place. The total diameter appears to have been about 150 feet. Behind, on the; eastern side of the principal height, I observe several remains of buildings in the Roman style, with tiles and mortar, and some with courses of rough stones between layers of mortar.

§ 1.245  The most distant ruin inland is that of a long building divided longitudinally into two, each division having an arched roof, which has fallen. There are also the remains of some baths, one of which has several semidomes of tiles and mortar plastered within, in such a manner as to represent a great cockleshell. Other masses of Roman remains are seen towards the sea; and on a small projection of the coast line of the bay, just below the theatre, are some foundations of large buildings projecting into the water, which, it is said, may in calm weather be traced at the bottom for a considerable distance. A little within this ruin I found a cornice of the same kind of white marble of which the theatre was built. In the plain the ancient remains are intermixed with corn-fields and mulberry trees, and here coins and fragments of architecture and sculpture are often brought to light by the peasants. Marathonisi has been in great measure built of these materials; an architrave was found with a Latin inscription, not long since, lying between the theatre and the sea, which my conductor then saw, but now searches for unsuccessfully; it has been used perhaps in building the Bey's new pyrgo. One is not surprised at finding the remains of Gythium to consist in great part of Roman buildings, as it is evident, from what we

§ 1.246  know of the Eleuthero-Laconic towns, of which Gythium was one, that Spartan tyranny had reduced them to misery before Augustus separated them from the government of Sparta, and that they chiefly flourished under the Roman emperors. Gythium, moreover, which more anciently had been the port of Sparta, continued under the Romans to be much employed as the principal navale in this sea. Strabo says, that it possessed an excavated port, of which I do not see any appearance. The geographer, however, by adding the expression ως φασι, shews that he had never visited the place himself. It is remarkable that none of the buildings now remaining excited the notice of Pausanias, and that he does not even mention the theatre. He describes only statues of Apollo, Hercules, and Bacchus, in the agora, and in another part of the town a statue of Apollo Carneius, a temple of Ammon, a roofless temple of Aesculapius containing his statue in brass, a well sacred to the same deity, a temple of Ceres, a statue of Neptune Gaeauchus, and another of Nereus, surnamed the old mand. Near the latter were gates called Castorides. In the acropolis there was a temple of Minerva containing a statue of the goddess.

§ 1.248  Of the places near Gythium, Pausanias thus speaks, “Three stades distant from Gythium is the stone Argos, upon which Orestes, when seated, is said to have been relieved from his madness. Hence it is called in the Doric tongue, λευς καππωτας. Before Gythium lies the island Cranae. The adjacent part of the continent is called Migonium, from the union of Alexander and Helen, which, according to Homer, first took place in this island. There is a temple of Venus Migonitis in Migonium, built, it is said, by Alexander. Above Migonium rises a mountain, sacred to Bacchus, called Larysium, where, in the beginning of spring, they celebrate a festival of Bacchus, asserting, among other reasons for so doing, that they then find a ripe bunch of grapes upon the mountain.” Thirty stades from Gythium, according to the same author, on the left of the direct road to Sparta, were the remains of Aegiae, by Homer called Augeiae, where was a lake called the lake of Neptune, and on its shore a temple and statue of the god.”
It is almost unnecessary to remark that the island Marathonisi is the ancient Cranae, that

§ 1.248  the town Marathonisi, on the opposite shore, stands on the site of Migonium, and that the hill which rises above it, now called Kumaro, is the ancient Larysium. From the foot of this hill, between Marathonisi and the valley of Paleopoli, a copious stream of water issues into the sea; its taste is brackish, which may be partly occasioned by the waves washing into the cavern from which it issues. Above it, on the left of the road to Paleopoli, I find an inscription on the rock, in small and very ancient characters, and behind the latter, on the side of the mountain, a chair with a foot-step, hewn in the rock, and resembling the chairs at Athens, in the rocks near the Pnyx. This excavation, I take to mark the position of the Leus Cappotas, as the distance of three stades agrees very well with that of the chair from the ruins of Gythium.
It seems very possible that Aegiae, written Aegaeae by Strabo, stood in the valley, about midway between Trinisa and Marathonisi, where a marsh along the shore seems to correspond to the Lake of Neptune. Supposing the road from Sparta to Gythium to have crossed the lower part of the Bardhunian hills, leaving the summits to the right, it may have reached the coast between Trinisa and this valley, and

§ 1.249  thus, passing along the coast from thence by the same track which I followed, have left Aegiae on the right; and this direction of the road is the more probable, as the vale of Gythium is of difficult access, except along the coast, or by a narrow pass at the head of the valley, which leads, not towards the plain of Mistra, but southwestward, into that of Passava. Another place, on the road from Gythium to Sparta, remaining to be discovered is Croceae, where was a quarry of hard pebbles, very beautiful when wrought. It was probably the same quarry to which Strabo alludes, when he says, “There are some quarries of handsome marble [in Laconia]; those of Taenarian stone, in Taenarus, are ancient; but a large mine has lately been opened in Taygetum by certain persons who have been prompted to it by the magnificence of the Romans”. Pausanias describes a figure of Jupiter Croceatas in marble, as standing before the town and brazen statues of the Dioscuri at the quarry. But he does not give us the distance of Croceae, either from Sparta or from Gythium.
The hills above Gythium and Trinisa, as well as those of Laconia in general, abound, in all the uncultivated parts which are not shaded with forest-trees, with the holley-leaved oak shrub, from which is gathered the prinokokki, or scarlet dye,

§ 1.250  exported from Marathonisi by the merchants of Mistra. [From the Arabic word for this production, el kermes, the Italian cramosino and our crimson are derived. The modern Greek word πρινοκόκκιον is exactly conformable to the description of the substance by Theophrastus (Hist. Plant. 1. 3. c. 8.). As it is formed by an animal of the same kind as that which produces the cochineal, gall, etc., naturalists have given the name of coccus to that genus. That the coccus was an animal formation was known to Pausanias, who, as well as Dioscorides, applies the word κόκκος to the shrub. Pausanias thus describes it (Phocic. 36.): “In the country of the Ambryssenses, there is an abundance of the thorn which the Ionians and other Greeks call coccus, but which the Gauls above Phrygia name υς [houx]. In size it equals the ράμνος, [according to Sibthorp the lycium Europaeum] the leaves are blacker and smoother than those of the lentisk, in other respects it resembles that plant: the fruit is like that of the night-shade στρυχνος but in size is equal to the vetch [όροβος]. On this there breeds a small insect, which, if it be left in the air till the fruit is ripe, becomes a fly resembling the gnat: the fruit of the coccus therefore is gathered before the fly is hatched, and its blood is then a dye for wool.” It is singular that Pausanias should not have observed, that the fruit of the shrub is an acorn; he is mistaken also, or at least expresses himself very negligently, in confining the animal to the fruit only, as it is found attached in greatest quantity to the leaves and small branches. Though the vermilion is far from being equally plentiful in all situations, the shrub is one of the most common on the uncultivated hills of Greece, and is generally found in company with the lentisk [σχίνος], which it somewhat resembles. Whence it appears that the comparison of Pausanias was peculiarly proper, and that those commentators are in the wrong who propose to substitute πρίνος for σχίνος in the preceding passage.] The prinari, or prinus of the ancient Greeks, is of every size, from a great forest tree to a low shrub: but it is only from the shrub, I believe, that the grain is gathered.

§ 1.251  
April 7 — I am informed that ships at Marathonisi water generally at a well not far from the theatre at Paleopoli, which has the reputation of yielding the best water in the neighbourhood. This I did not see, which I regret, as it seems to be the well of Aesculapius, mentioned by Pausanias. Those who are not very nice, fill their casks at the mill mentioned April 3d, 10.55, where the water is nearer the shore, and more accessible. I walk this afternoon to Mavrovuni, a village situated on a promontory, one mile and a half to the southward of Marathonisi: it overlooks the plain of Passava, which extends for three or four miles along the shore, and to an equal distance in the interior. Both the plain and the hills around it are well cultivated, and have several pyrghi and small villages upon them. Further westward, a long root of Mount Taygetum stretches to the south, called Makryaraki, or Long-ridge; it is covered with a forest of the velani-oak, and is supposed to produce half the vallonea shipped at Marathonisi: behind this are seen other higher mountains, extending to the gulf of Koroni, which are connected northward with the great

§ 1.252  summits of Mount Taygetum, of which the southernmost peaked one, probably the ancient Taletum, is the most remarkable object in view: it is known in Mani by the name of Makryno. At the foot of the peak, to the westward, stood Pigadhia, now ruined, the native village and retreat of the robber Zakharia, long the terror of the Morea. To the south, the peninsula of Cape Matapan is just seen, nearly hid by Cape Kremidhara, which forms the southern side of the bay of Vathy. On the northern side of the same bay is Cape Petali, situated a mile or two north of Vathy, from whence begins the sandy beach of the plain of Passava, which runs in an easterly direction to Mavrovuni. The mountains to the northward of Cape Matapan are seen very obliquely, their direction like the great root of Taygetum in the northern part of Mani, being nearly north and south; the southern part of this great promontory is entirely separated from the rest of the range of Taygetum by a hollow undulated country, lying between Skutari and Vitylo, where are situated the villages of Karyopoli, Vakho, and several others, some of which are in sight from Mavrovuni. The northern part of this southern division of Taygetum, which anciently must have had some separate name, is very high, and has now some snow upon it. It terminates to the north in a

§ 1.253  remarkable cliff, near the southern side of Porto Vitylo, called Ai-Elia.
The village of Mavrovuni is reckoned the largest on the eastern side of Mani, though it does not contain many more than 100 families. It was built by Tzanet Bey, and is hence sometimes called Tzanetupoli. It was Tzanet, also, who built the town of Marathonisi, on a site before called Melissi, naming it after the adjacent island, which forms the port. There are three or four pyrghi in Mavrovuni, and at the top of the hill stands the castle of Tzanet, now deserted. It has a flat roof with battlements, and stands in a court surrounded with a wall, defended by battlements and round towers; the rain which falls on the roof of the house and on some platforms in the area, supplies a cistern below it. There are rooms fitted a la Turque — a large kitchen, and apartments for the suite. P. tells me, that Tzanet Bey used to ring a bell at supper time, and give food to all those who came to him. Part of the house has been beaten down by his enemies, but little damage seems to have been done to the principal apartments.
From hence I proceed to the pyrgo of Thodhoro, Andon's son-in-law, with a note, of introduction from the Bey. I am treated, as usual in Greek visits, with sweetmeats, cold water, pipes, and coffee, in that order. Thodhoro seems to be the most humanized of his family. The lady of the house is gone to Marathonisi to see her father; I meet her, on my return, riding on a mule with several attendants. Mavrovuni commands a fine view of all the coast from the island Cerigo to Trinisa. From the position, one should expect an ancient site; but I cannot perceive any indications of it: nor does Pausanias give any reason to look for one here.

§ 1.254  April 8. — I set out to visit the ruins of Passava at 8.10, proceeding along the side of Larysium as far as Mavrovuni. The priests of Bacchus would find it difficult now to discover a bunch of grapes upon this mountain at any season, or any thing but a few stunted shrubs of lentisk and prinari. It is said, however, even in the memory of persons now living, to have produced some olives, which have been destroyed in the Maniate wars. I cannot now perceive even an arbutus to justify the modern name of Kumaro. At 8.38 Mavrovuni was a little on our left. Here some delay occurred, while the owner of a horse which I had hired, fetched his musket from the village. We then descend into the plain of Passava; at 8.52 lose fifteen minutes in searching for a fresh horse for one of the servants, at a mandhra. At 9 cross a deep torrent-bed in the middle of the eastern branch of the plain, and pass over the hills which divide the two branches of the plain, and which run directly up from the sea into Bardhunia; we then descend into the western branch, through which flows the river of Passava, deep and rapid, coming from the higher Taygetum. We cross this stream, where it is joined by a smaller river from the west, and in a quarter of an hour ascend another range of low hills, on which are several dispersed huts and pyrghi, all known by the name of Κατζιαουνιάνικα. At one of these, my conductor stops to drink wine. Soon after, we halt fifteen minutes at one of the hamlets, where is a pyrgo belonging to Lambro, son-in-law of one of the Bey's nephews, and then descend the hill into a little narrow valley, well-cultivated with corn, and watered by a stream called Turkovrysi, which joins the sea not far from Vathy. Its source is a pool midway between the fort of Passava and the village of Karvela, which latter stands one mile and a half west of Passava. After flowing through a narrow vale, which extends from Karvela to the foot of the hill of Passava, the stream passes through a gorge, which divides the hill of Passava from the Makryaraki, then turns south through the vale, where we cross it on the

§ 1.256  eastern side of Passava, and reaches the sea between Cape Petali and Vathy. Towards the sea a ruined pyrgos of the Cavaliere is visible on a hill, and Vathy on an opposite cape.
After passing the Turkovrysi at 10.28, I ascend on foot the hill of Passava, which resembles that of the castle of Mistra, but with less than half its dimensions. The summit is occupied by a ruined fortress, consisting of a battlemented wall, flanked with one or two towers, and without any ditch. Within are the remains of gardens and houses, and the ruins of one building of larger size. In the eastern wall, towards the southern end, I find a piece of Hellenic wall, about fifty paces in length, and two-thirds of the height of the modern wall. It is formed of large masses, some of four feet long and three broad, not accurately hewn as in the second order, nor quite rude as in the first, and requiring only here and there a small stone in the interstices. There are no stones so large as many of those at Tiryns and Mycenae. In a corn field, below the wall, I find a fragment of a large ancient vase, an inch and a half in thickness; it was a part of the edge of the vase's mouth; round it are the letters O I A I Θ Ν of a very ancient form.
From these remains, slight as they are, it

§ 1.257  cannot be doubted, I think, that Passava was the site of Las, distant, as Pausanias tells us, ten stades from the sea, and forty from Gythium, for these data agree very well with Passava, and it is satisfactory to find remains indicating a remote antiquity on the site of a city which contributed to the Trojan expedition, and which is connected with the earliest transactions of the Laconic mythology. The Dioscuri were called Lapersae from having besieged and taken Las. The Bey's secretary, indeed, who had heard of Las, or, as he called it, Laspolis, endeavoured to persuade me that it was situated at a place in Bardhunia, two hours and a half from Marathonisi, though he could not say whether there are any remains on the spot he mentioned. If there are, it was, perhaps, the site of Croceae.
From the summit of Passava are seen, on the neighbouring mountains, the following villages, beginning from the right: Parakhora, Karvela, Skamnaki, Panitza. At Skamnaki, ancient coins and sepulchres are said to be found. These villages lie in a line between the n.w. andw. The district is called Malevri, it extends westward as far as that of Vitylo, and comprehends Kelefa, where is a ruined

§ 1.258  Venetian fortress at the head of Porto Vitylo; southward it confines upon Tzimova, Vakho, and Skutari. Between south-west and south, proceeding in the same direction along the mountains, are Karyopoli, Khoriasi, Neokhori, Tzerova, Parasiro. On the side of the hill of Passava I perceive several of the plants in flower, of which the Bishop of Mistra gave me a dish one day at his table. Having stripped off the leaves, they dress the centre of the stalk, which is tender, and resembles asparagus; when the flower is formed, the season is past. The plant is called here πετζιγκιάγκον, but at Mistra maniates, as coming from the mountains of Mani. To botanize in search of esculent wild herbs in the spring and early summer, is a common occupation of the women of Greece, those herbs forming an important part of the food of the poor during the fasts of that season. In the summer they have no such resource, and in the long fast which precedes the feast of the Panaghia, on the 15th of August S. V., the patient has little but the gourd tribe to depend upon. The summer productions of the garden, however, which depend on irrigation, such as gourds, cucumbers, badrjans, water-melons, &c. are too dear for the poor, or rather are not to be had, as gardening,

§ 1.259  the produce of which is so liable to be plundered, can never flourish in a country where property is so insecure as in Turkey. The chief food of the lower classes, therefore, in the summer fast is salted star-fish, olives, goat's cheese, and bread of maize, seasoned with a garlic or onion, and washed down perhaps with some sour wine. No wonder that the great summer's fast sometimes proves fatal, especially to women. The inconvenience is felt in its full force in Mani, where the greatest rigour is observed as to fasts. I was present at Dr. W.'s, when a son of the Cavaliere came for some remedy for his mother, who had a sore throat. The doctor recommended a gargle of milk, which the youth rejected with horror. He then applied to be blooded, though in perfect health, this being a common practice among them in the spring.
The name of Passava is applied to all the coast between Mavrovuni and the end of the sandy beach, where begins the hill of Vathy, and inland as far as the end of the plain. Returning to Marathonisi, I take the road which leads by Paleopoli, instead of that by Mavrovuni: mounting my horse at 11.55 at the stream of Turkovrysi, near the ruins of a Turkish bath, I pass through the hills at the foot of the Makryaraki, and arrive at 12.24 at Petrovuni, a rocky height near the north end of the district of Passava, not far from the right bank of the river of Passava, or river of Arna, as it is often called, from a Bardhunian village of that name near its sources. Having crossed the river, I find, not far from the left bank, some ancient foundations, and a small unfluted column lately brought to light by the rain. Soon afterwards we enter the gorges between Mount Kumaro and the hills which border the vale of Gythium on the north, and at 1.22 descend into that valley. The pass is difficult, and there is no road practicable for a horse. In several places there remain ancient steps cut out of the rock: at a steep descent, where the side of the rock is cut down perpendicularly, there are fifteen steps quite perfect winding to the right. At the highest part of the pass, from whence both valleys are visible, there are remains of a signal tower. I search in vain for an ancient aqueduct which was described to me. At 1.49 leave the foot of the pass, and at 2.14 arrive at Marathonisi.

§ 1.260  April 9. — The Bey introduces me to one of the leading men of Mesa Mani, a district more commonly known beyond its limits by the name of Κακαβουλία, or the land of Evil Counsel; so notorious are its inhabitants for plundering the unfortunate sailors who are cast on their tempestuous, rocky, and unsheltered coast, as well as for more active enterprises of robbery and piracy. This person engages to the Bey for my safety in every part of Mesa Mani, and undertakes to conduct me by land to some ruins at Kyparisso, which, by the description of the place, must be those of Taenarus, or the city of the Taenarii.
Mani is divided into three parts; Outer, Lower, and Inner. The first contains the western coast between the frontier of Kalamata on the north, to Port Vitylo on the south, together with the interior as far as the summits of Taygetum. Its total number of towns and villages are about fifty, in the subdivisions of Zarnata, Andruvista, Milea or Milia, and Zygos, each of which is a bishopric. Zarnata borders on Kalamata, and lies between the sea-shore and the summits of Taygetum, extending as far south as Cape Kurtissa: the chief place is Stavropighi. Andruvista inland, and Skardhamula near the sea, are the chief towns of the bishopric of Andruvista. This division lies exactly at the foot of the Makryno, or highest summit of Taygetum; it extends southward along the coast to Zygos, and borders inland on Milea,

§ 1.262  which occupies the interior ridges, and continues eastward upon Bardhunia. In its eastern part Kastanitza is the principal place. To the westward are the towns of Kastania, Arakhova, Milea, and Garbelea. Zygos contains the slope of the mountains adjacent to the coast, from Leftro inclusive to Port Vitylo, Its chief towns are Pyrgo to the northward, Platza in the middle, and Vitylo to the south. Vitylo, however, being separated naturally from the rest of Zygos by a projecting root of the central ridge, and being independent of the captain of Zygos, is often considered a separate district.
2 Mesa Mani comprehends the remainder of the western coast, as far as the peninsula of Cape Matapan, and extends inland to the summit of the mountain, which is separated from the rest of the great Laconic promontory by the pass of Karyopoli, or that opening which reaches from about Skutari on the eastern coast, to Porto Vitylo on the western. Mesa Mani is chiefly a kind of rugged elevated plain, from two to four miles in breadth, lying between the mountain and a range of lofty cliffs which border the coast. This division of Mani has about thirty-five villages, of which Tzimova, at the northern extremity, is the largest; though its in habitants, with those of five villages near it, are anxious to be considered separate from the

§ 1.263  remainder of Inner Mani, which forms more particularly the Kakavulia, or land of Evil Counsel.
3. Kato Mani contains about forty-five villages, and includes the whole eastern coast, from Porto Kaio to the Plain of Elos. It borders upon Mesa Mani as far as the pass of Karyopoli, and upon Exo Mani to the northward of that opening. At the northern extremity it confines upon Bardhunia, which occupies, on the eastern side of Taygetum, the space corresponding to the northern part of Exo Mani on the western. The subdivisions of Kato Mani are Marathonisi, Skutari, Malevri, Vakho, Kolokythi, and Laghia.
It will be found that the total number of towns and villages in Mani, according to the preceding estimate, is about 130, instead of 117, the number before mentioned. The latter I find to be the general statement, and it is exactly confirmed in a poetical enumeration of them which I possess, and in which every village is named. But whenever I inquire of a native of any particular district, he gives me a greater number of names than in the poetical catalogue. This is easily accounted for by the dispersed mode of building, and partly perhaps by new villages having arisen since the poem was written, which seems to have been at least ten years ago.

§ 1.264  Mani contains seven bishoprics, Zarnata, Andruvista, Milea, Platza, Maini, Kolokythi and Karyopoli. Maini includes the whole of Mesa Mani; Kolokythi comprehends the country from Porto-Kaio to the bay of Skutari; and Karyopoli contains all the northern part of Kato Mani. The first and last of these bishoprics belong to the ecclesiastical province of Lacedaemonia, the rest to that of Monembasia.
I have not been able to learn exactly the date of the Albanian colonization of Bardhunia, though it is certainly within the last century. The district derives its name from a fortress similar to those of Passava, Maini, Kelefa, and Zarnata in Mani. They were all, I believe, originally constructed by the Byzantine princes, to keep these mountaineers in order, and were for the last time repaired, about 100 years ago, by the Venetians, when they were in possession of the Morea. The remains of the fortress of Bardhuni are near Arna. Bardhunia comprehends all the southern face and roots of the great Taygetum, to within a short distance of the coast above Trinasus and Gythium. Its villages are, Arna, situated near the sources of the river of Passava; this village contains five pyrghi, and ninety houses of Turks, one pyrgo, and thirty houses of Greeks: — Strotza, three pyrghi, and seventy houses, all Turkish: — Kurtzuna, two pyrghi, and forty houses, all Turkish: — Tzeria, two pyrghi, and thirty houses, all Turkish. The other villages are Britza, Apano Britza, the residence of Hussein Aga, Tarapsa, the residence of Zalum-Osman Aga, Vigla, Dhafni, Paleo Dhafni, Trizu, Potamia, Alevetzova, Asimini, Petrina, Rozova, Gulianika. Some of the latter border on the northern part of Milea; and being in that bishopric, it may be doubtful whether to include them in Mani or in Bardhunia, as sometimes the Musulmans and sometimes the Christians, supported by the Maniates, have the upper hand. The Musulmans fight among one another like the Maniates, but at present the power of Amus Aga keeps affairs tolerably quiet. Fort Bardhuni is reckoned three or four hours from Kurtzuna, and as much from Goranus, a village of the Mistra Vilayeti, from whence there is a road along the upper region of Taygetum, as follows: — from Goranus to Kumusta one hour, Boliana one hour, Dhipotamo half an hour, Dhoriza half an hour, Sotira half an hour, Sokha two hours, Anavryti an hour and a half, Barsiniko one hour.

§ 1.265  April 10. — I leave Marathonisi at 8.43, and at 9.03, leaving Mavrovuni on the left, descend into the plain of Passava: at 10.02 arrive at the foot of the hills which bound the plain on the western side, and terminate in Cape Petali. The best part of the plain belongs to Tzanet Bey; particularly a large tract of vineyards, which my conductor describes as a krasivrysi, or fountain of wine. Corn and kalambokki cover the rest of the plain; the latter grows in the lower parts, as admitting of irrigation from the river of Passava, which joins the sea at half a mile short of Cape Petali. We cross the hills, of which this promontory is the termination, and which are covered with the yellow-flowered sage-leaved plant called sfaka, and with broom, now in the utmost luxuriance of blossom, and at 10.35 enter a little plain on the sea-side, where I see men at the plough preparing the ground for cotton, with a dagger and pistols at their girdles. This, it seems, is the ordinary armour of the cultivator, when there is no particular suspicion of danger; the shepherd is almost always armed with a musket. At 10.47 cross the mouth of a stream coming from a marsh, and some mills on the right; and at 10.57 that of the Turkovrysi river, whose pellucid waters seem to correspond better than those of the Passava river, with the description of the Smenus by Pausanias. At the end of the beach ascend the cape to Vathy, a village of twenty houses; arrive at 11.19.

§ 1.267  Here I find George, one of the Bey's nephews, living in a miserable house near the Bey's pyrgo, which is much inferior to that of Tzanet at Mavrovuni. Ghiorghio conducts me to some ruins at the foot of the hill of Vathy, on the south-western side, a quarter of an hour from the village; they consist of the remains of a large building, strongly constructed with stones and Roman tiles; a semicircular extremity, with five windows in it, is still standing entire: the diameter is upwards of twenty yards. There is a similar semicircular ruin close by, and farther up the valley a long arched subterraneous structure, which looks like a Roman cloaca. These, I think, must be remains of Hypsus, or Hypsi. Farther up the country are the modern villages of Karyopoli, Kafki, Neokhori and Panitza, or Banitza. The last is three quarters of an hour from Karvela.
At 12.27, proceeding from Vathy across the plain, we pass, at 12.30, a stream flowing from Karyopoli, and leave a rocky height with the ruins of a windmill on the sea-side, to the left. Sepulchres, with skeletons in them, have been found here by the peasants digging in the fields, as well as other vestiges of an ancient site. The place is called Dhikova, which name is applied also to the river and the valley. The hills around are well cultivated. We arrive at

§ 1.268  the end of the plain at 12.45, and ascending a low height which connects Cape Kremidhara with the inland hills, come in sight of Skutari. It is a large village, situated on a steep height overlooking the sea, at the bottom of an extensive bay. The whole extent of Cerigo is seen in face of this bay.
At 1.20 I arrive at Skutari, and lodge in the pyrgo of Katzano, for whom the Bey has supplied me with a recommendatory letter. He is a man of a plain modest manner, civil, and perfectly ready to answer any questions about his country, a readiness indeed which I have observed among all the Maniates with whom I have conversed. A greater share of candour and veracity is a natural consequence of their independence, rendering falsehood and dissimulation less necessary than they are to the other Greeks, who have no other arms of defence against their oppressors. The pyrgo, garrisoned at present by fifteen soldiers, whom Katzano keeps in pay, is constructed in the usual Maniate fashion. The lower story is occupied by the garrison, the upper consists of two rooms, or rather of one long room, divided by a slight wooden partition; at one end is the fire-place and the kitchen furniture, at the other a

§ 1.269  mattrass for a sofa. Mattrasses and blankets are piled up in one corner of the room; all the rest of the family furniture is hung about the walls, or stowed away in wooden boxes, ranged around; the floor consists of loose boards, and, never undergoing ablution, harbours myriads of fleas in winter, and bugs in summer. Katzano has twenty-five persons in his family, of whom nine are his children; he married at the age of nineteen, his wife was fourteen; they have had fifteen children.
The hills around Skutari are cultivated in little terraces covered with wheat and barley, the latter of which is now in ear. The town is full of the ruins of pyrghi, which have been destroyed in the Maniate wars; one belonging to the Cavaliere was ruined by the artillery of Hussein, the Capitan Pasha.
In the course of conversation, Katzano informs me that formerly all the Gligoraki family lived at Skutari, but that John and Antony, alias Zanim and Andon, the heads of the two houses falling out, and all the branches taking part with one side or the other, a dispersion ensued, and Katzano, with his brother Tzingurio, are now the only two of the name in Skutari. Here, as in Khimara, which enjoys nearly the same degree of independence as Mani, the most ordinary state of hostility between two families,

§ 1.270  is that of non-intercourse and mutual observation, without any overt act. While the two branches of the Gligorakis were living here in that state, Katzano being then young, he, with his brother and another were sitting on the outside of a house, when thirteen of the opposite party passed by. Katzano and his friends saluted them; the others returned the salute in an offensive manner, or such at least as Katzano and his friends, who had been drinking, thought proper to interpret as such, and who, without another word, rose and fired upon their opponents. The fire was returned, and both the brothers were dangerously wounded. Andon then sallied out of his house with a band of followers, seized eleven of the enemy, and shut them up in a pyrgo, until his nephew's wounds were healed, intending to have had blood for blood if they had died.
Many of the Maniate women value themselves on their skill with the musket. Katzano's wife said to me, (as I was inquiring on this subject) pointing to a place about 100 yards distant, “set up your hat there, and see if I cannot put a musket ball through it.” I had too much regard for my only hat to trust her, for she has had two wounds in battle, and affects to consider her husband as no braver than he should be.

§ 1.271  Lambro, a son-in-law of Lambro, the bey's nephew, arrives at Skutari in the evening, with a train of friends, to request the interference of Katzano on the following occasion. Lambro lives at the Katjaunianika, the place which I passed through near the Castle of Passava. A Kakavuliote, whose brother had been killed by Lambro, thwarted in all his attempts to revenge himself like a man of honour, that is to say, by murdering Lambro, and perhaps rather fearful even of success, on account of Lambro's connexion with the government, resolved at least to have the satisfaction of making depredations on his property. This day, in sight of Lambro and his friends, who even fired at the Kakavuliote without effect, he stole a mare belonging to Lambro, and rode off with her. The object of the embassy was to request Katzano's interference to have the mare restored, and to prevent hostilities, and there seems every reason to believe it will be effected. This shews the good effect of the influence and authority which the Captain Pasha has lately obtained over Mani, as enabling the inferiors in command to check the lawless system of retaliation which in their present uneducated state is the consequence of the independence of this people; and it leads me to believe, that the best thing that could happen to the Greeks would be for the Turks in every

§ 1.272  part of the country to have a similar authority, in such a manner that the Greeks, governing themselves in that sort of municipal form natural to this country, should at the same time be under a control sufficient to save them from the pernicious effects of the spirit of party, to which their character, arising from the same natural causes, irresistibly impels them. If the pashas and other officers in command could maintain discipline among their troops when out of their sight, such a system might be possible in the islands, and perhaps even throughout the Morea; but I fear that Turkish anarchy, bigotry, greediness of gain, and cruelty, render it impracticable.
I am informed by Katzano, that beyond the hill which terminates in Cape Stavri, (so the promontory is called, which bounds the bay of Skutari on the south, as Kremidhara does on the north) there are some ruins called Skopa or Skopopoli, about two hours distant from hence; they are in the district of Vatas, and near the sea, and consist of arched brick fabrics, like those of Hypsus but not so well preserved. They are probably the remains of Teuthrone. My host adds, with a grave face, and his assertion is confirmed by all around, that the sound of persons tossing over heaps of gold is sometimes to be heard there. Southward of

§ 1.273  this place the coast is difficult to debarkation, rising steeply to the summit of the Taygetic ridge. There are however several small villages along the face of the mountain, of which Laghia is the largest.
It is from Pausanias alone that we derive any detailed information on the ancient topography of the coast of Laconia southward of Gythium, or, as he expresses himself, to the right of Gythium, whence it seems that he very naturally considered a maritime town as facing the sea; and his expression therefore is worthy of observation, as it may serve to explain his meaning on other occasions, when it might otherwise be ambiguous. His description of the places is as follows: “To the right of Gythium is Las, ten stades distant from the sea, and forty from Gythium. The place, which is now inhabited, lies between the mountains Ilium, Asia, and Cnacadium: anciently the city stood on the summit of Mount Asia, where its ruins are still seen, and before the walls a statue of Hercules, and a trophy for a victory gained over some Macedonians, who, having separated themselves from the army of Philip, when he invaded the Laconice, were ravaging the maritime parts of the country. The ruins contain also a temple of Minerva Asia, said to have been founded by

§ 1.274  Castor and Pollux on their returning in safety from the Colchi, to whom they went with the fleet of Jason; for according to the Lacedaemonians the Colchi worship Minerva Asia. Near the present city of Las there is a fountain called Cagaco, from the colour of the water, and near it a gymnasium and an ancient statue of Hermes. Upon Mount Ilium there is a temple of Bacchus, and on the highest summit of the same mountain a temple of Aesculapius. On Cnacadium there is a temple of Apollo Carneius. About thirty stades from the Carneium there is a place within the territories of the Spartans, called Hypsi, where are temples of Aesculapius and of Diana, surnamed Daphnaea. On a promontory by the sea-side stands the temple of Diana Dictynna, to whom they celebrate a yearly festival. On the left hand of this promontory the river Smenus falls into the sea, inferior to none in the sweetness of its water; its sources are in the mountain Taygetum. Five stades distant from the city, in the place called Arainus, is a tomb of Las, upon which there is

§ 1.275  a statue They say that this Las was the founder of the city, and that he was slain by Achilles. On proceeding from the tomb of Las, occurs the mouth of the river, which is called Scyras, because Pyrrhus the son of Achilles entered the river, which was before nameless, with his ships, when he sailed from Scyrus to marry Hermione. Beyond the river there is an altar of Jupiter, and a little further an ancient temple of that deity. Pyrrhichus is situated forty stades from the river, in the interior. There is a well in the agora of this city, said to be the gift of Silenus, which, if it should fail, the inhabitants would be in want of water. In their district there is a temple of Diana, surnamed Astrateia, because here the Amazones terminated their progress, there is also a temple of Apollo Amazonius; the wooden statue in each temple is said to have been dedicated by those women of the Thermodon. On descending to the sea-side from Pyrrhichus, occurs Teuthrone, reported by the inhabitants to have been founded by the Athenian Teuthras; they worship above all deities Diana Issoria: they have a fountain called Naia. One hundred and fifty stades

§ 1.276  distant from Teuthrone, is the promontory Taenarum, &c.”
The positions in the preceding extract depend chiefly upon the strong evidence which the Hellenic wall, and other marks of antiquity at Passava afford of that hill being the Mount Asia upon which the Homeric Las was situated. Which of the adjacent hills was Ilium, and which Cnacadium, is not so clear. We can hardly doubt that the source of the Turkovrysi was the fountain Cagaco. It has been supposed by some of the commentators, from the name Cnacadium, that the fountain was called not Cagaco but Cnaco; and I think the probability is increased by the similarity of the name to that of the Cnacion at Sparta; the water of which stream, moreover, is pellucid like the Turkovrysi: if the emendation be allowed, the neighbouring height is probably the Cnacadium. In any case the distance of thirty stades from Cnacadium to Hypsi agrees sufficiently with that of Passava from Vathy, to leave little or no doubt of the ruins near the latter place being those of Hypsi. The promontory on which stood the Dictynnaeum seems, therefore, to be that called Petali, which bounds the bay of Vathy on the north-east; and the more so, as, taking the

§ 1.277  meaning of the words right and left from the instances of Las and Trinasus, in regard to Gythium, we have the river of Passava for the Smenus, a little to the left of the promontory, as Pausanias has placed it. Its sources, as he remarks, are in Mount Taygetum, a description which will hardly agree with any other stream on this part of the coast. His river Scyras accords exactly also with that called the river of Dhikova, and not less so, the vestiges of antiquity which are found near the right side of its mouth, at the place called Dhikova, with the site of the temple and altar of Jupiter. The remains found at Skamnaki are probably those of Pyrrhichus, its distance from the shore, near Dhikova, agreeing with the forty stades of Pausanias. It seems to follow, that the ruins at Skopopoli are those of Teuthrone, the distance of that place, moreover, from the peninsula of Cape Matapan, agreeing perfectly with the 150 stades of Pausanias between Teuthrone and Cape Taenarum.
His observation, however, that Hypsi was within the boundary of the Spartans seems to require some explanation. It appears that when Augustus relieved the Laconic towns distant from Sparta from their dependence on that

§ 1.278  city, and made them autonomous, under the name of the community of the Eleuthero-Lacones, there were twenty-four of these πολεις; but that about 180 years afterwards, when Pausanias travelled, there were only eighteen in that condition, the remainder then paying their taxes at Sparta, and forming a part of that government, probably because they had fallen into poverty and depopulation. Pausanias has given us a list of the eighteen Eleuthero-Laconic towns of his time; he hints, also, that he has had occasion to mention the other six places in the course of his narrative, but he has not specified their names. I conceive, therefore, that the words εν οροις ήδη Σπαρτιατών indicate that Hypsi was in the district of one of the six towns which had ceased to be autonomous, and were then under the government of Sparta. I suspect that town to have been Aegila, for Pausanias has mentioned Aegila incidentally, as a city of Laconia, and, if we may trust Pliny, it was in this gulf. He says, after naming several places in the interior of Laconia and on its western coast, “Mons Taygetus, amnis Eurotas, sinus Aegilodes, oppidum Psamathus, sinus Gytheates ab oppido. Omnes enim Maleae promontorio includuntur.” Whence it should seem that Aegila stood on one of the principal bays in the Laconic gulf. There

§ 1.279  is none so remarkable as that of Skutari, which town occupies a site not likely to have been overlooked by the ancients. Its having been deserted before the time of Pausanias may perhaps have been the reason why it is not noticed by him in his progress along this coast. Hypsi, in this case, would fall on the frontiers of Aegila and Las. Of the other towns which had ceased to enjoy the Eleuthero-Laconic autonomy, we know from Strabo that Helos was one; Cyphanta, Leucae, Psamathus, and Hippola may possibly have been four others.
In our copies of Strabo, a town of Asine is placed upon the western coast of the Laconic Gulf, and Stephanus, probably copying from Strabo, names a Laconic Asine as different from the Messenian. But there can be little doubt that the text of Strabo, or his information, is erroneous, and that there was no other Asine in the southern part of the Peloponnesus than that which, according to several authorities, stood near Cape Acritas in Messenia, and which Strabo himself tells us gave the epithet of Asinaean to a part at least of the Gulf of Messenia. Pyrrhichus appears to have been the same place as the Pyrrhi Charax, taken by Philip son of Demetrius, when he overran this country, and when, as we learn from Pausanias alone, a party of his Macedonians were cut off and defeated. [TO BE ERASED PER L: Nor can it be doubted that Pyrrhi Charax was the same place which Livy calls Pyrrhi Castra in relating the movements of Philopoemen and Nabis twenty-six years afterwards.]

§ 1.280  April 11. — At 12.37 I set out from Skutari, having waited until that hour for the arrival of mules from Tzimova with one of the Mavromikhali family, to whose care I am recommended by the Bey. On the western side of Skutari there are plantations of mulberry trees, and a deep gorge on the south, which separates the hills of Skutari from the commencement of the heights of Mount Sanghia, as the northern part of the southern division of the great Taygetic promontory is called. At 1.05, having crossed the hills of Skutari, we enter the Vale of Dhikova at the distance of a mile from the sea: at 1.15 cross the river of Dhikova, half a mile south of Karyopoli, and again crossing and recrossing it several times, pass under the hill of Karyopoli, and at 1.37 enter a ravine leading to the south-west. Through this opening comes the river of Dhikova; on either side are steep rocks forming a very strong pass.

§ 1.281  At 1.50, emerging from the glen, we enter a mountainous cultivated region, where, in a lofty situation on the mountain, on the left hand, is a monastery of Panaghia Spiliotissa, pleasantly situated in the midst of gardens and cultivated terraces. We continue to follow the river, crossing it and ascending the hills, first on its left bank and then on its right, till 2.35, when we leave it, now only a small torrent coming through a rocky gorge on the right.
I observed in the vale, near a mill, some of the bee-hives which produce the celebrated Maniate honey. The hives are made of four slates set up on the edges, with other pieces for the roofs and floors. In some of the stands there are eight or ten hives in a row, and two or three stories of hives, so that at a distance the structure looks like a wall built of very large stones: the junction of the slates is cemented with plaster. We now enter a little stony barren plain belonging to the village of Vakho, which is situated to the southward on the steepest part of Mount Sanghia. Zanim Bey lives at Vakho, which consists of about thirty miserable huts. Beyond the plain we enter a narrow pass at 3, with Vakho half a mile on the left. After ascending a very rugged road for half an hour, we come in sight of the Port of Vitylo, as well as of the town of that name, situated on the mountain

§ 1.282  which rises from the northern side of the port. Then passing at 3.40 under the rocky precipice of St. Elias, which I have already mentioned as forming a termination of the range of Sanghia conspicuous from the eastern shore of Mani, we leave on the left Kuskuni, in a very elevated situation on the western side of the mountain of St. Elias. Near the foot of the cliff I observe several wheel-tracks of ancient cars in parts of the rock, which are now so rugged as to be impassable even to a mule. From this spot we descend in thirty-seven minutes to Tzimova a large village situated half a mile inland from the brow of the lofty cliffs, of which all the coast to the southward of Porto Vitylo consists.
Gika Mavromikhali, a stout active Maniate, about sixty years of age, who came from hence on a mule in the morning, and walked back all the way from Skutari, conducts me to his house, where I am soon afterwards visited by Peter Mavromikhali, commonly called Kyr Petruni, who lives at the harbour of Tzimova, half an hour northward of the town, at the foot of the mountain. Petruni, though he does not assume the title of kapitano, enjoys the influence of one over the whole of Mesa Mani. I find also at Tzimova, Poliko Tubakic of Babaka, the

§ 1.283  Kakavuliote chieftain who has been ordered by the bey to conduct me through the district. One of the first things Tubaki said to my servant was, “If the bey had not given such precise orders concerning you, how nicely we should have stripped you of all your baggage.” These persons tell me they never heard of the plague having been in Mani. The wind is their plague, they say: it often destroys their crops of grain, and has done much damage this year. On this side of the peninsula it is the Greco and Levante rushing through the ravines of the mountain, on the shore of the Laconic gulf it is the Garbioo that does the mischief. Another curse is the want of rain in the month of April, which dries up the ear before there is any substance in it.

§ 1.284  CHAPTER VIII, LACONIA.
APRIL 12. — This morning at 7.20, I leave Tzimova, vulgarly pronounced Djimova, accompanied by a relation of the bey from Skutari, by Gika Mavromikhali, by Tubaki, who has a nephew with him, and by one of the bey's attendants from Marathonisi, who was sent hither to prepare mules for me. Most of these persons are mounted at my expense, and they are all armed with Albanian muskets, that is to say, with muskets mounted in Albania, the barrels being made in the north of Italy. There is, besides, a guard of twelve men, headed by Kyr Petruni, who accompany me a quarter of a mile out of the town, and then return. At 8.27 we descend into a deep ravine, which rises to a gorge in the mountain, a mile on the left, and on the right ends in a small inlet, or bay, which forms a break in the line of cliffs, and is called Dhikho. This ravine separates the sub-district of Tzimova from the rest of Mesa Mani. Having passed it, we leave Kharia a little on the right at 8.50.
At 9.07 Pyrgos is on the right on the edge of the cliff, which overhangs the sea: this place, my attendants say, is hostile to the English, on account of the capture at Delos not long ago by Capt. Donnelly of the navy, and the subsequent imprisonment at Constantinople of twenty-five sailors of a pirate tratta, who were all natives of this village, except the captain, a Cretan.
At 9.20 halt at an old church of Aia Marina on the road side, not far from Pyrgos. I here find an inscribed stone in the wall of the church. At 9.40 proceed along the stony level, or rather slope, included between the rocky sides of Mount Sanghia and the cliffs on the sea-side. At 10.30 we are in line with another inlet of the sea, but smaller than that of Dhikho, and more exposed to the westward. At 11, the village of Atja, one of six, (formerly five) which, from their number, were called the Pendadha, is half a mile on the left, under a remarkable little peaked rock. South of it stands Babaka, or Pabaka, one of the Pendadha, and the village of my conductor Poliko. All this country, though stony,

§ 1.286  and in appearance poor in soil, is covered with fields of wheat, barley, beans, and fasulia, separated by fences of loose stones; with more rain and less wind, it would be a fertile district. The road passes between two parallel walls, over the bare rugged rock, where it requires the utmost caution of the mule to secure a footing.
At 11.40, we halt at a single house in the fields, opposite to the northern extremity of the great projection of the coast, called Kavo Grosso. Half-way between that extremity and the line of coast which we have been following, is a promontory, called Tigani, with a small bay on either side of it. That to the eastward, which is much the more secure, is called the Port of Mezapo; it is said to be the best harbour on the western coast of Mani. The promontory of Tigani is not high, its flat summit is surrounded with the remains of an Italian fortification, and it is connected with the great peninsula of Kavo Grosso by a low isthmus. This is evidently the situation of the port and Homeric town of Messa for, independently of the modern name Mezapo, and the description of Pausanias, the epithet which Homer applies to Messa, is confirmed by my guides, who say that the caverns in the cliffs of Cape Grosso abound with wild pigeons.

§ 1.287  The words of Strabo, regarding Messa, seem clearly to shew, that he had not himself visited this part of Greece. “It is said,” he remarks, “that Messe is not to be found; some affirming that it was Messoa, one of the quarters of Sparta, like Limnaeum, others, that it was an abbreviation of Messene.” But Pausanias, who was an αυτόπτης, knew better, and has exactly described Messa in this spot. I found an inscription at Mistra, containing the name of a man with the adjunct Messios which we learn from Stephanus to have been the gentile adjective of Messa, and shews that the man was a citizen of this place.
In the central and highest part of the peninsula of Kavo Grosso, there is a conical height which appears artificial, and marks probably the site of Hippola. Between the spot where we halt and the Port of Mezapo, stands a church of Aia Varvara, near a ruined village. Having moved again at 12.48, we leave, at 1.07, the villages of Karina and Mina on the left, in a retired level at the foot of the mountain. At 1.14 cross a bed of a torrent, which flowing from the latter village joins the sea three quarters of a mile on our right, at a pyrgo on the shore of the harbour of Mezapo. At 2.08 pass between the villages of Nomia on the right, and Gita on the left; these are situated on a ridge

§ 1.288  which unites the height of Cape Grosso with the mountains, and commands a view of all the elevated paralia in one direction beyond Tzimova, and in the other nearly as far as Alika. The peninsula of Cape Grosso is about six miles in circumference; it terminates all round towards the sea in a high precipice, like that of the coast northward as far as Vitylo. The ground rises in great natural steps from the neighbourhood of Nomia to the centre of the peninsula of Cape Grosso, which seems to be all either a mere rock, or covered with a scanty layer of soil, cultivated only in a few places. From the foot of the steeps of the great ridge eastward, to the western extremity of the cliffs of the peninsula, there is a distance of three miles in a straight line.
The village of Gita has no less than twenty-two pyrghi. In the poetical list of villages which I have already alluded to, the epithet νολντυξγος is applied to it. It contains eighty or a hundred families. None of the villages we have passed today seem to have less than twenty or thirty. At 3 we are opposite the southern cape of Kavo Grosso, within which is a curve, or bay, exposed to the south-west from thence, southward to Kyparisso, and almost as far as the peninsula of Cape Matapan, the aspect of the coast changes; instead of lofty cliffs, the slope is continued

§ 1.289  from the steep part of the mountain, quite to the sea-shore. Consequently out road, though continuing at the same elevation above the sea, passes along a steeper slope, and being likewise more stony, becomes, at length, nothing more than a narrow terrace of loose round stones, over which it is impossible to move forward but at the slowest pace: the same kind of road occurred in some places before arriving at Gita. The fences which surround the fields are built of rocks, broken up into cubical masses, and put together without cement. The stone is a coarse-grained white marble, similar to that which was employed at Gythium, and in all the ancient remains which I have seen to the southward of that place. That of which the buildings of Sparta were constructed, is of a much finer quality.
At 8.59 we pass under the village of Alika, which stands upon the foot of the mountain. In the middle of the village the rock is cut perpendicularly to the length of about 150 paces: it seems to have been an ancient quarry. Between Gita and Alika we met upwards of 200 asses, laden with brushwood from Porto Kaio, for the use of the villages to the northward. Each train of asses obliged us to halt a minute or two. This great importation of wood is for Easter, when every hearth is employed in roasting lambs. During Lent so strict is the fast that there is little need of fire.

§ 1.290  No people are more rigorous in the observances of the Greek Church than the Maniates. A Kakavuliote, who would make a merit of hiding himself behind the wall of a ruined chapel, for the purpose of avenging the loss of a relative upon some member of the offending family, would think it a crime to pass the same ruin, be it ever so small a relict of the original building, without crossing himself seven, or at least three, times.
Having descended from Alika into the bed of a torrent, we enter, at 4.20, the fences of Kyparisso, once a considerable village, but now reduced to one pyrgo, a chapel, and a house for the priest. My companion of the Gligoraki family says, that his ancestors, as well as those of the Mavromikhali, came originally from hence. The old priest, whose only costume is a jacket with a pair of wide trowsers of coarse blanketing of Maniate manufacture, receives me with an air of cheerfulness and hospitality; from a consciousness, perhaps, that he has nothing to give us, and that he is more likely to be entertained at our expense, than we at his. His house, which adjoins the church, offers, indeed, little hope of supply to the traveller. He points, however, without hesitation, to the only fowl he possesses, as he desires us to “take off its head”, imitating the action of a Pasha ordering an execution.

§ 1.291  He makes no difficulty in telling me his history; he is a Cretan, his monastic name Macarius. After having passed several years as a kaloiero at Mount Sinai, which he says is infinitely worse than Kakavulia, he was sent into Egypt to collect charity for the convent. The temptation was too great; instead of returning with the money into the desert, he came to hide himself in Mani, and has now, for thirty years, been officiating as the priest of Kyparisso. He hopes to obtain pardon, he says, by his daily prayers, for the crime he has committed, and shews me a sepulchre which he has built for himself behind the church. He then conducts me to something better worth seeing, namely, a small ruined church dedicated to Aio Sotiri, or Saint Saviour; of which the door-posts are two inscribed quadrangular στηλαι decorated with mouldings above and below. One of the inscriptions is by the city of the Taenarii, in honour of one of its citizens: the other is a dedication of the community of the Eleuthero-Lacones to Caius Julius Laco, son of Eurycles. From these it is clear that this place was the site of Taenarum, called, in the time of Pausanias, Caenepolis, and as it would seem, from the second inscription, the chief place of the Eleuthero-Laconic federation.

§ 1.292  The Laco mentioned in this inscription is probably the same son of Eurycles who appears from Strabo to have been unable long to maintain himself in power, after his father's death. Lying in front of the same church, there is a broken pedestal formed like the others, and inscribed in honour of one of the citizens of Taenarum. The church occupies, perhaps, the site of the temple of Ceres, mentioned by Pausanias; it stands on the summit of a height of about a mile in circumference, which is bounded to the west and south-west by perpendicular cliffs about forty feet high, washed by the sea; to the north and west by the torrent we crossed in arriving; and on the eastern side by a valley covered with corn-fields, which beyond it rise in terraces as high up as the rocky mountain supplies any soil for cultivation. On the north, the torrent bed ends in a little inlet of the sea, among the cliffs: to the south, there is a small harbour at the extremity of the valley. Here, probably, stood the temple of Venus.
Kyparisso stands about five miles from the isthmus of the peninsula of Cape Matapan. Towards the sea the hill consists of bare rock; in the opposite direction the slope is partitioned into very small inclosures by walls of a slaty, kind of stone, different from that which I observed on

§ 1.293  the road hither, and piled up, apparently in this place more for the purpose of clearing the land of the ruins, than for that of dividing the fields, which are small inclosures of corn or vines, by no means requiring so many divisions. In this labyrinth of fences and ruined buildings, by the guidance of the priest and a young son of his, (another little irregularity of Papa Makario) I find dedications to Antoninus Pius, Marcus Aurelius, and Gordian, and among other fragments of inscriptions, one which appears originally to have consisted of twenty-six Iambic verses. In none of the inscriptions could I perceive the name Caenepolis. In some the Doric form A ΠΟΛΙΣ is used, in others it is H ΠΟΛΙΣ. The magistrates are entitled Ephori and Ephori Aurelii, and one of them, was Strategus. There are several shafts of small columns among the ruins, and two large ones of the finest red granite of Syene, exactly like that of the Column of Diocletian at Alexandria. These are lying on the ground; but there are also two or three pieces of smaller columns still in their original places, which formed, apparently, part of a large church in the early ages of Christianity, when the appellation of Taenarum was probably obsolete, and the place flourished under its present name of Cyparissus. I could not find any capital of a column, except some very bad specimens in the church.
The priest's hut being insufficient to contain our numbers, he resigns his church of the Panaghia to us, where I take up my abode for the night. The eating of a meat supper in the church during the most rigid of Greek fasts, seems to shock the liberal Macarius himself and we are duly punished by myriads of fleas, which prevent all possibility of sleeping. The whole of our party was strewn upon the floor of the church, and there was only just space sufficient to contain them.

§ 1.294  April 13. After another search this morning for remains of antiquity, I quit Kyparisso at 7.50 for Cape Matapan, taking the road to Vathia, a village placed on the summit of a peaked height, half a mile from the sea, and a mile in a straight line from Kyparisso. The road to the cape quits that of Vathia in a torrent bed near the sea, at the ascent of the hill on which the village stands. This torrent forms the separation between Inner and Lower Mani, Vathia and its περιχωρα, consisting of three adjacent villages, being included in Kato Mani, according to the poetical list. My Mesa Maniate companions, however, do not admit of this arrangement, and include every thing on the western side of the promontory in their own division of Mani. At 8.30 the sea is near us on the right hand, and the village half a mile on our left. We halt five minutes, to allow time to Gika and Poliko to answer the inquiries of a party of armed men from Vathia, who meet us on the road. This village, my guides say, has been divided into two parties for the last forty years, in which time they reckon that about 100 men have been killed. We pursue the summit of the cliffs overhanging the sea, along the side of a very steep mountain, where are some difficult passes, one in particular formed by a wilderness of immense masses of rock, which seem to have fallen from the brow of the mountain. Every spot of earth on its side which is covered with a little soil, is cultivated in terraces of corn. At 9.38, having arrived opposite the head of Porto Marmari, a dangerous creek in the steep coast, we cross over a part of the neck of land which separates Marmari from Porto Kaio, and which constitutes the isthmus of the peninsula of Cape Matapan. Here we quit the road to Porto Kaio, which leads also by a branch to a monastery oh the mountain, above the northern side of that harbour, and turn to the right into the peninsula of Matapan. On the ascent of the hill which forms the isthmus, and which is barely half a mile across in a straight line, I

§ 1.296  have a fine view of Porto Kaio with its monastery, surrounded by corn fields in terraces.
Proceeding in a south-east direction, we arrive, at 9.55, upon the summit of a ridge, where are some small remains of a Hellenic wall: not above a dozen stones remain in their places. The spot commands to the north a view of Porto Kaio, and to the south-east looks down upon the Port of Vathy; the latter is a long narrow inlet of the sea open to the south-east, towards which all the intermediate space is covered with terraces of corn. The western side of the peninsula is entirely occupied by the high rocky land of Cape Matapan, which is cultivated in every spot capable of cultivation. Two small kalyvia stand on the eastern face of the mountain; the western side falls more steeply to the sea, and is not seen from our road. A lower ridge extends along the eastern side of the peninsula from Vathy to Porto Kaio. All the cultivated tract between the two ridges, as well as the two kalyvia, is known by the name of Asomato, which is properly that of a ruined church, near the shore of a small harbour close to Cape Matapan on the eastern side; to this place our path now leads, after leaving another on the left which conducts to the port of Vathy. After passing the division of the roads, we proceed along the side

§ 1.297  of the western mountain, by one of the kalyvia, and then descend to Asomato, where we arrive at 10.30.
Asomato, like many other dilapidated churches in Greece, has been repaired in such a manner as to be covered with a roof at the holy table, while the remaining walls are in a state of ruin. This altar-end is formed in part of Hellenic masonry, not quite regular; the stones, though very large, being not all quadrangular. At the end of this piece of Hellenic wall near the altar a narrow ancient door remains, which is not apparent from within, having been immured in converting the temple into a church. Several other parts of the church walls are formed of ancient wrought blocks, but that which is to the right of the altar only is original in its construction and site. This piece of ancient work is from four to seven feet high, and fifteen yards long. I did not complete the measurement of the church, which I had begun, not choosing to offend the prejudices of my guides, who cried κρίμα! when I entered the sanctuary, and partly because the measurement could not have given the exact dimensions of the ancient building, as the Hellenic wall formed a part of one side only, and no traces are to be seen of the opposite wall. The church, instead of facing to the east as Greek churches usually

§ 1.298  do, faces south-eastward, towards the head of the port, which is likely to have been the aspect of the temple. There can be little or no doubt that it was the celebrated temple of the Taenarian Neptune. I could not find any remains of columns.
A little farther inland from the ruined church, are several ancient bottle-shaped cisterns cut in the rock. I find the women of the kalyvia washing their linen with the water taken from them. The largest of the cisterns is ornamented round the edge with a mosaic of tiles. The rock near the cisterns has been levelled in some parts, and made perpendicular in others for the reception of ancient buildings, and in several places there remain steps cut in the rocks. On the north-eastern side of the chapel, a few paces distant, there is a large grotto in the rock, probably that from which Hercules is fabled to have dragged the dog Cerberus; nor is it any objection to this supposition, that no interior cavity or semblance of subterranean descent is to be seen within the cavern, for Pausanias remarks the same circumstance. The only ancient monument which I could find near this famous entrance of the Infernal Regions, was a large broken square stele on the shore of the harbour, piously inscribed by some fair Taenarian in honour of her father. A quarter of a

§ 1.299  mile southward of the inner extremity of the port, a low point of rock projects into the sea from the foot of the mountain: this, the natives of the peninsula say, is the real Kavo Matapan, the southernmost point of Greece and of all Europe. Eastward of it there is a rock connected with the shore, in which is seen a great cleft, and opposite the point itself, a rocky islet called Katergaki. A more remarkable point than Matapan itself, is that to the south-east, which divides Asomato from Vathy, and shelters the latter harbour towards the south; it is more separated from the rest of the peninsula, but is not so high and steep as the land above Cape Matapan.
Pausanias thus describes the Taenarian district: “One hundred and fifty stades distant from Teuthrone is the promontory Toenarum, and the ports Psamathus and Achilleius$ at the Cape there is a temple resembling a cavern b, and before it a statue of Neptune. Some of the Greek poets have feigned that Hercules here led forth the dog of hell, though there is no passage through the cave into the earth, nor, indeed, is it probable that there exists any subterraneous dominion of the gods where souls are collected.

§ 1.300  Among other dedications at Taenarum, there is an Arion in brass playing on the guitar and seated on a dolphin. There is also a source of water at Taenarum. From Taenarum to Caenepolis the distance by sea is forty stades. The ancient name of this city was Taenarum. It contains a temple of Ceres and on the sea side a temple of Venus with an upright statue of stone: on proceeding forward thirty stades, there occurs a promontory called Thyrides. Here are ruins of the city Hippola, among which is a temple of Minerva Hippolaitis. A little beyond is the city Messa, and a harbour, from whence to Oitylus there is a distance of 150 stades.”
It is difficult to reconcile what Pausanias says of the temple of Neptune with present appearances, which clearly shew that the cavern and or temple, were at some little distance apart, though they may have been included within the same peribolus. The description of Strabo seems more correct; he says, “that the promontory Taenarum was in the bend of the sea shore, and that it had a temple of Neptune built in a grove, and near it a cavern,

§ 1.301  through which it was fabled that Cerberus was dragged out of hell by Hercules.”
1 am surprised to find that the Taenarian promontory has not been well described, either in ancient history or in any modern book or map, in short, that there is nothing to indicate that Taenarum is in fact a peninsula of circular form about seven miles in circumference, connected with the end of the great Taygetic promontory by an isthmus which is about half a mile wide in direct distance. It was not until I saw its real conformation, that I could understand why Pausanias, coasting the Laconic Gulf from the northward names Psamathus and Achilleius after the promontory Taenarum. It is evident that the whole peninsula was considered as the promontory; in fact, it is only in this manner that his distance of forty stades between Caenepolis and the promontory can be justified, that is to say, by measuring it to the nearest part of the peninsula. The word ακτη applied to Taenarum by Strabo, seems to allude also to the peninsula, for ακτη was strictly applicable to a coast of this description, and was employed with the same import in the instances of Attica and of the Thracian Acte which contained Mount Athos. The word Matapan I take to be exactly, or very nearly, the Laco-Doric, or

§ 1.302  perhaps the still more ancient local form and pronunciation of the word Μέταπον. The accents indeed differ, but the dialects differed sometimes from the common Hellenic in accents as well as in vowels. It is probable that the whole peninsula was known by the name of Ταίναρον ακρα or ακτη, and its extreme promontory by that of το Mαταμάν, while the small harbour of Asomato, the temple of Neptune, and the habitations around it, may have been distinguished by the name of Posidonium. The remark of Strabo, that Amathus occurs next to Cape Taenarum in entering the Laconic gulf, leaves little doubt as to the situation of Psamathus at Porto Kaio, for here are some remains of an ancient town, and it is not credible that Strabo should have noticed Vathy to the exclusion of the more important harbour, Porto Kaio. It will follow that Vathy was the Achilleius of Pausanias.
Thyrides is another point on this coast of which it required an actual inspection, in order to understand the ancient allusions or remarks concerning it. Strabo describes it as a ροωδης κρημνος, “a precipitous cape beaten by the waves”; Pausanias, as a promontory situated thirty stades to the northward of Caenepolis, and 150 stades distant from Oitylus. Though

§ 1.303  these descriptions agree in every respect with Cape Grosso, they omit to give any idea of the dimensions of that remarkable promontory, which is a large peninsula like the Taenarian, nearly of the same dimensions, but of a more oval shape, and connected with the continent by a much wider isthmus. Another difficulty in regard to the topography of this coast, is the remark of Strabo, that Thyrides was the boundary of the Messeniac gulf. But this also is at once explained by an examination of the places, for we find that the latitude of Thyrides and of the Taenarian Cape is so nearly the same, that Thyrides conceals the view of the Taenarian promontory from every part of the Messeniac gulf, except the immediate vicinity of its south-western promontory, Cape Acritas. All the Taenaria, therefore, between Capes Grosso and Matapan was a coast not belonging to either gulf. Homer seems to have correctly understood the extent of the Taenarian district, which, as we have seen, comprehended all the coast between the peninsulas Thyrides and Taenarum, including all the

§ 1.304  latter peninsula, with the exception of the part near Psamathus. From other authors we do not learn much as to the topography of this extremity of the Peloponnesus. It appears from Thucydides, that the temple of Neptune was a sanctuary in his time, and was held in peculiar veneration by all Greece.
I have inquired in vain for the Taenarian quarries of sumptuous marble mentioned by Strabo. Several ancient quarries, indeed, I have remarked, and particularly that at Alika, but they appear to have been all of coarse white marble or limestone. Nor have I been able to hear anything, on the Laconic coast, of the shell-fish which produced a purple inferior only to the Tyriane.
At 11.22 we leave Asomato, and return by a road to the eastward of that by which we came. At 11.41 the head of Vathy is below us, to the right. At 11.54, leaving the Kyparisso road to the left, we proceed along the summit of the

§ 1.305  Isthmus, and then, winding round the side of the mountain which overhangs Porto Kaio, arrive, at 12.27, at the monastery called the Virgin of Porto Kaio, which furnishes by far the most agreeable lodging I have met with in Mani. On the eastern side a spring issues from the side of the hill, and falls over several terraces of garden ground on the side of the mountain, which are grown with olives, caroubs, and cypresses, mixed with a few orange-trees. The garden furnishes me with a salad for dinner, and the stores of the convent some of the choicest Maniate honey — my companions, meantime, regaling upon bean-soup and salted olives. During their repast an old man incessantly accuses Gika Mavromikhali of having killed his brother, or, at least, of being of the family of the murderer. Gika admits the latter, but urges in defence that the deed was done in an honourable way, in the course of a war between the two houses. Only sixteen days ago, Gika tells me, he destroyed a pyrgo of one of his enemies in his own village of Tzimova. Porto Kaio, he informs me, was anciently called Ψαμαθία. When I ask him how he acquired this information, he does not recollect, but admits that the name is known only to those who are a little tinctured with letters.

§ 1.306  It is not improbable that Psamathus, converted into Psamathia, was used until the Morea was overrun by the Franks, who, particularly the Venetians, seem to have done more than the Turks in destroying the vestiges of antiquity in Greece; and who having called this harbour Porto delle Quaglie, from the great number of quails which frequent the neighbourhood in the autumn, this name, in the course of time, has been assumed by the Greeks in the form of Porto Kaio, for there are many Italian words adopted in the dialect of the islands and southern coasts of Greece, in the same manner as Turkish words have been adopted in the northern and continental dialect. Thus, Kavo Grosso, the only modern name for Cape Thyrides, and accurately descriptive of it, is formed of two Italian words. Kavo and Porto, however, are used for Cape and Harbour in every part of Greece, having been introduced by the seafaring men, who are more than any other class familiar with the Italian language. Porto Kaio is a beautiful circular harbour with a narrow entrance, a fine sandy bottom, and depth of water for large ships, except at a shoal which lies midway between the southern point of the entrance and the shore, which is immediately under the monastery. This point shelters the harbour from the S. and S. E. Upon its extremity I perceive

§ 1.307  the remains of a battery which was erected by the insurgent Major Lambro, when Porto Kaio was the strong hold of that person in the year 1773.
Beyond the ravine of the garden of the monastery, to the eastward, another root of the mountain, similar to that on which the monastery stands, slopes into the sea. On its summit stands the ruin of a square fortress, apparently of the same period as that of Passava, but more respectable. Coronelli has given a description of it under the name of the fort of Maina. Its Greek name is Μαΐνη; it was a town in the thirteenth century, as we learn from Pachymer and Nicephorus Gregoras. It would seem, indeed, from the mention made of it by those historians, to have been then one of the chief places in the southern part of the peninsula, for Nicephorus names it as such, together with Sparta, meaning probably Myzithra, and Monemvasia. He is not far from the truth in describing Maini as being the place called by the ancients the Taenarian promontory but he most incorrectly places it near Leuctra. Perhaps he mistook the ruins at Kyparisso for those of Leuctra. Maini is still nominally one of the suffragan dioceses of the ecclesiastical province of Monemvasia.

§ 1.308  The Italians translated the word into Maina, and thence called the whole of the great Taygetic promontory, Braccio di Maina. From the same word the Greek chorographical appellation Μάνη is derived. From the fortress of Maini begins the district of Laghia, belonging to Kato Mani. Laghia is the largest place between Porto Kaio and Skutari. Next to it is Vatas, the chief place of the bishopric of Kolokythi.
We quit the monastery at 8; at 4.55 leave Kyparisso on the left, and at 5 arrive at Alika, where I procure a lodging in a hut of a friend of Poliko.
The misery of these Kakavuliotes is extreme. To the inquiries of my servants for the commonest articles of provisions, the answer constantly is, “where are we to find oil, or vinegar, or wine, or bread?” as if such things were luxuries in which they never indulged. The scarcity at present is undoubtedly very pressing in consequence of the insufficient harvest of last year; and to these occasional dearths, perhaps, may be chiefly ascribed the habitual penury and avarice of the people. But my Tzimova companions say, that even when the Kakavuliotes had numerous pirate boats and trattas in the

§ 1.309  Archipelago, and brought home a great deal of plunder, they still continued to live in the same miserable manner. The chief instrument of household furniture is the handmill in which the kalambokki is ground. This is the employment of the women at night, who generally accompany the work with a song in lamentation of some deceased relation who has been killed perhaps by a hostile house; and it is their custom to continue these songs during the whole period of mourning, and the men let their beards grow on the same occasions. The χειρόμυλον is a lineal descendant of the ancient hand-mill, as the songs which accompany the grinding are of the ωδαι επιμυλίοι.
Except on the great feasts, none but the richest of the Kakavuliotes kill mutton or poultry: an old ox no longer fit for the plough, or a sheep or fowl already at the point of death, they sometimes indulge in. Cheese, garlic, and bread of maize, are the principal food; wine and oil, as their district produces none, they seldom use. A boy even of fifteen has a wrinkled, weatherworn appearance; but diseases are rare, they live to a great age, and their chief evil is a population disproportioned to the natural resources of the country. In soil and aspect, it resembles many of the islands, such as Kefalonia,

§ 1.310  Tzerigo, Naxia, Zia, &c. where, as in Mani, all the productions, though excellent of the kind, are seldom plentiful. My companions, however, who are some of the first characters on the western coast, do not complain: on the contrary, they boast of the sweetness of their mutton, that they send corn, in good years, to Cerigo, that they occasionally supply the Morea with cattle, and that when the seasons favour them, they want nothing from abroad but wine and cheese.
This may be true with regard to the whole of the western coast taken together; but there seems to be a great difference between the country to the south, and to the north of Port Vitylo. The latter produces some wine, and a considerable quantity of oil, and it is not so subject to the drought which destroys the hopes of the cultivator in Outer Mani, nor to those gales which both by sea and land are most mischievous in the immediate vicinity of Capes Matapan and Malea.

§ 1.311  April 14. — At 6.30 I leave Alika: at 7.35 pass between the villages called Ano Borali and Kato Borali. At 8 pass again between Nomia and Gita the polypyrgous. At 8.35 cross the torrent of Mezapo. At the hut where I halted to dine on the 12th, we again stop twenty minutes. Leaving the direct road along the bottom of the hollow of Pendadha, we turn to the right through its villages, and halt, at 10.15, at Babaka, where I dine in the house of Poliko Tubaki, who has a pyrgo hard by. Proceed at 11, leaving Atza above us on the right; pass, at 11.25, through Paleokhora, and then falling again into the road by which we came, at 2.20 we arrive at Tzimova. Thus terminates my journey in the land of Evil Counsel, without accident or any loss, except that of a double-barrelled pistol, which was stolen out of my holster on the 12th, at the hut near Kavo Grosso, perhaps by one of my companions, for they made a most suspicious show of halting to search for it at the same place on our return. At Tzimova I am again received into the house, or rather cottage, of Gika Mavromikhali, who, to make room for me, sends all his females into the pyrgo. At night fifty sheep and twelve oxen are driven into the yard of the cottage. The Maniates are seldom in such a state of security as to leave their cattle abroad in the fields at night
Not many years ago a Frenchman came to Tzimova, flying probably from justice; he set up for a physician, and resided here several years. He could cure those who believed in him, by giving them a pinch out of his snuffbox, and at length obtained such credit among the Maniates as to predict futurity. But he did not foresee his own fate. Some Kakavuliotes lay in wait for him, as he was returning one day from Koroni by sea, and murdered him, by which they gained only a few piastres.

§ 1.312  April 15. This morning I walk down to Limeni, or the port of Tzimova, a distance of two miles; the latter mile down the side of a steep mountain, a road fit only for a Maniate or his mule. The rest of the day I remain in the house of Kyr Petro Mavromikhali, near the seaside. A person brings me for sale an inscribed slab of marble, found at Skopa, and which, though not containing the name of any city, is, from the mere circumstance of its having been found there, a strong confirmation of Skopa being the site of Teuthrone. The inscription is a mere fragment, though in excellent preservation: it appears to be of the age of Tiberius. As the Eleuthero-Laconic cities flourished chiefly in the time of the Roman Empire, it is not surprising that we find little else than ruins of that period in Mani, or that the inscriptions are all of the same date. Limeni consists of five or six magazines and two pyrghi, and to the north of that of Peter Mavromikhali there is a monastery with a little garden about it. Farther north the harbour branches to the eastward as far as the foot of the hill, on which stands the ruined fort of Kelefa.

§ 1.313  It is said to be of Venetian construction, but could only have been a repair or reconstruction of the original fortress, as both Kelefa and Zarnata existed before the Venetian conquest, and were taken by them from the Turks in the year 1685.
Northward of the eastern branch of the harbour, on the brow of a steep hill, which descends to the northern shore of that branch, stands the town of Vitylo, said to contain 250 houses. The mountain of Vitylo is separated from the hill of Kelefa by a deep glen, along which a torrent flows to the head of the eastern branch of the harbour. The sides of the mountain around Vitylo, and particularly below the town, are green with terraces of corn. The Vityliotes being opposed to the present bey, I am unable to visit the place where I believe some remains of the ancient Oetylus are still to be seen. [Mr. Morritt, of Rokeby, visited Vitylo in the year 1795, and observed many remains of Hellenic walls among the modern houses. (Mem. on Turkey, ed. by Walpole, p. 54.) At the church he found “a beautiful fluted Ionic column supporting a beam at one end of the aisle, three or four Ionic capitals in the wall of the church, and on the outside of the church the foundations of a temple.” This was probably the temple of Sarapis, mentioned by Pausanias, and which, perhaps, having been converted into a church on the establishment of Christianity, has remained in that state to the present day.]

§ 1.314  Porto Vitylo resembles exactly one of the creeks which I have described on the precipitous coast to the southward, but on a much larger scale; the narrow entrance, bold rocky shores, depth of water, and extent inwards, are of the same character. It is said to be a bad harbour with a westerly wind. The northern side, as well as the eastern branch, belongs to Vitylo, the southern side to Tzimova. The name of Porto Vitylo is applied to the whole.
One hundred and fifty years ago, about fifty families emigrated from Vitylo into Corsica. The Vityliotes say, that one of these families, named Καλόμερος, translated the name to Buonaparte, and were the ancestors of the Great Napoleon. This the Tzimovites affect to disbelieve — not the fact of the colony, which is undoubted, but of the origin of Napoleon. Without attending to one side or the other, for the people of Vitylo probably support what they think an honour, while those of Tzimova deny it, because they hate their neighbours, it must be confessed that the story is more than doubtful, Buonaparte being certainly an Italian name older than the date of the colony.
Kyr Petruni is a smart looking man of between thirty and forty, dressed in green velvet, and the genteelest Maniate I have yet seen. [This person was afterwards promoted to be Bey of Mani, in which situation the Greek revolution found him.]

§ 1.315  His father, he tells me, recovered an English ship in a most resolute and enterprising manner in the year 1792; the ship belonged to Smith and St. Barbe, of London. The vessel had been driven into the gulf by a gale which, after it had subsided into a calm, left the ship near Pyrgos, with a tremendous sea setting on the shore. The crew had given themselves up for lost, and had ceased to make any exertions, when Mavromikhali put off from Port Vitylo with a small vessel to their assistance and piloted them in. The Maniates immediately collected for the purpose of plundering the vessel, but Mavromikhali, by keeping a large body of his adherents on the watch, both by sea and land, prevented the attack. The ship remained nineteen days in the harbour, the captain's name was Brown.
The following is the account given to me by Kyr Petro of the captaincies of Mani. The kapitani are, at present, no more than seven in number. 1. Ghiorghio Kapitanaki, who lives at Stavropighi of Zarnata, and governs all Zarnata, containing about 790 houses. 2. Panaghioti Trupaki, of Andruvista, who governs that district, containing about 700 houses. 3. Khristodhulo Khristea, of Leftro, governs Platza and the district of Zygos, having 1000 houses under him. 4. Konstantino Nikoraki, captain of the

§ 1.316  single village of Kastania, one of the largest in Mani, and situated about midway between Marathonisi and Kitries. 5. Ghiorghio Kyvelaki, governor of Milea and its dependencies, containing 200 houses. 6. Anagnosti Venitzanaki, who has the single village of Kastanitza. 7. Dhimitrio Gligoraki, of Mavrovuni, who has no command. To this list of the chieftains may be added Petro Mavromikhali himself, of the Limeni of Tzimova, who, being at present deputy governor of Mesa Mani, has more power and influence than any of the above, though he has not the title of captain. Petruni's father married the present Bey's sister.
Before the year 1770, the date of the vain and cruel attempt of the Russians to revolutionize the Morea with a force of 600 men, the Maniates were subject to a nominal tribute of fifteen purses, which they never paid. When the insurrection was quelled, the Kapitan-Pasha Hassan proceeded against Mani, and obliged the Maniates to submit to the terms of being governed by a Bey of their own choosing, approved of by the Porte, and of paying a yearly tribute of thirty purses to the Porte and five to the Kapitan-Pasha. John Kutufari, of Zarnata, who made the treaty, was appointed Bey: he died a natural death at the end of three years. Michael Trupaki, of Skardhamula, succeeded

§ 1.317  him, but being accused of possessing a tratta which, before he had succeeded to the beyship, had made depredations upon some European vessels — an ambassador at Constantinople having countenanced the complaint, and Michael having no money to prevent the effects of it, the Captain Pasha came to Mani, took him on board his ship, and decapitated him at Mytilini. John Gligoraki, his successor, commonly called Tzanet, or Zanim-bey, was in office fifteen years, when, being accused of too much friendship with the revolutionary French, about the time when the latter first became formidable to the Porte, he was succeeded by Komunduro, of Kitries, his accuser, who had generally maintained a good understanding with the Turks, and with whom Tzanet had constantly been at war during his beyship. Komunduro, after a reign of seven years, was two or three years ago deposed and sent to Constantinople, where he died in the Bagnio: he also had been accused, by the Internuncio, of having shared in the plunder of an Imperial ship which had been seized upon by a brother of Peter Mavromikhali, who having taken his passage from Leghorn to Maina on board the Imperial ship, together with all the Maniate crew of a vessel of his own, which had been lost in going from Mani to that port, rose upon the Austrian seamen and carried the ship into Mani.

§ 1.318  Antony Gligoraki, the present Bey, succeeded Komunduro; he has done his utmost to assist the Turkish government in destroying the trattas and pirate boats of the Maniates, and in reducing them to submission: all the best part of Mani, however, viz. Zarnata, Andruvista, Milea, and Kastania, are against him, and more inclined to his enemy Tzanet, and his son Peter, the Bey-Zaade, who is their hero. Khristea, the captain of Zygos, is a neutral, having married a Mavromikhali, being personally a friend of Hassan Bey, and being carefully cultivated by Kyr Petruni, the chief support of the Andon interest on the western coast; Khristea, therefore, adds no strength to the party of Tzanet, though obliged to live on good terms with that party on account of his position in the midst of them. On the eastern coast, between Skutari and Porto Kaio, Andon has many enemies; in fact his power, as a Turkish lieutenant, is disagreeable to the Maniates in general, though they are too weak at sea to dispute it: their family quarrels are a great assistance to the Turks. These are often changing, and they have a proverb relating to their politics, Μανιάτικα μηνιάτικα [monthly].
Each person of power and every head of a family of any influence has a pyrgo, which is

§ 1.319  used almost solely as a tower of defence: the ordinary habitation stands at the foot of it. The Bey's relations and a few of the Kapitani maintain some soldiers in their towers, but in general these buildings are uninhabited, except in time of alarm. To overturn the pyrgo of the enemy and to slaughter as many of his relations as possible, are the objects of every war. The tower has loopholes in the different stories and battlements at top, and he that can get a rusty swivel to plant upon them is not easily subdued. Most of the ordinary dwellings are built with loopholes in the walls; nor are the villages, in which there is no inhabitant of sufficient opulence to build a pyrgo, the more peaceable on that account, but quarrel either among themselves or with their neighbours, and endeavour to overturn one another's houses just like their betters. Every pyrgo has a cistern, which has an arched covering of stone, with a little wooden door kept constantly locked. The villages, also, in general, have cisterns in or near them. The cactus is very commonly grown round the villages for the sake of the fruit, and these with a few figs, and grapes, and some of the commonest esculent vegetables, are the only horticultural productions of Mani.

§ 1.320  April 16. — This morning I sail from Port Vitylo in a little kaik belonging to Kyr Petruni, a brisk Levanter blowing from the opening between Vitylo and Kelefa. But no sooner have we turned the cape on the northern side of the harbour than the breeze is succeeded by a dead calm with a great sea from the southward, the certain prognostic of a strong wind from that quarter. After rowing for seven miles under steep cliffs we are abreast of Ai Dhimitri, a pyrgo and village on the sea-side, opposite to which is a little island, three times as large as our boat, so the sailors describe it. Above it is situated the town of Platza, the chief place in Zygos, between which and the ridge separating Zygos from Vitylo, on the road to the latter, are Langadha and Poliana. Three miles beyond St. Demetrius is Leftro, a pyrgo and village, the residence of Captain Khristea; between the two places the slope of the mountain is covered with olives, and at the head of it, just under the mountain, in a green looking glen, stands Izina, a village belonging to the district of Milea. Not far above Leftro is the town of Pyrgo. I had intended to stop at Leftro, the only place in this part of Mani which the state of parties and family alliances admitted of my visiting; but a fresh sirocco coming on with a heavy sea, we are obliged to steer direct for Cape Kurtissa.

§ 1.321  Beyond St. Demetrius, the high cliffs terminate which characterize this shore from Kavo Grosso northwards, and they are succeeded by a regular, fertile slope extending from the steeps of Taygetum to the sea-side. The peak of St. Elias, or Makryno, appears nearest to the coast, at about half-way between Leftro and Skardhamula, which latter is four or five miles from Leftro; and has an island opposite to it upon which there is a monastery. Behind Skardhamula a deep ravine descends in a direct line from the Makryno to that place; between Leftro and Skardhamula there are some fine olive plantations. From the latter place to Cape Kurtissa, which is five miles distant, the coast is a steep rock, but not very high. Our little boat ships some seas, and being heavily laden and lowmasted, we are in some danger from the effect of the high waves, which follow us and take the wind out of our sails: but the Maniates are good boatmen, and with cautious steering we arrive safely under the lee of Cape Kurtissa. Kitries lies at the bottom of a bight, a mile and a half east of the cape: we arrive at 12.30, and find the frigate of Seremet Bey and a corvette anchored in the road. By land the distance from Kitries to Vitylo is reckoned ten

§ 1.322  hours — three hours and a half to Skardhamula, from thence to Leftro one hour and a half, and five more to Vitylo. The distance by the road is not more than thirty miles, but so rugged in some parts that it cannot easily be done in less than twelve hours, except by a Maniate on foot.
Having landed, I call upon the Cavaliere Dhimitrio Gligoraki, who offers me his apartments in the house of the Bey; but I prefer lodging in one of the magazines by the sea side. The pyrgo of the Bey and adjoining buildings are large, and agreeably situated on a height above the sea. The hills around are covered with terraces of wheat, which is now in ear and already beginning to look yellow at the bottom of the stalk; it will be spoiled, they say, if there is no rain. Corn in Mani is all sown in the first rains of autumn, i.e. September and October. In the highest villages of Taygetum, where the snow covers the ground all the winter, it is reaped in August, and sown again in September: the produce is there three or four to one. In the most fertile parts of Mani ten to one. In the best lands of Messenia, where it is sown in November and December, ten to one is common; sometimes the return is as much as twenty to one, and with artificial irrigation still more.

§ 1.323  At the head of a little valley behind the beach of Kitries, immediately under a rocky gorge in the mountain, I find a very large cavern answering to that described by Pausanias at Gerenia, except that the entrance is not narrow, as he says; it may, perhaps, have been widened in order to be made more convenient as a μάνδρα, or sheepfold, for which it now serves. There are two or three sepulchral niches in the side of the cliffs about the valley, enough, I think, with the other data of Pausanias, to leave little doubt of Kitries being the site of Gerenia.
Besides the Bey's pyrgo and its dependencies, the only buildings at Kitries are five or six magazines near the sea. In one of these I found a singular personage, a Turk keeping a shop in a country of Greeks.
The Cavaliere is a sensible, quick, conversable character; he tells me that he was strongly invited to go to England in 1795, when at Petropoli, by an English ambassador who understood Greek, and that the empress hearing of it shut him up. Such is his story. The pyrgo was built by Tzanet Kutufari, and was the residence of the Bey of Mani, until Tzanet Gligoraki having built his castle at Mavrovuni, made that place his residence; the present Bey intends to reside at Marathonisi. The district of Zarnata lies between Kitries and Skardhamula, and extends inland to the highest ridges of Taygetum; in the midst of it, at the distance of an hour and a half from the sea, are the ruins of the fortress of Zarnata, which Coronelli describes to have been taken by the Venetians in the year 1685, when it had a garrison of 600 Turks and fifty-one pieces of cannon.
Between the years 1771 and 1780, Kitries was the chief resort of European vessels in the south of the Morea, where they loaded the vallonea, vermilion, oil, figs, &c., of Messenia and Laconia. It possesses a great advantage for this object in the security of the harbour, and its position westward of Cape Matapan.

§ 1.326  April 17. — At 7.05 I leave Kitries for Kalamata, and proceed along the summit of the cliffs which overhang the sea beach, but which are interrupted, at 7.43, by the ravine of a wide torrent descending from Taygetum; at 8.10 arrive at Palea Mandinia: here is nothing but a church with some remains of Hellenic buildings on the side of a hill, in which there is an opening leading through the cliffs to the shore. The two villages of Mikri and Megali Mandinia stand on the side of the mountain a mile eastward of Old Mandinia, and contain together 100 houses. How the Hellenic name of Mantineia came to be attached

§ 1.325  to these ruins, it is difficult to conjecture; for the site is certainly that of Abiae. Here are some fine fields of wheat, which women are now clearing of weeds. As we pass, one of our party asks them what they are doing, βοτανίζομεν is their Laconic answer.
At 8.25, leaving the church, we soon afterwards descend upon a sea beach formed of large pebbles; and then pass under a perpendicular cliff clothed with myrtles and ivy. At 8.55 arrive at a mill turned by a stream strongly impregnated with salt, which issues very copiously out of a cavern at the back of the mill, and below it runs in a large body into the sea. The place is called Armyro, from this salt river, and the same name is attached to the anchorage opposite to it, which serves as the port of Kalamata in winter, when ships cannot safely remain in the roadsted off that town. After a five minutes halt, we move forward along the stony beach, and soon after passing a naked projection of the mountain, which terminates in a cliff, arrive at 10 on a sandy beach, the southeastern angle of the great Messenian Plain.
At 10.15 enter olive plantations. The village of Selitza, in the Maniate district of Zarnata, is situated to the right, near the cliffs of the mountain, but is not in sight. These cliffs sometimes break off in large masses, an occurrence

§ 1.326  which, among the Zarnatiotes, is considered prophetic of the fall of some great Maniate captain. I observe that all the olive trees are young, the old trees having been destroyed by the Maniates, or their opponents the Turks, in the course of their wars. The destruction of olive trees is one of the greatest calamities to which the inhabitant of Greece is exposed in war: there is scarcely any thing analogous to it in more northern countries. A most fruitful production of very slow growth, which has afforded food and profit for centuries, and which in the course of nature might last as much longer, is destroyed in a moment. At 10.26 we cross a brook; at 10.35 on the left is a pyrgo belonging to the Kavaleraki, as they call the son of Dhimitrio Gligoraki. The ground is covered with great quantities of wild lavender in blossom, here called λαρδάσταχα. We now enter the olive and garden grounds which surround Kalamata; they are fenced with the cactus, or prickly pear, but the fences are imperfect and the gardens ruinous — an effect of the frontier situation. Arrive at Kalamata at 10.45.
The first object that strikes the traveller on entering Kalamata, is the ruined mansion of Benakhi, which, like that of Krevata at Mistra, was destroyed by the Turks after the insurrection of 1770, in which the heads of those two Greek families took a part. The son of Benakhi

§ 1.327  is now Russian Consul at Corfu, and still enjoys the rents of a considerable estate here, which are collected by a married sister, living in a pyrgo in the town. I proceed to the house of Kyr Elias Tzani, whose brother, Dhimitrio, is Hodja-bashi of the place, but now absent at an assembly of all the Hodja-bashis at Tripolitza, where the Pasha has summoned them to consider of the means of supporting the reinforcements destined for the Morea.
I shall now trace the progress of Pausanias from Messa, along the western side of the Taygetic promontory, as far as Pharae, for the purpose of justifying the ancient names which I have assigned to some of the places in passing, and of shewing, in conclusion, that Kalamata stands on the site of Pharae. “The distance from the harbour of Messa to Oitylus was 150 stades. The things worthy of remark in Oitylus were, a temple of Sarapis, and in the agora a wooden statue of Apollo Carneius. From Oitylus to Thalamae the length of the road was about eighty stades; in the way there was a temple of Ino, and an oracle by means of the interpretation of dreams. In the open court of the temple stood brazen images of Paphia and of the Sun, and there was another statue in the temple said also to have been of brass, but it was difficult to be seen, on account

§ 1.328  of the garlands with which it was covered; there was a source of sweet water at the temple, called the fountain of the Moon.” Pephnus was twenty stades distant from Thalamae, and situated on the sea side. Before it there was an island not larger than a great rock, also called Pephnus, in which stood, in the open air, brazen statues of the Dioscuri a foot high. The Messenians affirmed, that formerly this place belonged to them. Leuctra was distant twenty stades from Pephnus. The acropolis contained a temple and statue of Minerva. In the town were a temple and statue of Cassandra, daughter of Priam, here called Alexandra, a marble statue of Aesculapius, and another of Ino — wooden figures of Apollo Carneius, who was honoured here in the same manner as at Sparta, and a temple and grove of Love, through which water flowed in seasons of rain. [This torrent, according to Strabo, was called the little Pamisus; the Messenians pretended that it was the Pamisus which separated Messenia from Laconia, but they could never realize their claim.] In a wood near the sea there was found, in the time of Pausanias, after a great storm which destroyed most of the trees, a statue of Jupiter Ithomatas, which the Messenii alleged to be a proof that Leuctra formerly belonged to them.

§ 1.329  Cardamyle, mentioned by Homer among the places offered by Agamemnon (to Achilles), was in subjection to Sparta, the emperor Augustus having separated it from Messenia. It was distant from the sea eight stades, and from Leuctra sixty: not far from the sea there was a sacred inclosure of the daughters of Nereus, and in the town sanctuaries of Minerva and of Apollo Carneius.
“The city called Enope by Homer, though inhabited by Messenians, belonged to the community of the Eleuthero-Lacones, and was named Gerenia. Some affirmed that Nestor was a native of this city, others that he fled hither when Pylus was taken by Hercules. It contained a sanctuary, a sepulchral monument, and an upright brazen statue of Machaon, son of Aesculapius: the place was called Rhodus. On the head of the statue there was a crown, which, in the provincial dialect of Messenia, was called κίφος. In the district of Gerenia, on a mountain called Calathium, there was a temple of Claea, and close to it a cavern; the entrance was narrow, but within there were things worthy of being seen. Thirty stades above Gerenia, towards the interior, was Alagonia, a city numbered among the Eleuthero-Lacones, and which contained temples of Bacchus and of Diana.” Here end the Laconica of Pausanias. In the thirtieth

§ 1.330  chapter of the Messenica he resumes the same route at the valley Choerius, which was the boundary of Laconia and Messenia: its distance from Gerenia he has omitted to mention. “Twenty stades”, he says, “from the ravine Choerius, stood Abia, a city on the sea-side, anciently called Ire, and one of the seven which Homer represents to have been offered by Agamemnon to Achilles. Here were a celebrated temple of Hercules and an Asclepieium. Pharae was seventy stades distant from Abia; in the way thither was a salt stream.” The modern name of Oitylus is Βοίτυλος, pronounced Vitylo, and this is probably the ancient dialectic form without any change, except perhaps in the sound of the B. The initial B was often in the Aeolic a substitute for the digamma or aspirate. Thus the Eleians, who spoke a kindred dialect, used Βαθύ, Βοινώα, for ηδυ, Οινόη. In an intermediate age we find the name written by Ptolemy Βίτυλα; but the geographer was probably misinformed as to the orthography; for it cannot be supposed to have been less correct then than it is now.
The small island, compared by Pausanias to a great rock, and which my Maniate sailors described as not being larger than a boat,

§ 1.331  marks the position of Pephnus, as the name of Leftro fixes the site of Leuctra, and that of Skardhamula Cardamyle. Another little island, which has not been noticed by Pausanias, forms the harbour of Skardhamula. That town is situated, as the Greek traveller has observed of Cardamyle, a little above the coast, and, as Strabo adds, on a strong rocky height. It is possible that the modern name Σκαρδαμούλα represents exactly the ancient local pronunciation, for the final A instead of H is Doric or Aeolic; the V or upsilon in the most ancient times certainly represented the sound which was afterwards expressed by ΟΥ in Greek, but which in Latin always preserved its original representative — and the initial K and ΣΚ were often convertible.
Of the points in the road from Gerenia to Pharae, there is one so marked by the hand of nature as to leave no doubt of the identity; this is the stream of salt water which gives to the place itself, as well as to the opposite anchorage, the name Armyro, the very word by which Pausanias has described the water. As Palea Mandinia and Kalamata both bear evidence of having been the sites of Hellenic cities, as the Armyro occurs in the road from the one to the other, and as the interval of seventy stades between them, given by Pausanias, agrees exactly with the two hours and a

§ 1.332  quarter of time distance, at the usual rate of thirty stades to the hour, the evidence would be sufficient to determine both the positions, even were not the presumption as to Pharae confirmed by other testimony, as will be seen in the sequel.
Although the twenty stades of Pausanias between Choerius and Abia exceed my time distance between the torrent which interrupts the rocky coast northward of Kitries, and the Hellenic remains at old Mandinia, there can be little doubt that the ravine of that torrent is the νάπη intended by the Greek traveller, there being no other on this coast, and such a torrent being well suited to a boundary.
ADDITIONAL NOTE TO CHAPTER VIII.
I have alluded more than once in the preceding pages to a poetical description of Mani. I found the manuscript in the possession of one of the ecclesiastics of the bishop's family at Mistra, of whom I was making inquiries concerning Mani, and he allowed me to take a copy of it. It appears to have been written by a διδάσκαλος residing in some part of the north of Mani, perhaps at the court of Tzanet Bey, and apparently not long after a celebrated defeat which Kumunduro sustained from the latter chieftain, when supported by a Turkish squadron from Kitries, Kumunduro advanced from Zarnata

§ 1.333  to Andruvista, but was defeated and fled, while the Turkish Seraskier with difficulty and great loss re-embarked at Skardhamula. I shall subjoin some extracts from this piece, certainly not for the sake of its literary merit, in which it is on a par with the other poetical effusions of modern Greece, but as a specimen of the southern dialect of this country, and as a native description of the topography and manners of Mani. The poem is in 314 lines, more than a third of which is a poetical catalogue of the 117 villages, interspersed with a few descriptive verses. After a short description of “the mountain Taygeton, by the moderns called Makrynon, in which those unfortunate Spartans, now called Maniates, took refuge in order to save their life and liberty”, the poet proceeds to enumerate in verse the names of all the 117 villages arranged under their three divisions and subordinate districts.
Tzanet Bey is the hero: he is qualified as “the firm column of his country, the father of orphans, who deserves to govern all Laconia as well as Mani, being hospitable and a great patriot. He has done in Mani”, says the poet, “what no one else ever did before him; and this I have seen with my own eyes: — A bell marks the hour of supper at his palace. Then all those who hear the bell boldly enter, eat at the bey's table, and depart satisfied. He loves the poor and the stranger, defends his province, persecutes the wicked and pounds them like salt. Thus old and young desire him, all Mani, and all the captains, except the Bey Kumunduraki of Kitries alone, who lives like a hawk, oppressing the poor and robbing them of their property, thinking only of feasting with his lady, while all the country groans. He hoped to possess himself of Milea and tyrannize over it, and even to take Marathonisi. Assisted by the Turk, he pretended to frighten Mani and subject all its government to himself. He brought an army by land, and a squadron by sea, and from Andruvista began to proceed in order. But the valorous young men, the dreadful captains opposed him. At Skardhamula the meeting took

§ 1.334  place — they sprang upon the enemy like lions, one driving a hundred before him — a hundred a thousand — they scatter them to the winds and reduce them to despair. The terrified (Kumunduro) fled with his land forces, and abandoned the unfortunate Seraskier on the sea-shore. Then if Tzanet Bey had moved a little, and had not neglected the opportunity, Kumunduro could not have arrested his flight at Kitries, nor at Zarnata — no, nor at Kalamata.” [Greek text of poem]

§ 1.335  The author then makes some reflections on the ill effects of “the disunion of the Maniates, and the want of obedience to their chiefs, whence arise civil wars, the destruction of houses and churches, and piracy and robbery”; all which he ascribes to “ignorance and want of education” “Hence disorder and civil wars, and robbery and murder, and ruin and convulsion. But, nevertheless, for their country and their liberty (when it is attacked from without) these men quickly unite and act in concert with fury.”
He then recommends them to establish two or three schools. “That your priests may be instructed and enlightened, and may teach and direct the people; that your chiefs may learn to govern, and the inferiors to obey their leaders; that your nation may be esteemed, that the towns and villages may be in peace, and that evil may cease”
After this good advice, the poet proceeds to treat of the country southward of Vitylo, where it seems as if he had himself been a sufferer from Kakavuliote hospitality: but his picture, though a broad caricature, is not without some foundation in truth. After stating that there are twenty-six villages in Mesa Mani, he thus enumerates them: —

§ 1.336  “The first is Tzimova, a handsome town and large, governed by a captain named Mavromikhali: beyond this place, at the foot of the mountain, is a village called Kuskuni, then Krelianika, Kifianika, Pyrgos, Kharia, Dhryalo, Paliokhora, Krimnos, Babaka, Bryki, Kakiona, Karinia, Kulumi, Mina, Kita the many towered, and Paromia, a village of the same description, Stavri, Kikhrianika, Kunos, Upper and Lower Bolari, Dhry, Kypula, Vathia, Alika. These are the villages of Inner Mani in their order. Its principal produce is quails and Frank figs. There is not a spring of water in all Inner Mani; its only harvest is beans and lean wheat, this the women sow and reap. The women collect the sheaves at the thrashing floor, winnow it with their hands, and thrash it with their feet, and thus their hands and feet are covered with a dry cracked skin, as thick as the shell of a tortoise. Not a tree, or stick, or bough, is to be found to cover the unfortunates with its shade, or to refresh their sight. At night they turn the handmill, and weep, singing lamentations for the dead while they grind their wheat. In the morning they go forth with baskets into the hollows to collect dung to be dried for fuel; they collect it in the houses, and divide it among the orphans and widows. All the men meantime roam about in the pursuit of piracy and robbery, or endeavouring to betray each other. One defends his tower against another, or pursues his neighbour. One has a claim upon another for a [murdered] brother, another for a son, another for a father, another for a nephew. Neighbour hates neighbour, compare compare, and brother brother. Whenever it happens that a ship, for its sins, is wrecked upon their coast, whether French, Spanish, English, Turkish, or Muscovite, great or small, it matters not, each man immediately claims his share, and they even divide the planks among them. When a stranger happens to go into their country, they

§ 1.337  declare him a compare, and invite him to eat with them. When he wishes to depart they detain him, undertake to conduct and accompany him, and then say, 'Compare, reflect upon what we tell you, for it is for your good, take off your robe and your waistcoat, and your belt and your trowsers, lest some enemy should take them away from you; for if our enemies should strip you, it would bring great disgrace and shame upon us; and this too, my dear Comparuli, let us beg of you, leave your skull cap and shirt and take off your shoes too, they can be of no use to you. Now you are safe, you need not fear any one.' When a man dies [a natural death] they lament him as unslain, unbled, unjustified. These are the men who give a bad name to Mani, and render it hateful wherever they go. Let no one salute them, but fly from them as from a serpent. The Tzimovites only are worthy men, their manners and good customs shew it — in appearance merchants, but secretly pirates. May the blast and the drought take them all.”

§ 1.338  [Greek text omitted]

§ 1.339  These are a part only of the maledictions of the poet against Kakavulia. Nor has he entirely confined his injurious testimony to this district. That of Milea falls also under his lash, particularly its chief place, Kastania, which having mentioned, he desires to fly from immediately.” Arakhova he calls the renowned, and describes as hidden in a bewitched valley — and then adds: “From hence let us proceed, by the wolf-path, to the robbers of kids and goats, the walkers at night, and record the name of the town of the kid-eating rogues, the mulestealers, the goat-slayers, the thrice-apostate Milea,” from which Garbelea is one quarter of an hour distant.

§ 1.340  CHAPTER IX MESSENIA:
April 18. — This being the morning of Holy Thursday, by the Greek calendar, a young subdeacon, two hours before day, knocks at all the doors, calling out, “Christians, come to church.” Today, oil is permitted, but tomorrow, Good Friday, it is forbidden even to set a table for dinner. In the evening at 7.30 a service begins, which lasts till eleven; twelve masses are said, and as many portions of the Gospels read, descriptive of the different sufferings of Christ, previous to the Crucifixion, which they suppose to have taken place at midnight. Just as the service was beginning, there was a slight earthquake — certainly the most appropriate of all accompaniments. It is the first I have felt in Laconia, notwithstanding the observation of Strabo, εύσειστος η Λακωνική. I inquired at Mistra in consequence of this remark of the geographer, and was told that earthquakes were not frequent there.
Corn, at Kalamata, is measured by the pinaki, which contains sixty okes of good wheat. A pinaki of kalambokki is now sold for thirteen piastres, the same price for which the Constantinople kilo of twenty-two okes of wheat is sold in the south of the Morea in general.

§ 1.341  April 19 — Mahmud Aga makes his entrance into the town; he is a friend of the Pasha, and comes hither on a visit of observation, connected with some efforts about to be made by the Pasha for the suppression of the robbers: he was lately in the household of Bekir Effendi, of Tripolitza, brother of Nuri Bey, of Corinth.
I saw an old woman this evening searching for a strayed mule among the olive-trees, and making the sign of the cross down to the ground, every two or three steps, by way of assisting her in the search, but which, of course, retarded her not a little.

§ 1.342  April 20. — The ceremony of the Entombment occurs this morning, at two hours before day; the people come out of their houses in the dark, and scramble to light their candles at the priest's candle. There is then a procession, consisting chiefly of women, through the streets to the church. Kalamata is the only town in the Morea, inhabited by Turks, where the Greeks can perform this ceremony; which generally takes place within the walls of the church or monastery. In the retired villages of the mountains, of course, it may be done openly.
Kalamata, including its kalyvia, contains 400 families, of which only six are Turkish. The government is in the hands of the chief Greeks, and the voivoda is readily removed upon any complaint of theirs. The mukata of the Kazasi is generally bestowed upon some favourite at Constantinople for twelve or eighteen months, who undersells it to some other Turk for four or six months. The resident voivoda is the agent of the latter person, and a mere collector of the revenue. The kadi is, in like manner, the deputy of a principal at Constantinople, who has purchased the kadilik. An Albanian Boluk-bashi and forty men are maintained by the town, to keep the country free from robbers; Eke every other part of the police, they are under the direction of the archons. The town is situated at about a mile from the sea, on the

§ 1.343  left bank of a torrent, which emerges from a rocky gorge in Mount Taygetum, at the distance of a mile to the north-eastward of a hill rising from the back of the town. This height is crowned with a ruined castle of the middle ages, and is naturally strengthened by a perpendicular cliff towards the torrent, which in winter often fills a bed 100 yards wide, but is now divided into three channels. There is a small kalyvia, or suburb, on the right bank of the river, the mills and gardens of which are sup-plied by an artificial diversion from the river.
The advantageous situation of the castle-hill on the bank of a river, at a small distance from the mountains and near the head of this great gulf, is such as could not have been overlooked by the ancient Greeks; upon this foundation alone, we might presume it to be the site of Phere, or Pherae, or Pharae, one of the maritime cities of the Messeniac gulf in the time of the Trojan war, and of such antiquity, as to have had the reputation of having been founded by a son of Hermes, whose descendants are noted in the earliest records of Greece. Not long after the war of Troy, it was the residence of Ortilochus, when Telemachus, in search of his father, rested here at night on his way to Sparta from Pylus,

§ 1.344  and again on his return. It would seem from the poet, that Phere was about midway between Pylus and Sparta; and that Telemachus travelled about equal distances on the two days, which accords exactly with the position of Kalamata relatively to Navarin and Sparta. Strabo describes Pharae as situated at five stades from the sea, and Pausanias at six, which is less than the actual distance. This may either be explained by the town having been larger in those times than it is now, or by the earth deposited at the mouth of the wide and rapid torrent having, as we so often see exemplified in Greece, encroached upon the sea; in which manner the space may have been widened from five stades to six, between the time of Strabo and that of Pausanias, and may have been farther augmented to eight, between the age of the Antonines and the present time. Pausanias omits to notice the river, but Strabo informs us that it was called Nedon, and his description of the port of Pharae, as being an anchorage fit only for the summer, is exactly conformable to present practice. In the time of Pausanias there were at Pharae temples of Aesculapius, of Fortune, and of the deified natives Nicomachus and Gorgasus, who received

§ 1.345  offerings for the cure of diseases, like their father Machaon, and their grandfather Aesculapius. Not far from the city there was a grove of Apollo Carneius, and a temple with a fountain in it. Strabo speaks of a temple of Minerva Nedusia, which, not being noticed by Pausanias, was perhaps no longer in existence. He also mentions Charadra, Nedon, Poeeessa, Echeiae, and Tragium, as places in this part of the country. Nedon we may suppose to have been towards the sources of the river Neda; and some of the other places named by the geographer may also have been in the mountains which separate the plain of Kalamata from that of Mistra. In the same direction there was a place called Thalamae, on the ordinary route from Sparta into Messenia, and different, therefore, from the Thalamae, which was in Exo Mani. It is not surprising to find more than one place of this name, the word having been synonymous with the temple of the Dioscuri; which deities, having been peculiar favourites with the Lacedaemonians, had, undoubtedly, temples in every part of the Laconic territory.

§ 1.346  I could not succeed in finding any vestiges of Hellenic antiquity at Kalamata. There seems to have been but little left in the time of Pausanias, and the circumstance of the site having always been occupied and well inhabited, will account for that little having disappeared.
Kalamata is not only the port of external commerce for the districts of Andrussa, Londari, and even Mistra, when the roads are safe, but it is also the chief place for the interchange of commodities between the interior of the Morea and the southern coast. A fair is held every Sunday, at which maize, wheat, barley, cheese, butter, skins, &c. are brought for sale from the districts of Karitena, Londari, Arkadhia, Andrussa, Tripolitza, and Mistra; or are exchanged for the manufactured commodities of other parts of Turkey or of Europe. Kalamata is a great market also for cattle and live stock of all kinds, as well as for the productions of the plains of Messenia and of the western parts of Mani, such as oil, figs, raw cotton, tanned leather, &c.
The vilayeti contains twenty-one villages, one of which, Ianitza lies between Kalamata and the frontier of Mani; all the others are in the plain of the Pamisus, or on the side of the mountain which extends northward from Kalamata until it unites with the Makryplaghi. The

§ 1.347  productions of the district are oil, silk, figs, wheat, maize, cotton, kidney-beans, wine, honey, and, in the mountains, some sheep. The manufactures of Kalamata are — 1. Handkerchiefs of silk, much esteemed in every part of the Levant. 2. A kind of silk gauze, chiefly used for musquito curtains at Constantinople, in Greece, and in the western part of Asia Minor. The gauze sells here at thirteen paras the yard: 1500 okes of raw silk are consumed yearly in the two articles, the value of which is increased sixty times by the manufacture. 3. Tanned leather for boots and slippers. The hides are tanned with vallonea, and coloured black, red, and yellow: five months soaking in the vallonea is a sufficient tanning, after some preparatory operations. Leaves of skhinos are mixed with the vallonea in about equal quantities. The colouring is a secret.
The principal exports from the Kazasi are, 1. Raw silk; of which the average is 7000 okes, valued at 180,000 piastres. There are three qualities selling at present, twenty-five, twentyeight, and thirty piastres the oke. It is chiefly carried to Turin, Smyrna, Khio, Constantinople, Skodra, and Joannina; at the two latter places it is made into lace for Albanian dresses. 2, Figs; which are grown chiefly in the districts of

§ 1.348  Andrussa and Nisi: of these nearly two millions of tzapeles are annually exported. The tzapela is a little wicker pocket, containing two litres. Half the produce is sent to Trieste, the remainder to Greece and Albania, with the exception of a ship load to Malta; the figs are inferior only to those of Smyrna. 3. Oil: this is produced only in the immediate vicinity of Kalamata. In a good year the quantity exported is 6000 barrels, and the prime cost from thirty to thirty-eight piastres the barrel; this year it is forty to forty-eight. It is chiefly consumed in Greece: at Joannina the price of a barrel of oil, to a consumer, is about eighty-four piastres.
Before the French revolution, Kalamata was chiefly frequented by ships of that nation, which carried the grain, morocco leather, silk, and cotton of Messenia to Marseilles. At present the port is visited by Sclavonians, Albanians, and islanders of Greece. The road of Kalamata is fit only for the summer months. After September, ships retire for safety to Armyro, but Kitries is the best harbour in the gulf, as Cape Kurtissa is a protection from the southerly gales, and leaves no danger but from the north and north-west. A large fleet might anchor at Kitries, and Messenia would supply an army better than any part of the peninsula.

§ 1.349  Almost every house in Kalamata is provided with a chamber for rearing silk-worms. The eggs are sold from two to five piastres the measure of eight drams, the price varying according to the crop of the preceding year: this year the price was five piastres. The eggs are wrapped in a cloth, and the worms hatched at the end of April or beginning of May; young mulberry leaves are then placed upon them; the mamudhia or worms, mount upon the leaves, and are placed in round shallow baskets. In this state the mamudhie is called miga; small leaves are given to it once a day, or once in two days: the leaves increasing in size as the worm increases. At the end of fifteen days it sleeps two days, sheds its skin and then becomes a protokuli; in which state it eats twelve days, having fresh leaves in the morning of each day. After sleeping again two days, and changing its skin, the worm is called dhefteraki. It has now fresh leaves twice a-day, and is removed out of the basket into the kalamoti: this is nothing more than a frame of reeds tied together, and is usually ten, twelve, or fourteen feet long, and five or six broad. The kalamotes are placed one above the other at intervals of

§ 1.350  eight or ten inches, forming as many stories as the height of the room will permit. In Asia Minor the worms are commonly kept in huts built for the purpose in the mulberry grounds; here they are in the private houses. The dhefteraki eats for ten days, sleeps two, sheds his skin again, and then becomes a tritaki: he has now fresh leaves morning, noon, and evening, and, after eating for eight days, sleeps three, and once more sheds his skin. In the last and largest state the worms are called megales, or great; they have leaves three times a-day, cease eating at the end of eight days, and then begin to climb upwards. The kladhia, or branches upon which they are to spin, are then placed upon the kalamotes, and the worms form the kukulia; sometimes two, three, or four spin together, and make a large kukuli: at the end of fifteen days the kukulia are placed in the sun, which is now at the solstice, and the chrysalis is killed by the heat; soon afterwards the nefteres, or moths, eat their way out of those kukulia that have been reserved to furnish eggs.
The growth of the animal, the quantity he eats, and consequently the frequency of the change of leaves, depend on the weather; he advances more rapidly if it is hot, and less so if it is cold and rainy. The worms are so delicate that thunder, or even the report of a pistol, will sometimes kill them. The baskets and kalamotes are cleaned by merely throwing in fresh leaves, which, as soon as the worms have mounted upon them, are removed to a fresh basket, or kalamoti. This operation is repeated after every change of skin. The moths live three days. The kladhia are usually made of lentisk.

§ 1.351  April 21, Easter Sunday, by the Greeks called Lambri. It is a general custom, when two acquaintances meet for the first time today for one to say, “Christ hath risen!,” to which the other replies, “truly He hath risen!” The morning is occupied in visiting and drinking coffee. At about 11 dinner takes place, after which it is not unusual to sing the words of salutation just mentioned, or something equally applicable to the day.

§ 1.352  April 22. — At 2 P.M. I leave Kalamata for Andrussa. Nearly half an hour is lost in unloading and reloading, in the course of the way through the olive grounds, which lie along the heights, and broken ground at the foot of the mountain. At 3.05, on the descent into the plain, the village of Asprokhoma is on the left, and farther, in the same direction, Kalami. The plain and the lower parts of the mountain are covered with plantations of the vine, fig, and mulberry, and present as rich a cultivation as can well be imagined. This is a part of the region which, from its great fertility, was anciently called Macaria, and which the dramatic poet describes as abounding in fruits and flocks, refreshed with innumerable streams, and neither incommoded with heat in summer, nor with cold in winter. Although in some parts towards the sea a want of drainage may render the air less healthy now than it was anciently, and though a native of the north of Europe would probably differ in opinion from an Athenian as to the summer heat, it cannot be doubted that, generally speaking, the climate is salubrious as well as delightful; and it is certain that the Messenian valley is one of the most favoured districts, if not the most fertile, in the Peloponnesus. But to the ancient inhabitants this fertility was a fatal gift of nature, for by exciting the cupidity of the natives of the poorer soil of

§ 1.353  Laconia, it tempted them to make gradual encroachments on the Messenian plain, until, by the effect of their larger territory and greater numbers, they were at length enabled to subject the Messenians, after a gallant resistance of eighty years, to a most cruel servitude, which lasted for three centuries.
The district of Nisi, which occupies the lowest part of the plain, is not less rich and well cultivated than that of Kalamata; but the opposite side and adjacent hills belonging to Andrussa, are in a very different state; there the proprietors of the land are Turks, almost the whole district is in tjiftliks, and the Greek labourers are subject to vexations of every kind. The country exhibits, therefore, the usual aspect of Turkish desolation. Below Asprokhoma, the plain extends to the sea-shore and along the coast, nearly as far as Kalamata. Entering the lower level, at 3.25, we proceed along the foot of the hill, leaving to the left, the direct road to Andrussa, which leads through Kutzukumani, the largest village in the Kazasi of Kalamata.
Sending forward my baggage by that route, I ride with my janissary, formerly a robber, and therefore well acquainted with the country, to

§ 1.354  see some Hellenic ruins which have been described to me as existing at a village called Paleokastro. The road leads through a well cultivated tract; we pass the villages of Ais Aga and Kurt Tjaus on the left, at 8.38. These and thirty-four others, four of which are in the district of Kalamata, the rest in Andrussa, Londari, Nisi, and Koroni, but all in the great Messenian plain, are an appanage of the Sultan's sister, and are called the Imlak villages. At 3.55 we pass between Kamari and Fridjala, which are separated only by the bed of a torrent; at 4 traverse Delimemi, and, ascending the mountain, arrive at the ruins at 4.35. Here are several remains of walls of the 4th order, extending for half a mile along the summit of a hill, divided from the range of Makryplai by a deep ravine and torrent, and which commands, in the opposite direction, a fine view of the plain and gulf. On the latter slope stand the villages of Farmisi and Veis Aga, overlooking the plain; at the northern extremity of the ancient site is the hamlet called Paleokastro. Nearly in the centre of the ruins I find a quadrangular cistern, ten or twelve feet deep, cut out of the rock at one end, and on the other sides constructed with the same

§ 1.355  regular kind of masonry as the other ruins. The cistern was divided into three parts by two cross walls, of which there are considerable remains. Its whole length is twenty-nine paces; the breadth half as much.
To the north of this ruin, on the highest part of the ridge, which is here very narrow, I find the portico of a temple, of which the lower part of the columns and the door are in their original places. The columns are Doric, two feet two inches in diameter. They are formed, as well as the rest of the ruins, of a hard brown calcareous stone, in which are cockle and muscle shells extremely perfect. At right angles to the portico there are several pieces of columns in their places, with the remains of door-ways and pilasters. There are many other foundations and fragments of columns on the summit of the hill, but I could not trace their original plan or distribution; though, undoubtedly, a little excavation and removal of the fragments would enable an architect to make some interesting discoveries. Of the other remains, the most remarkable are some walls on the slope towards the plain, which appear to have supported terraces of public edifices. There is also a very fine piece of wall on the side of the hill, below the portico, and another close to the village. I searched in vain for a theatre. The

§ 1.356  ruins cover an extent of a third of a mile along the summit of the ridge, and half as much on the slope towards the plain. I inquired of the elder of the village for inscriptions and coins, but without success. This man enjoys the reputation at Kalamata and in the surrounding country, of being able to cure the bite of a mad dog, by means of a powder and a certain diet known only to himself. He presents me with a very acceptable glass of good wine and water, but eludes all inquiries as to his secret.
At 5.45, descending from Paleokastro, through Veis Aga, the middle of the three villages which stand on the side of the hill; we arrive at 6, at Palea Lutra, the ruin of a large Roman building, of the annexed plan, standing in the middle of the fig and mulberry grounds. [sketch] It is in an uncommon state of preservation, part even of the roof still remaining. The

§ 1.357  walls are seventeen feet high, formed of equal courses of Roman tiles and mortar; the roof is of rubble mixed with cement. The plan does not seem to be that of a bath only, as the name would imply, though there are many appearances of the building having contained baths: it seems rather to have been the palace of some Roman governor. As there are no sources of water here, it is to be supposed that the building was supplied by an aqueduct from the neighbouring river of Pidhima. Leaving the Palea Lutra at 6.18, I cross the Pidhima at 6.30; the river issues from some copious sources, at a small village also called Pidhima, half an hour on the right of our road at the foot of the mountain. It flows slowly, is remarkably bright, and so deep as to come up to the horse's shoulder. There are some other fountains at Aio Floro, two or three miles nearer Skala, not less copious than those of Pidhima, and which are augmented by other springs in a marshy tract, occupying a large part of the plain below them; from thence the river, after having been joined in the middle of the plain by the Mavrozumeno, which is composed of several branches from Mount Lycaeum, and the hills eastward of the town of Arkadhia, flows

§ 1.358  by Nisi to the head of the Messeniac gulf. The Pidhima pursues an independent course, without receiving any tributary; it joins the Mavrozumeno below Nisi, where the united river assumes the name of Dhipotamo, and is navigable by small boats.
We now cross the rich Messenian plain, which for the most part is well cultivated; and at 6.45 arrive at Aslan Aga, a large Greek village, where I find all the men and women, in their best clothes collected in an open spot, and dancing the circular dance: the village is surrounded with mulberry grounds. In the direction of Kutzukumani I hear frequent discharges of fire arms, another favourite mode among the Greeks of celebrating Easter, when they dare indulge in it. At Farmisi, Veis-Aga, and the other villages I passed through, I found the people collected on some pleasant brow, singing and feasting, in complete oblivion for the moment of all their cares. But, in fact, Kalamata and Nisi are favoured districts, on account of the greater part of them being crown lands. Aslan Aga stands on a low height which branches from the mountain near Skala, and forms a separation in the plain, leaving little more between its western extremity and the foot of Mount Ithome than a passage for the Mavrozumeno.

§ 1.359  Beyond Aslan-Aga I leave, on my right and left, one or two small villages, of which the names are Turkish, though they are inhabited entirely by Greeks; at 7 cross the river Mavrozumeno. This name, I am informed, is properly that of a bridge over the river under Mount Ithome, in the road from Arkadhia to Kalamata, where several branches unite, of which the principal is called Vasiliko. Not far above the point at which I ford the river, it is joined by the stream formed from the sources of Aio Floro, and the springs in the. marshes below that place. The Mavrozumeno is twice as wide as the Pidhima, but not half so deep.
Beyond the river, the plain becomes a marshy pasture land without cultivation, and it is easy to perceive that we are in the district of Andrussa. In a quarter of an hour begin to ascend the hills connected with Mount Evan, and passing through the village of Anaziri, standing on the summit of the range of heights which immediately border the plain, cross a small valley, and then ascend a second range, upon which stands the town of Andrussa; I arrive at 7.55, and am lodged in the hut of the secretary of the voivoda.

§ 1.360  There can be no doubt that the ruins at Paleokastro are those of Thuria, of which place, Pausanias tells us, that it was eighty stades from Pharae towards the interior of Messenia; that according to the Thuriatae, it was the same place named Antheia in the poems of Homer; and that Augustus gave it to the Lacedaemonians of Sparta, because it had supported Antonius out of a spirit of opposition to the Lacedaemonians, who took the part of Augustus. “The Thuriatae”, adds Pausanias, “have descended from the lofty position of the ancient city to inhabit the plain, but without having altogether abandoned the upper city, where the ruins of the town walls subsist, and a temple sacred to the goddess called the Syrian. The river Aris flows by the city in the plain.” He then immediately adds, “There is an inland town named Calamae, and a place called Limnae, where stands the temple of Diana Limnatis, at which Teleclus, King of Sparta, was slain. Proceeding from Thuria towards Arcadia occur the fountains of the Pamisus, to the left of which, at the distance of forty stades, is the city of the Messenians, under Mount Ithome.” Hence it appears that the lofty situation of the remains at Paleokastro is no less in agreement with the site of the ancient Thuria, than the position of the

§ 1.361  ruin in the plain with the situation of the town in the time of Pausanias, the Roman construction of that ruin shewing, moreover, that it was a building of the same age; and hence, also, the river of Pidhima, the left bank of which is not far from the Lutra, seems clearly to be the Aris. Strabo confirms the site of Pharae as well as of Thuria by his observations, that Pharae confined on Thuria and Gerenia, and that Pharae and Thuria were in the country lying to the left of the course of the Pamisus. The eighty stades, indeed, which Pausanias places between Pharae and Thuria, is rather more than my time distance from Kalamata to Paleokastro, according to the usual rate; yet, as something may be allowed for good roads and the absence of baggage, the agreement is sufficient, when taken together with the coincidence of the fountains of the Pamisus on the road from Palea Lutra towards Arcadia, to leave no doubt whatever as to the position both of Pharae and Thuria; and this decision is important, inasmuch as the similarity of the names Pharae and Pharis, the silence of Homer as to the former, in his Catalogue, and the subjection of the same place to Laconia, during a great part of its history, furnish, at first sight, no less than the resemblance of the modern name Kalamata to the ancient Calamae, very reasonable grounds for a different opinion. The situation

§ 1.362  of Pharis, however, is perfectly ascertained, from Strabo and Pausanias, to have been in the basin of the Eurotas, and it was well distinguished from Pharae by the gentile Φαρείται, found both in Pausanias and in Stephanus; whereas the inhabitants of Pharae were called Φαραιοι. As to the similarity of the words Kalamata and Καλαμαι there is, as I have already remarked, a modern village, Kalami in the plain to the north-west of Kalamata, the name of which more nearly resembles the ancient Καλάμαί than Kalamata does, and at the same time more correctly answers in situation to the “inland” position, which Pausanias assigns to Calamae, Calamae is mentioned also by Polybius. In the last year of the Social War, Pyrrhias the Aetolian, and Lycurgus the tyrant of Sparta, undertook a combined invasion of Messenia, from the opposite quarters of Elis and Laconia: Lycurgus had taken Calamae, and was hastening forward to meet Pyrrhias, when he learned that the Aetolians, upon entering Messenia, had been defeated by the Cyparissii, and obliged to retreat into the Eleia; finding himself unequal to the enterprise, without assistance, he made an attempt upon Endeia, (Andania?) but did not persevere, and returned to Sparta.

§ 1.363  Limnae, which we may presume, as well from the name itself as from the words of Pausanias, to have been in the central and lowest part of the plain, was a place of some celebrity; and Grecian history has preserved traces of its sanctity and fame during a period of eight centuries. Situated on the frontier of Laconia and Messenia, it was a place of worship common to the two people. A quarrel which occurred there, and which caused the death of Teleclus, King of Sparta, furnished, some time afterwards, to the stronger party, a convenient pretext for entering into the first Messenian war, the real cause of which, as Pausanias hints, was the tempting richness of the Messenian land. The reestablishment of Messenian independence 300 years after its conquest, was followed by disputes between the two states concerning their boundaries, in which the right to Limnae was a constant subject of contention. On six different occasions it was adjudged by arbitration to the Messenii. On two others, Julius Caesar and Marcus Antonius gave it to the Laconians, from political motives of the same kind as those which afterwards induced Augustus to make Pharae and Thuria subject to the government of Sparta. When the same cause was heard by Tiberius on the latest of the occasions mentioned by the Latin

§ 1.364  historian, ancient poems and records were brought forward on either side; the Lacedaemonians attempting to prove by these documents that Limnae was, strictly speaking, within the Laconic boundary — the Messenians, that Limnae was in the Dentheliatis, which was a part of one of the five divisions of Messenia, according to the original distribution of the country by the Heracleidae. It may be inferred, I think, from the Lacedaemonian argument, that Limnae was to the left of the Pamisus; for though it may easily be conceived that on an equitable partition of the two provinces among the Dorian conquerors, all the country westward of the range of Taygetum was apportioned to Cresphontes, it seems evident, from the events which brought on the first Messenian war,

§ 1.365  that the Lacedaemonians had made some encroachments in the interval between the Doric partition and the first Messenian war, and that before the latter event, the Pamisus was all but acknowledged to be the common boundary. On the other hand, it is not credible that as long as the ancient Messenia had any independence, the Lacedaemonians possessed any part of the country beyond that river. Limnae, therefore, taking its name from the marshes towards the mouth of the Aris and Pamisus, seems to have been situated on the left bank of the latter river, not far from the site of the modern town of Nisi, which derives that appellation from the similar circumstances of its position. Strabo, not adverting to the different boundary of his own time, finds fault with Eurypides for saying that the Pamisus separated the two provinces, “whereas”, says Strabo, “it flows through the middle of Messenia without touching Laconia.”
Andhrussa, Andrussa, or Andrutza, is a poor town, inhabited by 250 or 300 Turkish families, and three or four Greek. Its neglected gardens, ruined aqueduct, and falling minarets, shew that it was once a place of greater importance. It is advantageously situated, overlooking the rich Messenian plain, on the edge of a beautiful undulated country extending westward to the mountains called Lykodhemo and Kondovuni. The Kazasi extends in that direction to within a few miles of Navarin, and to the northward comprises the site of Messene and the greater part of the upper Messenian plain, as far as the foot of the Arcadian mountains: its principal dependent village in that direction being Konstantinus. The district contains seventy-three villages.

§ 1.366  April 23. — To the ruins of Messene: departing at 6.48, I proceed along the heights on which Andrussa is situated, and exactly in the direction of Mount Evan: — at 7.35 pass to the right of a large church in a hollow, which is a Metokhi of the monastery of Vurkano. At 8.25, under Mount Evan, I arrive at some Hellenic remains, which appear to have been those of a temple situated on the outside of the gate of Messene, leading to Pharae and Corone, for the road immediately afterwards passes through an opening in a ridge of rock, which to the right is continued upward toward the summit of Mount Evan, thus affording a

§ 1.367  natural and advantageous foundation for this part of the ancient inclosure, which is traceable, at no great distance to the left, on a continuation of the same line. The opening itself has every appearance of being artificial: just within it, is the little hamlet of Σημηζά, vulgarly pronounced Shimiza. From hence to the village of Mavromati, where I arrive at 8.55, the road is at every step bordered or crossed by ancient foundations, mixed with pieces of columns and the remains of buildings. All these foundations are of the most regular kind of masonry, and are formed of large stones fitted together with great accuracy.
Mavromati contains about twenty houses, or rather huts, situated on either side of a fine spring, from which the village derives its name, meaning Black Spring, or literally Black Eye. A copious stream, issuing from it, descends through the centre of the ancient site in a south-westerly direction. The village stands exactly at the foot of the steep hill of Ithome, and nearly in the centre of the inclosure of the city of Messene. The fountain is undoubtedly the ancient Clepsydra, or Water of Secrecy, and a keen etymologist might, perhaps, be disposed to consider the modern name a proof of it, from the analogy between darkness and secrecy.

§ 1.368  Being confined all the morning by the rain to the tower of the Spahi who commands the village, I pass the time in reading the description of Messene by Pausanias which, divested of the less interesting matter, may be comprised in the following extract. “In the way from Thuria towards Arcadia, a turning to the left at the sources of the Pamisus conducts, at the end of forty stades, to the city of the Messenii under Mount Ithome; it comprehends not only Ithome, but the parts also under Mount Evan towards the Pamisus. Of the latter mountain the name is said to be derived from the Bacchic exclamation Evoh here first uttered by Bacchus himself and the women who accompany him. The wall which surrounds Messene is built entirely of stone, as well as the towers and bulwarks which fortify it. I have never seen the walls of the Babylonians, nor the Memnonian walls of the Persian Susa, nor have I heard them described by eye-witnesses, but the places which appear to me to be fortified better than others, namely, Ambrysus of Phocis, Byzantium, and Rhodus, are not to be compared in this respect to Messene. In the agora of the Messenii there is a statue of Jupiter Soter and the fountain Arsinoe, which is supplied under ground from the sourced called Clepsydra. There are

§ 1.369  likewise temples of Neptune and Venus, and a statue of the Mother of the Gods, of Parian marble, the work of Damophon, the same artist who, when the ivory of the statue of Jupiter at Olympia was disjoined, restored it in the most exact manner, for which he received honours from the Eleians. The same Damophon made also the statue of Laphria, whose worship the Messenii adopted from the Calydonii, when they received Naupactus, near Calydon, from the Athenians. The Messenii have also a temple and marble statue of Lucina [Ειληθυια], a sacred building of the Curetes, and a holy temple of Ceres, in which are statues of the Dioscuri bearing away the daughters of Leucippus. But the greatest number of statues, and those most worthy of notice, are in the temple of Aesculapius, for, besides those of the god and his children, there are marble statues of Apollo, the Muses, Hercules, the city Thebes, Fortune, and Diana Φωσφορος; all these are the works of Damophon, the only Messenian sculptor worthy of mention, in my knowledge. In the same place there is a statue of Epaminondas, made of iron, by another artist. The temple of Messene, daughter of Triopas, contains her statue in gold and Parian marble, and in the back part

§ 1.370  of the temple, pictures of Aphareus and his children, of Cresphontes, of Nestor and his sons Thrasymedes and Antilochus, of Leucippus, the brother of Aphareus, of Hilaeira, Phoebe, and Arsinoe, the daughters of Leucippus, of Aesculapius, who is said by the Messenii to have been the son of Arsinoe, of Machaon and Podaleirius. All these pictures were painted by Omphalion, pupil of Nicias, son of Nicomedes. In the building called Hierothysium are images of all those who are held to be gods by the Greeks, together with a brazen statue of Epaminondas, and some ancient tripods. In the Gymnasium are statues of Hermes, Hercules, and Theseus, the deities whom all the Greeks and many of the barbarians consider to preside over gymnasia and palaestrae. The figures are the works of Egyptian artists. In the same place I observed a pillar bearing a figure of Aethidas in relief. He was a man of my time, but older than me, and who, becoming powerful by his wealth, received heroic honours from the Messenii. Some of them, however, assert that this is not his figure, but that of an ancestor of the same name, who was leader of the Messenii when Demetrius, son of Philip, entered the city in the night. The gymnasium contains also the monument of

§ 1.371  Aristomenes, whose bones, they say, were brought hither from Rhodus. In the Stadium there is a brazen statue of Aristomenes. Near the theatre stands the temple of Sarapis and Isis. The source of water called Clepsydra occurs in ascending to the summit of Ithome, which is the acropolis of the Messenii. They relate that the spring received the name Clepsydra, because the nymphs Neda and Ithome, having stolen the infant Jupiter from the Curetes, here secretly washed him. The statue of Jupiter (Ithomatas) was made by Ageladas, for the Messenii residing at Naupactus. A priest, who is elected annually, keeps the statue in his house, and there is an annual festival in honour of Jupiter Ithomatas, called Ithomaea. In proceeding to Megalopolis of Arcadia, there is in the gates a Hermes in the Attic style; for the Athenians first made Hermae of a square form, and of them other people learnt to do the same.”
At 2, I set out on a tour of the ruins, and in eighteen minutes arrive at the northern gate of the city, the same described by Pausanias in the preceding passage as that conducting to Megalopolis: there still remain about thirty yards of the ancient paved street, terminating at the gate which is situated just at the foot of Mount Ithome; beyond it, is a part of the woody and hilly region which surrounds Ithome

§ 1.372  on the north, west, and south. The modern road from Andrussa to Fanari passes through the gate and descends to the bridge of Mavrozumeno, near which a branch to the right crosses the Upper Messenian plain to the Derveni of Makriplai and Londari, and another on the left leads to the Derveni of Kokhla, and thence to Arkadhia or to Pyrgo. The first of these routes was the ancient road to Phigaleia, the second to Megalopolis, the third to Cyparissia or to Elis. The annexed plan will shew the form of the gate, which is one of the finest specimens of Greek military architecture in existence.

§ 1.373  It is a double gate with an intermediate circular court of sixty-two feet in diameter, in the wall of which, near the outer gate there is a niche on each side for a statue, with an inscription over it. One only of these inscriptions is legible. It is in handsome characters in one line, indicating that the niche and its contents, perhaps the Hermes mentioned by Pausanias, had been provided by Quintus Plotius Euphemion. The form of the verb επεισκευασεν is curious. The interior masonry of the circular court is the most exact and beautiful I ever saw. The lower course is a row of stones, each about five feet and a half in length, and half as much high; upon this is placed another course of stones of equal length and of half the height, the joints of which are precisely over the centre of each stone in the lower course. The other courses are not quite so regular, but the accuracy of the joining and finishing of the stones is the same. The upper part of the walls has fallen: nine courses are the most that remain. The soffit stone of the inner door has fallen so as to rest against the side of the door way, with one end on the ground; it measures eighteen feet eight inches in length; in the other two dimensions, two feet ten inches and four feet two inches. The shrubs which grow on the summit of this ruin, and the trees and underwood which form a grove around it, give a most picturesque effect.

§ 1.374  But the Megalopolitan gate is only one of the fine specimens of Hellenic architecture among the ruins of Messene.
In particular the two towers, next adjacent to the gate on the slope of Mount Ithome, present, rising above the woods, as beautiful a picture to the eye, as upon a minuter examination they are interesting with a view to the history of the art of war among the Greeks, and to their military architecture at a period when it was at the highest point; for it is not one of the least interesting circumstances of these ruins, that we know them to have been built under the orders of Epaminondas. The two towers just mentioned, which, with the interjacent curtain, and the curtain between the lower tower and the gate of Megalopolis, are in a better state of preservation than the remaining walls, shew this part of the fortifications to have resembled a chain of strong redoubts, each tower constituting a fortress of itself. A flight of steps behind the curtain led to a door in the flank of the tower at half its height. The upper apartment, which was entered by the door, had a range of loop-holes, or embrasures, on a line with the door, looking along the parapet of the curtain, and was lighted by two windows above. The embrasures, of which there are some in each face of the towers, have an opening of seven inches within, and of

§ 1.375  three feet nine inches without, so that, with a small opening, their scope is very great. The windows appear to be too high for any purpose but to give light. Both the curtains and towers in this part of the walls are constructed entirely of large squared blocks, without rubble or cement. The curtains are nine feet thick. The inner face of the towers has neither door nor window. The tower next to the gate of Megalopolis has had all the stones disjointed, like those of the Propylaea at Athens, probably by an earthquake.
The walls which stood on the steepest part of the ascent of the hill of Ithome, above the two towers, and between them and the N.W. angle of the citadel, are quite ruined; but above, at the two angles on the summit, are the remains of two other towers, each of which formed twothirds of a circle, and this I afterwards found to be the shape of the towers at all the salient angles of the inclosure of the city. On the side of one of the circular towers, on the summit of the ridge, there is a small gate of this form. [sketch] Having descended again to the gate of Megalopolis, I continue from thence to follow a

§ 1.376  ridge which formed the natural boundary of the site on the western side, as the rocky ridge above Simiza, which branches from Mount Evan, does on the opposite side of the city. At the point where the former ridge terminates in the valley, a rill which rises within the city, not far from the Megalopolitan gate, passes through the wall, and a little below the ancient inclosure joins the brook from Mavromati, which, enlarged by another from Mount Evan, also passed through the walls. Hereabouts the ancient inclosure, though traceable in many places through the woods and shrubs as far as the summit of a cliff below the Stadium, and from thence round to Simiza, is not in such good preservation as in the other parts of the site. The towers may be described as in general about twenty-five feet square, projecting about fourteen feet from a curtain varying in length according to the nature of the ground, and eight or ten feet in thickness. The masonry was not in general such as I have described it at the great towers near the gate of Megalopolis, but, as in the generality of Greek works of defence, consisted of an exterior and interior facing of that kind of masonry filled between with rubble. These facings are, in general, formed of equal and parallel courses, but not always of rectangular stones. In short, it is precisely of the same kind

§ 1.377  as that seen in the synchronous construction of Mantineia. The remark is important, as it indicates that the second order, or the polygonal masonry, was not practised in the fourth century BC, though some slight traces of it were left$ for had it been thought useful by the able architects of these walls, it would probably have been found in some part of the ruins. It is but natural that, as the art of building advanced, a method should become obsolete, which offered no advantage proportioned to the greater skill and labour required in the formation of the polyhedral masses, and in their exact adaptation to one another. The remains of the Long Walls of Athens argue, that a century before the building of Messene tetragonal masonry was preferred for works of defence. On referring to Italy, we find reason to think that the polygonal species was not much in use after the seventh century before the Christian aera, for the cities of that country, which furnish the finest examples of that masonry, flourished at a period anterior to the extension of the power of Rome. Undoubtedly there may have been particular instances both in Greece and Italy, in which the polygonal masonry was employed at a much later period, especially in periboli and terrace-walls; but I am inclined to think that, in general, whenever it occurs of that unmixed kind,

§ 1.378  exhibiting no appearance of courses, the work may be attributed to the seventh or eighth centuries before the Christian aera, or to a still earlier period.
Between the cliff which I have mentioned and the Stadium, which is not far from it, my guides, of whom I have no less than five from the village, all uninvited, conduct me to an inscribed marble. The inscription is a mere fragment, but it is curious as being in the Doric dialect; for Pausanias remarks, that “the Messenians not only preserved their Doric customs and dialect during the 300 years of their absence from Peloponnesus, but still retained them in his time more accurately than any other people of the Peloponnesus.” The inscription related to that fertile subject of discussion between the states of Greece, the settlement of boundaries. The contracting parties were the Messenians (Μεσσανιοι) and the Phigalenses, here called Φιαλεις, a form of the name of that people which we meet with in Polybius, but which was changed to the original Φίγαλεις before the time of Pausanias. There are the remains of three different decrees, in which nearly the

§ 1.379  same expressions occur, namely τους ορους, ορων των, “the boundaries”; απο του κολώνου του “from the hill of”; επ ευθειας εισ ταν κράναν, “in a direct line to the fountain.” In the first decree there is mention also of υδωρ κοινον, the common water.
A little nearer to the Stadium I find a marble, bearing a sculpture in relief. It represents the hunting of a lion: the middle figure is the lion treading with one paw on a dog, and looking behind him at a horseman at full gallop, who holds the reins in the left hand, while the right is employed in supporting his chlamys which flies loose behind him; his leg is almost horizontal, the knee over the horse's shoulder. Before the lion is a man on foot with a double hatchet in his right hand, which is turned round over the same shoulder in such a manner as to be behind the head which hides the arm. The position is accurately expressive of the intention of striking the lion while it turns its head towards the horseman. The chlamys of the man on foot is entirely separate from his body, and is held in the left hand, flying in the wind: at his feet is a dog about to seize the lion. The horseman has a loose tunic reaching to his knees and girt round the waist. The heads of both men and animals have been purposely destroyed. The marble is a circular segment, of which the arc

§ 1.380  is three feet eight inches, and the chord three feet six inches and a half. It seems to have been part of a small circular monument, and the sculptures probably belonged to the frize. Another piece of the same monument lies half buried near the former; on the end which is above ground is the figure of a man stepping forward as if stabbing his antagonist with a sword.
A little way beyond this is the Stadium, on one side of which I find the fragment of an inscribed stone, with names which have evidently been engraved at different periods, and are probably those of victors in the Stadium. This stone, I am informed by my guides, was entire two years ago, when an English traveller having offered to pay for its conveyance to Nisi, some Klefles, who came here shortly afterwards, broke the stone in pieces, in the persuasion that it contained something valuable. It was a plain quadrangular stele of white Laconian marble, inscribed on all the four sides, and is now so ruined, that I did not attempt to copy the inscription, especially as I could find no appearance of anything but names. Of the Stadium there are remains of the upper or circular end, and more than half of one of the sides. At the lower end are the ruins of a small Doric temple: columns, plain metopes, architraves, and pieces of the cell, are lying together in a heap. The

§ 1.381  diameter of the upper end of the columns is one foot, nine inches; the flutings, twenty; the breadth of the metope, one foot, one inch and a half; the breadth of the triglyph, one foot. The temple stood on an artificial terrace, of which the supporting wall remains; from behind this wall issues a spring of fine water.
The Stadium was surrounded by a colonnade, which was double at the upper end: here the lower parts of the columns are in their original places; there were about twenty in each row, one foot, ten inches in diameter, with Doric flutings. Part of the colonnade, on the right side of the Stadium, is likewise in its place, and on the left side is the foundation of a public edifice, where are many pieces of columns of the same description as the colonnade round the Stadium. Perhaps this was the Hierothysium. The stone seats of the Stadium did not extend its whole length, but about two-thirds only; at the circular end, they are most perfect. The rivulet of Mavromati runs obliquely through the length of the Stadium. About midway between the Stadium and Mavromati, are the remains of a small theatre, about sixty feet in diameter, below which are foundations, which are possibly those of the Gymnasium. There are also the remains of two temples between the theatre and Mavromati; in this space,

§ 1.382  the ground rising rapidly, the slope is divided into terraces, of which the supporting walls still remain; one of these was wrought in a manner, of which I have not met with any other example, the exterior of each course being finished in a curve thus: [sketch]
At the southern extremity of the city, near the place where the rivulet of Mavromati passes through the walls, there are some remains of another temple.
Nothing can be more agreeable and retired, more singular and striking, than the whole scene of these interesting remains. By the high mountains Ithome and Evan which rise from the northern and eastern sides of the site, the city was entirely concealed from the Messenian plain, with the exception only of the summit of Ithome. It was equally hidden from all distant view in the opposite directions, by the parallel ridge called Kondovuni; it was open only laterally to the north-west and south-east. In the latter direction the site commands a view of a part of the gulf; and it is well ventilated by the wind, which draws through the opening, whether it happens to be a maestrale, or an imbat from the gulf.
The space inclosed within the city walls consists of corn-fields and pasture, amidst woods of

§ 1.383  wild olive, caroub, and oak, mixed with a great variety of shrubs. There is a fine turf, and the cattle which are fed here supply, in the present season, excellent fresh butter and new cheese. This evening we have a strong gale from the eastward. The peculiar situation of the place, creating a salubrious ventilation in the summer, exposes it to the extreme fury of the winter storms. The spahi's pyrgo, not being quite so firmly constructed as the towers, compared by Pausanias to the bulwarks of Babylon and Rhodes, trembles to its foundations before the blast, which rushes through the opening of Andrussa, or which descends at intervals with redoubled force between Ithome and Evan.
In the village of Mavromati I find an inscription in which occurs the name of Aethidas, who must I think be the same person Pausanias speaks of, for the monument was a dedication to Lucius Verus, and was consequently erected not long before the time when Pausanias travelled; it accords, therefore, with his remark, that Aethidas was a man nearly of his own agea. As the inscription refers moreover to an expense incurred by Aethidas, it accords in this particular also with the observation of Pausanias, as to the wealth for which Aethidas was distinguished. The inscribed stone is a plain quadrangular pedestal of white marble, which probably supported a statue of Lucius Verus. The inscription is in the following terms, “The Hellenes grateful to the gods, and praying for blessings on the Imperial House, (have erected) Lucius Aelius Verus Caesar, Tiberius Claudius Aethidas Caelianus, High-priest and Helladarch of the community of the Achaeans for life, having recommended it, and defrayed the expense.”
There is no appearance of the Doric dialect in this inscription, which may be accounted for by its being a dedication of the Greeks in general, and not of the Messenians, though erected in their city, at the expense of its citizen Aethidas.

§ 1.384  April 24. — Mount Ithome is connected with Mount Evan by a sharp ridge about half a mile in length, which unites them at about the middle of their height. The slope of this ridge towards the plain is blended with that of the two mountains: but on the opposite side, or towards the city, there is a vale or hollow between them. The southern walls of Messene extended from the termination of the ridge of Evan which is above Simiza, along the hollow to the connecting ridge just described. Upon the crest of the latter there are some remains of a small inclosed work which defended the pass, and was well placed for a look-out upon an enemy approaching from the plain, or along the flanks of either mountain. Below this point, on the northeastern slope of Evan, stands the monastery of Vurkano, a large building having a church with several other structures attached to it, and a garden of fruit-trees mixed with cypresses: the situation is very agreeable, and commands a noble view of the gulf and plain; but the late proceedings of Capt. George and his men, who often came to Vurkano, followed by the persecution of the Turkish authorities, who suspected, or pretended to suspect the monks of favouring the robbers, have driven them away, as well from the convent itself, as from its metokhia, one of which stands on the summit of Ithome, the other at the foot of Evan. The latter is that which I passed on the road from Andrussa.
Between the ancient redoubt on the connecting ridge and the adjacent extremity of Ithome, I remark the foundations of one of the city gates placed exactly in the pass. A little below it, at the foot of the cliffs of Ithome, under a fragment of the wall, there is a fine source of water on the side of a road which leads down the north-eastern slope of Ithome to the bridge of Mavrozumeno.

§ 1.386  As Pausanias describes the Clepsydra on the ascent to Ithome it might be suspected that this was the fountain anciently so called; but it is without the walls, nor can it be conceived that this position could ever have been on the ordinary route from the centre of the city to the acropolis. From the fountain I ascend, on foot, the steep acclivity of Ithome, and arrive on the summit at its south-eastern extremity: at the opposite end stand a church and the metokhi already mentioned. The wall of the citadel is in most parts of the same kind of masonry as that of the town; but there are some others which seem sufficiently ancient to have belonged to the elder Ithome. Probably Epaminondas found the old fortress quite dilapidated, and renewed it. Indeed it is consonant with the character of the Spartans, who despised fortifications, to suppose that they never maintained a permanent garrison in Ithome, and that they dis-mantled the fortress. On the northern and eastern sides, the wall runs along the edge of the perpendicular cliffs, from which the inclosed space slopes rapidly, in the opposite direction, towards the city, so that the wall of the southern and western side is built on the declivity of the mountain.

§ 1.387  When I arrive on the summit of the mountain the whole country is involved in mist and rain, and clouds are floating around and below me; but the atmosphere soon clears, and affords one of the finest prospects in Greece. To the north-west, the sea-coast between the rivers Cyparisseeis and Neda is seen through the opening between the mountain of Arkadhia and the extremity of the range of Lycaeum. Along the northern boundary of the horizon extends the Lycaean range, of which the highest summit in view is now called Tetrazi. The Lycaeum unites to the east with the mountain now named Makryplai, and the latter with the range of Taygetum, which closes the prospect as far as the Messenian Gulf. The new objects of topography, which the elevation enables me to distinguish within the horizontal circuit, are a plain at the foot of the Lycaean range, which is separated by hills of no great height from the Pass of Kokhla. Towards the head of this plain are situated the villages of Sulima and Klisura; and it is separated by some other hills, among which is the village of Buga, from the upper part of the great Messenian plain; it gives rise to the principal branch of the Mavrozumeno, called Vasiliko. At the north-eastern angle of the upper Messenian plain rises a height, separated from the range of Makryplai by the gorge of a river, which

§ 1.388  enters the plain at a ruined mosque below the small village of Fyla or Filia, which I passed March 4, at 4.30 P.M. On the summit of this advanced height there are some remains of Hellenic walls, now called Ellinikokastro, undoubtedly the ancient Andania, which, though a ruin in the time of Pausanias, was still a small city in the year 191 B.C., when it is well described by Livy as lying between Megalopolis and Messene.
From hence begins the Makryplai, the continuation of which extends to Kalamata, and ends in a point two or three miles on this side of it; I perceive the castle of Kalamata just clear of the point. That town appears to stand in a kind of bay, between the projection just mentioned and the hill of Selitza: at the foot of the Makryplai, southward of Andania, are seen, in succession, the south-eastern part of the upper Messenian plain; the village Skala, on a ridge separating that plain from the lower, which extends to the sea; the fountain of Aio Floro with its derveni and plane tree; the sources and hamlet of Pidhima, Paleokastro, or Thuria and the villages at the foot of the mountain

§ 1.389  which I passed in coming from Kalamata; Nisi, and the part of the plain around that town, is hidden by Mount Evan. To the right of that mountain is seen the mouth of the river Dhipotamo, or Pamisus, then the western coast of the gulf as far as Koroni, then Mount Lykodhemo, the peaked hill called Pilafi or Tavolaki, on the northern side of which passes the road from Andrussa to Navarin, then another hill clothed with oaks, standing in an elevated plain between the former and Gargaliano, and, lastly, the range of Kondovuni, over the right hand end of which is the mountain of Arkadhia and the sea, as already described.
This comprehensive view of Messenia enables me to ascertain all the principal features of its ancient geography; at least of its eastern and most interesting part. Of the rivers, the most celebrated was the Pamisus, which Strabo describes as the largest stream in the Peloponnesus, but as being only 100 stades in lengtha. It might be supposed that this description would be sufficient to identify the Pamisus, on the most cursory view of the places; but this is not exactly the case. I have already remarked, that in the line in which Pausanias describes the fountains of the Pamisus to have been situated,

§ 1.390  namely, in the road from Thuria towards Arcadia, there are two places, at which a copious stream issues from the foot of the mountain, and flows through the lower Messenian plain, and that these two rivers do not unite until within a small distance from the sea. I find, however, upon inquiry, that besides the sources at Aio Floro, there are others at the foot of the ridge of Skala, and that from all these the water collected is much greater than from the springs at Pidhima. Add to which, that the course of the Pidhima is too short, and the distance of its sources from Messene too great, for the 100 stades of Strabo, and the forty stades of Pausanias respectively; whereas both these distances are correct when applied to the course of the river which rises to the southward of Skala. The latter, therefore, is the Pamisus, and the Pidhima, as I have already shewn reason to believe, the Aris.
The rivers and the places in the north-eastern part of Messenia are thus noticed by Pausanias. “After having descended thirty stades from the Megalopolitan gate of Messene, occurs the river Balyra, so called because Thamyris threw his lyre into it when he was deprived of sight. The Leucasia and

§ 1.391  Amphitus unite their waters and join the Balyra. Beyond these is the Stenycleric plain, so named, it is said, from the hero Stenyclerus. On the opposite side of the plain, is the place anciently called Oichalia, but which is now a grove consisting chiefly of cypresses, and named Carnasium. It contains statues of Apollo Carneius, of Hermes carrying a ram, and of the Pure Virgin, a denomination of the daughter of Ceres; there is a spring of water near this statue. As to the sacred rites here performed, and which I consider inferior in holiness only to those of Eleusis, they must be kept secret by me, like every thing else relating to the great goddesses — but that a brazen vase was found here by the Argive commander, and that the bones of Eurytus, son of Melaneus, are here preserved, my dream has not forbidden me to divulge. The river Charadrus flows by Carnasium. On proceeding eight stades to the left of Carnasium, are the ruins of Andania. On the road from thence to Cyparissiae is the place called Polichne, and (then) the rivers Electra and Coeus. Beyond the Electra occur the fountain Achaea and the ruins of Dorium, where,

§ 1.392  according to Homer, Thamyris was stricken with blindness for boasting that he could surpass the Muses themselves in singing.”
The accompanying map of Messenia will be the best commentary upon this passage of Pausanias, and leaves me scarcely any observation to add to what my itinerary contains in illustration of it Pausanias very naturally ends his description of the road from Andania to Cyparissiae at the Coeus, (supposing it to have been the river of the Derveni of Kokhla, which I followed March 4th) as from the extremity of its vale the waters begin to flow towards the gulf of Cyparissiae: there consequently were in all probability the boundaries of the two districts.
It takes me twenty-three minutes to descend from Ithome to Mavromati. Considerably above the level of that village, are seen two walls forming a right angle, apparently the terrace of some building. In the way from thence to Mavromati, five minutes short of the village, I observe also the remains of a wall, which appears to have crossed the slope of the mountain from one side to the other, forming an outer rampart of the acropolis towards the city, a mode of fortifying which was not uncommon in the cities of Greece. The inclosure between this wall

§ 1.395  and the acropolis appears to have been the situation occupied by Demetrius the brother of Perseus, and his Macedonians, in their attempt to take Messene. Demetrius had been sent to the Peloponnesus by his father Philip with a few ships, to raise some money by plunder. Having landed on the coast of the Argeia, he made a rapid march by the shortest road into Messenia, and approached Ithome in the night. Being well acquainted with the locality, he scaled the wall in the part which lay between Ithome and the city. The Messenii advanced upon him from the city, while the garrison of the acropolis assailed him from above. The contest was for some time obstinate, but the Demetrians had been fatigued by their previous marches, and so vigorous was the attack of the Messenians, under the elder Aethidas, and even that of the women, who threw down stones and tiles upon them, that they were compelled at length to a disorderly flight. Many precipitated themselves over the walls from the steepest part of Ithome; some escaped by throwing away their armour.
There is one passage, and one only, in the description of Messene by Pausanias, which I

§ 1.394  cannot reconcile with actual appearances. He says, if I have rightly understood his words, that the circuit of the city comprehended a part of Mount Evan towards the Pamisus, whereas the existing walls strongly testify that no part of Evan was included in the city, nor even any part of Ithome towards the Pamisus. May it have been, that before the time of Pausanias the Messenians had partly abandoned the old inclosure, and built houses on the slope of Mount Evan? Or, is there not rather some corruption in the author's text?

§ 1.395  CHAPTER X: MESSENIA.
APRIL 24, continued. — At 2.25 I depart from Mavromati, and quit with regret its fine ruins, which are equally interesting as specimens of Grecian art at a time when it was in the most perfect state, and as a historical monument of the humiliation of the pride of Sparta, from which she never recovered. At 2.32 pass to the left of Simiza; — halt eight minutes at the metokhi of Vurkano. — At 3.10 leave Andrussa three quarters of a mile on the left, and pass over the undulated country at the back of it. At 4.10 cross a river, flowing from Mount Kondovuni, from near the monastery and village of Andromonastero. At 4.35 pass over another stream from near Klima, another village on Kondovuni: it winds, where we cross it, through a little vale shaded with plane trees and shrubs, among which nightingales are singing in great numbers. The road continues to traverse the same kind of undulated country, intersected with low woody eminences of an excellent soil, but little cultivated. These heights are the roots of Mount Kondovuni, and are separated from each other by narrow valleys watered by small streams. At 5.35 we cross a third river by a bridge, which is in the road from Andrussa to Petalidhi. Both the bridge and the river are now usually known by the name of Djidjori, which is that of the principal village on its banks. In ten minutes from thence arrive at the little village of Loghi, and lodge in the pyrgo of the Turk, who farms the dhekatia under the voivoda of Andrussa, and who is now at that town. Seeing our party approach, the villagers locked up the pyrgo and fled, and it was some time before they could be persuaded to return and let us in.

§ 1.396  April 25. — At 6.30 I leave Loghi, and at 7 enter a narrow vale, in which runs the river Velika, coming from Kondovuni, and flowing into the sea a little to the northward of Petalidhi. The Velika inundated the valley a year or two ago, and carried away flocks and trees. In the bed of the river was afterwards found a great serpent, which was supposed to have been the cause of the inundation. At the bridge of the Velika I turn to the left, after having crossed the river, and pass through the woods to the remains of a castle of the middle ages, on a peninsula formed by the windings of the river and surrounded with cliffs. Return to the bridge, having lost half an hour, and proceed over a hilly, woody, and ill-cultivated tract: at 8.10 Zaimoglu is half a mile on the right and Kurtaga three miles distant on the side of Kondovuni. At 8.20 cross a stream, flowing to the left, and soon after enter a forest of oaks which extends over all the adjacent part of the mountain on the right, and covers a great part of the range of Kondovuni, as far as the forest of Kokhla on the road from Arkadhia to Messene. On the right is a hill which forms the southwestern extremity of Kondovuni, sloping into the elevated plain which extends from Paleo Avarino to Arkadhia. This height, which I mentioned as having seen from Ithome to the right of Mount Tavolaki, is entirely covered with oaks, except near the village of Kondozoni, which stands upon it. The oaks which we pass, like those of the forest of Kokhla, are short and crooked: I see no velanidhies among them. We have now crossed the highest of the ridges of the

§ 1.398  undulated country which connects Kondovuni with Lykodhemo, and which separates the course of the waters flowing to the Messenian Gulf, from those tending towards the western coast. We descend, at 9.18, into an elevated vale at the foot of Lykodhemo, on its northern side. Tjaban is a quarter of a mile on the left, and two miles in the same direction, on the side of the mountain, Kambasi; the country on the right is covered with oaks. At 9.48 we pass Sulinari, situated to the left in a retired hollow at the foot of Mount Lykodhemo. The three last-mentioned villages belong to the district of Mothoni. The valley terminates at the peaked hill, called Tavolaki, which we leave on the left: on the right is the hill of Kondozoni.
The harbour and island of Navarin, the ruined castle of Paleo Avarino, and a corner of the fortress of Neokastro, now become visible, and the road enters the elevated level which extends to Gargaliano, and from thence along the foot of a lofty mountain parallel to the shore, to Filiatra and Arkadhia. At 10.15 we enter upon this plain, which is well cultivated with corn; to the left are barren hills, which, branching from Lykodhemo, extend to Mothoni. At 10.30 arrive at the head of the aqueduct of Neokastro. The sources issue at a sandy spot inclosed and covered by a circular building, in which originates a stone pipe. Soon afterwards the road crosses an uncultivated tract, and, at 11.30, descends into a valley terminating in the centre of the port of Navarin, and watered by a stream called Pesili.
At 11.20 I arrive, by a bad paved causeway, at the skala of Neokastro, and lodge in the house of Kyr Ghiorghio Ikonomopulo, who has all the trade of Neokastro in his hands, and is agent for some of the European nations. His house and magazines, which stand on the water side three or four hundred yards below the fort, very naturally excite the cupidity of the poor Turks of the town, who are starving by the effects of their pride and idleness. He tells me that their demands upon him are so frequent, that he finds himself under the necessity of abandoning Navarin to settle in some place, where, not being the only Greek of property, he may be less exposed to extortion.

§ 1.399  April 26. — Edris Bey the commandant, whom I visit today in the fortress, is a young Stambuli, or Constantinopolitan, who, having spent the greater part of the property left him by his father, one of the chief kapidjis of the Sultan, was glad to sacrifice the remainder in obtaining this government, though, with all his efforts, its profits are so small, that he is often under the necessity of having recourse to Kyr Ghiorghio. There are about 300 Turkish families in the fortress, most of them in a wretched state of poverty. The castle stands on a cape, projecting towards the southern end of Sphacteria, off which there is a rock, called, from the tomb of a Turkish saint upon it, Delikli-baba. Between this rock and the fortress is the entrance into the bay of Navarin, a noble basin, with a depth of water from twelve to twenty passi. It is said that there is occasionally some danger from the south and south-west, notwithstanding the narrowness of the entrance, which is not more than three fourths of a mile. Ships generally anchor at about a third of a mile from the skala, where they are sheltered by the point of the castle; or behind the island of Marathonisi, which lies a little northward of the centre of the harbour. The fortress consists of a low wall without any ditch, flanked by small bastions. On the side towards the sea, where it ought to be strongest, it has received only a miserable patching since it was battered by the Russians from the island, in the year 1770.
The district of Neokastro contains only twenty villages, none of which are large, except Vervitza, -and this is not situated in the περιχωρα or vicinity, but in Arcadia, not far from the temple of Phigaleia. The agricultural productions are of the usual kind, the only exports are six or seven hundred barrels of oil in good years, some vermilion, tobacco, and goat-skins.

§ 1.401  April 27. I employed the whole of this day in examining the island of Navarin, anciently called Sphacteria, or Sphagia, making a tour of it in a boat, and then walking over it on foot; I afterwards visited the peninsula of Paleo Avarino; and made a plan of the whole scene, with a view to illustrate the description by Thucydides of the celebrated contest between the Athenians and Lacedaemonians, which occurred on this spot in the seventh year of the Peloponnesian war. An extract from the narrative of the historian will be the best accompaniment to the plan.
It was in the early part of the summer, when the Lacedaemonians were making their yearly invasion of Attica by land, and the Athenian fleet was at Pylus on its route to Sicily, that the further operations of both the belligerents were for some time interrupted by an enterprise of Demosthenes, one of the commanders of the Athenian fleet, who, foreseeing that the advantages which had been derived from placing Athenians in the garrison of Naupactus, would result, in a much greater degree, from a similar operation at Pylus, once an important city, but then only a desert promontory, had the good fortune, while the Athenian ships were wind-bound in the harbour, to effect his purpose of fortifying the peninsula of Pylus, although the measure was contrary to the opinion of his colleagues in command, and to the wishes of his followers in general. Its beneficial effects however were soon felt. The Lacedaemonian forces retreated from Attica, and the Spartan government was under the necessity of collecting another army from different parts of the Peloponnesus, which marched to Pylus by land, while their fleet was withdrawn from Corcyra, and hastened to the same place. Upon their arrival, the Lacedaemonians found Demosthenes in the harbour, with only five triremes, and two Messenian vessels, the Athenian fleet having sailed to Zacynthus on its way to Sicily. By means of their army, and sixty ships, the Lacedaemonians obtained immediate possession of all the neighbourhood, except Pylus. This place Demosthenes was determined upon defending, until he could receive succour from the Athenian fleet, which he had immediately advertised of his danger.

§ 1.403  The Lacedaemonians, after having occupied Sphacteria with 420 hoplitae, and their attendant Helots, probably about 1000 in all, proceeded to attack Pylus both by sea and land. Demosthenes, hauling up his galleys on shore, placed them so as to serve as an outwork to the adjacent part of his fortification, and having left for the defence of the walls on the land side all his troops except sixty hoplitae and a few bowmen, he led these in person to the sea-side, at the spot where he expected that the enemy would be tempted to debark, in consequence of the weakness of that part of the wall, and the lowness of the coast. The place nevertheless was rugged, difficult of access, and open to the main sea, so that the Lacedaemonians, however numerous, could not attack in large bodies at the same moment; and hence the small force, headed by Demosthenes, was enabled to resist all the attacks of forty-three Laconian ships, while his garrison in the fortress successfully opposed the attempts of the enemy's land forces, until, having failed in all their endeavours during two days, the Lacedaemonians gave up the attack, and sent to Asine for timber to make engines, with a view to an assault on the fort, upon the side towards the harbour, where, though the wall was higher, the landing was easier. This

§ 1.404  operation however was prevented, by the arrival from Zacynthus of forty ships of the Athenians, who the very next day attacked and defeated the Lacedaemonian fleet in the harbour, and captured five of their triremes.
The aspect of affairs was now totally changed; — the Athenians were masters of the harbour, and threatened the entire destruction of the adverse fleet, while the enemy's garrison of Sphacteria was cut off from all probability of relief. In this alarming position, the Lacedaemonians agreed to a suspension of arms, for the purpose of sending ambassadors to Athens to treat for peace. The terms of the truce were, that all the Lacedaemonian fleet as well at Pylus as in the other parts of Laconia, should be placed in the hands of the Athenians during the truce, and that the troops in Sphacteria should be supplied with no more than a certain allowance of provisions at stated intervals. As soon as it was ascertained that the negotiations at Athens had failed of producing any agreement, and the suspension of arms being in consequence at an end, an attack upon the enemy's forces in Sphacteria was resolved upon by the Athenians, not less in consideration of the advantages under which such an attack would be made by them, than of their own situation, for at the same time that they were blockading the

§ 1.405  enemy in Sphacteria, they were themselves besieged in Pylus, where they suffered much from want of water, while to the Lacedaemonians in Sphacteria their friends brought provisions to the back of the island in the night, or whenever a strong wind setting in from the sea, obliged the Athenian galleys to keep at a distance from the shore; nor could the Athenians forget how remote they were from Athens and their nearest resources, or avoid looking forward to the embarrassed situation in which they would find themselves, if the contest should be prolonged until the approach of winter.
Thucydides describes Sphacteria as “desert, pathless, covered with wood fifteen stades in length, and separated from the main land by two straits, of which the southern would admit eight or nine triremes abreast, the northern only two.” At the moment when Demosthenes was meditating an attack, it happened that the Lace-daemonians, being much crowded, and making many fires for cooking their provisions, a conflagration accidentally took place, which, clearing the ground of the wood, afforded the Athenian commander a better knowledge of the enemy's position and numbers than he had before possessed, as well as a greater facility for the movement of his troops, when they should be landed.

§ 1.406  Just at this time, Cleon, who was appointed the associate of Demosthenes in the command, arrived from Athens with a reinforcement. The first step taken was to send a proposal to the Lacedaemonians on the continent to treat for the surrender of their comrades on the island; this having been refused, on the following evening all the Athenian hoplitae embarked in a few triremes, crossed the harbour in the night, and having landed a little before day, as well from the open sea as from the harbour, to the number of 800 hoplitae, marched towards the advanced guard of the enemy. “For thus,” adds the historian, “the Lacedaemonians lay quartered. In the advance there were about thirty hoplitae; in the middle and most level part of the island, and around the water, lay Epitadas the commander, with the larger portion of his troops; the remainder, not many in number, occupied the extremity of the island towards Pylus, where it was precipitous towards the sea, and on the land side very difficult to attack. Here stood an old castle, built of rough stones which they thought might be useful to them, should they be obliged to retreat before superior numbers. Thus were they disposed.”
“The advanced posts were taken by surprise,

§ 1.407  and the men were captured or slain. In the morning all the forces were landed from the Athenian fleet, which now amounted to upwards of seventy sail. The Athenian hoplitae opposed the Spartans in front, but without coming to an engagement, while their light troops occupying the heights in every direction, incessantly annoyed the enemy's flanks and rear, and derived from their numbers a confidence which increased with success. The Spartans, tormented by adversaries whom they could not reach, and almost blinded by the dust of the woods lately burnt, were at length under the necessity of retreating to the old fort upon the hill towards Pylus. Here secured on their flanks and rear, and presenting a narrow front to the enemy, they resisted all the attacks of the very superior force of the enemy for the greater part of the day, and as both parties were almost equally distressed by fatigue, thirst, and the heat of the sun, they would probably have maintained their post still longer, had not the chief of the Messenians proposed to the Athenian commanders to lead a party of men under the cliffs where they should be unseen by the Lacedaemonians, and thus to come round upon their rear. With some difficulty this movement was successfully effected, upon which the Lacedaemonians being summoned to surrender, and having received a sort of consent

§ 1.408  from their friends on the opposite side of the harbour, gave up their arms, and were conveyed prisoners on board the Athenian galleys to the number of 292, the rest of the 420 having been slain. The investment of Sphacteria had lasted seventy-two days, from the time of the naval action in the harbour. During the first twenty days, the Spartans received stated quantities of provisions, according to the terms of the truce; during the remainder of the time they were supplied by stealth. The humiliation of their arrogant and hitherto successful enemy, was by no means the only advantage which the Athenians derived from their success at Pylus; for the Lacedaemonians lost also the whole of their fleet, which by the terms of the truce had been placed as a pledge in the hands of the Athenians, and which they now kept on the pretence, that during the truce the Lacedaemonians had, contrary to an article of the convention, committed hostilities against Pylus.”
An inspection of the island illustrates the description of Thucydides in the most satisfactory manner; the level and source of water in the middle where the Lacedaemonians encamped — the summit at the northern end to which they retired — the landing-places on the western side, to which the Helots brought provisions, are all perfectly recognizable. Of the fort, of loose

§ 1.409  and rude construction on the summit, it is not to be expected that any remains should now exist; but there are some ruins of a signal tower of a later age, on the same site. The summit is a pile of rough rocks ending in a peak; it slopes gradually to the shore on every side, except to the harbour, where the cliffs are perpendicular, though here, just above the water, there is a small slope capable of admitting the passage of a body of men active in climbing among rocks and difficult places. By this pass it is probable the Messenians came upon the rear of the Lacedaemonians on the summit, for just at the southern termination of the pass there is a passage through the cliffs which border the greater part of the eastern shore of the island, so that by this opening and along the pass under the rocks to the northward of it, the Messenians had the means of passing unseen from the centre of the island to the rear of the Lacedaemonians on the summit. Though this hill, as I have observed, slopes gradually from its rocky peak to the shore, on every side except towards the harbour, it does not admit of a landing at its foot, except in the calmest weather, nor is it easily assailed on any side by land, on account of the ruggedness of the summit, except by the means to which the Messenians resorted, so that the words of

§ 1.410  Thucydides respecting it are perfectly accurate. The southern extremity of the island is rocky, steep, and difficult of access, and forms a separate hill; in every other part the ground slopes from the cliffs on the side of the harbour to the western shore, which, though rocky, is low, so that when the weather is calm, it is more easy in face of an opponent to land, and to make way into the island on that side than on the eastern shore, where the cliffs admit of an easy access only in two places, one towards the northern end, of which I have already spoken, the other in the middle of the island, where an opening in the cliffs leads immediately into the most level part of it; exactly in the opening stands a small church of the Panaghia. There are also two small creeks adjacent to each other, near the southern end of the eastern side of the island, opposite to Neokastro: near these creeks there is a well.
The principal source of water is towards the middle of the island, at an excavation in the rock twenty feet deep, which seems to be more natural than artificial; for below a shallow surface of soil, in which there is a circular peristomium of modern masonry, the excavation in the rock is irregular and slanting. The island furnishes a fine pasture in the present season, and horses at sixty paras a head are sent into it

§ 1.411  for the spring fodder, to which in Turkey they are universally accustomed. They have nothing to drink all the time they are in the island. In one or two places there are groves of high bushes, and there are low shrubs in every part of it. It often happens, as it did in the seventh summer of the Peloponnesian war, that a fire, occurring accidentally or of intention, clears the face of the island during the droughts of that season: the northern hill exhibits at this moment recent marks of a similar conflagration.
The promontory Coryphasium is crowned with the ruins of a fortress or castle of the middle ages, called Paleo-Avarino Avarino has been changed into Navarino by the habit of using the accusative case, and by attaching, in common pronunciation, the final N of the article to the substantive. Navarino, however, is a form of the name, more Italian than Greek. Below the ruined fortress on the northern side, at the bottom of the cliffs, there is a fine cavern called Vodhio, or Voidho-Kilia, “the ox's belly”, which gives name also to a small circular port immediately below it.
The cavern is sixty feet long, forty wide, and forty high, having a roof like a Gothic arch. The entrance is triangular, thirty feet long and twelve high; at the top of the cavern

§ 1.412  there is an opening in the surface of the hill above, which may have served for a secret communication between the castle of Avarino and the harbour. In the cavern just under the hole, I found a dead hare, which seems to have been killed by falling through it. The earth of the cavern is used for making nitre, by a process of simple boiling and crystallization. There is another cavern in the cliffs, on the northern side of the harbour, not so large as the Voidho-Kilia. The harbour has a narrow entrance between low abrupt cliffs; it is nevertheless bad, exposed to a continual surf, and capable only of admitting boats. It is separated, by a low semicircular ridge of sand, from a large shallow lagoon abounding in fish, the catching of which is a monopoly belonging to the government, and is generally farmed by the governor of Neokastro. The lagoon encompasses all the eastern side of the hill of Coryphasium, and is separated from the harbour of Navarin by another sandy stripe of land, in which there is a narrow opening which forms the communication between the harbour and the lagoon: there is a sandy level between the hill and the lagoon, both at the northern and at the southern extremity of the promontory.
Pausanias thus describes Coryphasium:

§ 1.413  “There is a road, of not more than a hundred stades in length, from Mothone to the promontory Coryphasium, upon which Pylus is situated; this city was founded by Pylus, son of Cleson, with a colony of Leleges from the Megaris, but who, having been soon driven out by some Pelasgi from Iolcus, who were led by Neleus, went to the neighbouring country of Eleia, and there founded another Pylus. Neleus raised Pylus to such dignity that Homer calls it Nηλήϊου αστυ. Here is a temple of Minerva Coryphasia, and a house named the House of Nestor, which contains a picture of him. Within the town there is a monument of Nestor, and a little without the town that which is called the tomb of Thrasymedes. In the city there is a cavern which is said to have been the stable of the oxen of Neleus and Nestor. It appears to me, that these oxen fed at a distance from the city, for all around it the country is sandy, and this Homer testifies, who always calls Nestor king of the sandy Pylus. The island Sphacteria lies before the harbour of Pylus, like Rheneia before the anchorage of Delos. In like manner as other obscure places, such as Caphareus and Psyttaleia, have been rendered celebrated by human fortunes, so also Sphacteria has been made known to all the world, by the

§ 1.414  defeat of the Lacedaemonians; in memory of which event the Athenians erected a statue of Victory in the acropolis.”
It is here seen, that Pausanias, like Thucydides, says not a word of the lagoon near Coryphasium, which now forms so remarkable a feature in the topography of Navarin: we may confidently conclude, therefore, that it is of recent formation. The mode in which such shallow maritime salt lakes (by the ancients called λιμνοθατάτται or στομαλίμναι) are formed in process of time on low sandy shores is well known: and the frequency of their occurrence on the coasts of the Mediterranean, renders the supposition of the ancient non-existence of the lagoon the more probable in the present instance. The peninsula of Pylus must, in that case, have been surrounded anciently with a sandy plain as Pausanias describes it, and thus the epithet of Homer becomes so much the more applicable to the Coryphasian Pylus.
Coryphasium, like Sphacteria, is a precipice on the eastern side, or towards the lagoon. To the westward, or towards the open sea, it slopes gradually, particularly on the south-west, where Demosthenes succeeded in opposing the landing of Brasidas and the Lacedaemonians. Like the island also, the promontory is higher at the northern end, so that the cliffs on the eastern

§ 1.415  side of the hill diminish in height from north to south: it was at the latter extremity, where the shore, though rocky, is sheltered from the open sea, that a debarkation was more practicable; and here it seems to have been that the Lacedaemonians, after having failed in the former attempt to land, projected an attack upon the wall of the Athenians; for here, though the wall was higher, the landing, as Thucydides observes, was easier than in other parts.
In the clear and consistent narrative of the contemporary historian, there is but one assertion which can offer any difficulty on an actual inspection of the locality. He says that the northern entrance of the harbour of Pylus admitted of the passage of two ships, and the southern of eight or nine. Now the southern entrance is certainly more than 1200 yards wide, and the northern is about 150; the proportions of the numbers, therefore, do not agree, and even if we were to apply his remark to the northern entrance, as furnishing the lower scale of comparison, it would follow that the ancient triremes required a space of between two and three hundred feet for their movements, which it is impossible to believe. All that can be said in explanation is, that Thucydides was not

§ 1.416  himself engaged in the affair at Pylus, being employed at that time in Thrace; so that he may never have seen or carefully examined the breadth of the harbour's mouth, and may have been misinformed respecting it.
According to the truce entered into by the Lacedaemonians and Athenians in the ninth year of the Peloponnesian war, the Lacedaemonian garrison in Coryphasium was not to pass beyond the mountains Buphras and Tomeus. As the object of the article must have been to give that garrison the advantage of the plain to a certain extent to the eastward, it is probable that Buphras and Tomeus were the two hills now called Kondozoni and Tavolaki. I will not pretend to say which of them has the best claim by its form to have received its name from a supposed resemblance to the instrument for cutting leather called τομευς.
The situation of the Πύλος Nηληϊος, or Pylus of Neleus and his successors, appears to have been a much disputed question in the time of the Roman Empire. Strabo quotes a proverbial verse, to shew that there were three Pyli near the western coast of the Peloponnesus,

§ 1.417  all of which claimed the honour of being the Pylus of Nestor. One was in the Eleia to the eastward of Elis, the second in Tryphylia, about four miles from the coast, between Lepreum and Samicum, the third at Coryphasium. Concerning the second of these Pausanias is silent, and even Strabo speaks of it only as a site. Nevertheless he thinks it was the real Neleian Pylus, which Pausanias, on the contrary, does not hesitate, as we have just seen, in fixing at Coryphasium, although at the same time agreeing in opinion with the people of Elis that Homer, in describing the Alpheius as “flowing through the land of the Pylii,” had the Eleiac Pylus in view. It seems much more probable, however, that the poet, by the land of the Pylii, intended the whole Neleian kingdom, for he employs the single word Πυλος with the same meaning, describing both Thryoessa on the Alpheius and the cities of the Messeniac Gulf as the extreme or frontier places of Pylus. Strabo himself was sensible that such was the meaning of Homer, as well in these instances, as in that of Πυλιων δια γαιης. These words, therefore, may rather be taken as an indication that the Neleian kingdom extended

§ 1.418  to the northward of the Alpheius, and that it included the Pisatis, having been bounded perhaps by the cape now called Katakolo, and the ridge which branches inland from thence.
Strabo allows that the Messenian Pylii had a better claim than those of the Eleia to the honour in question, and admits that the greater part of the poets and later writers, supposed Nestor to have been of Messenia, as indeed, we find, upon a reference to Pindar, Thucydides, Diodorus, and others. But, he adds, the Ομηρικώτεροι, or those who followed the words of Homer, insisted that the Pylus of Nestor must have been that, through the lands of which the Alpheius flowed, and this argument, the only one which the Pylii of Eleia could adduce for their claim, he thinks applicable to Pylus of Triphylia.
In favour of the Pylii of Triphylia, against those of Coryphasium, he brings forward the following passages of the poet. First, the description which Nestor gives in the Iliad of his juvenile exploits against the Epeii, in revenge for the hostilities of Hercules against Pylus, in which all the children of Neleus, except Nestor, had perished. Nestor having resolved upon a

§ 1.419  predatory incursion into Elis, marched thither suddenly and carried off fifty herds of oxen, as many of sheep, as many of hogs, as many of goats, with fifty mares followed by numerous foals. All these, some of which, observes Strabo, were animals neither capable of moving fast nor far, Nestor lodged safely at night in the Neleian city. The third day, the Epeii having collected their forces at Thryoessa, on the Alpheius, with the intention of besieging it, the news was brought to Pylus in the night by Minerva, upon which Nestor led forth his cavalry, and after a day's march halted at the Minyeius, which joined the sea near Arene. Here he waited until the morning, when, moving forward, he arrived on the Alpheius at noon. Both these operations, says Strabo, were impracticable if the Neleian city had been at Coryphasium, but practicable if the situation was that of the Triphyliae Pylus.
His arguments from the Odyssey are, that after Telemachus, coming from Ithaca, had disembarked at the temple of Neptune, and arrived

§ 1.420  at Pylus, a courier was dispatched to the ship to invite his companions; and again, that on returning from Sparta and approaching Pylus, Telemachus desired Pisistratus to turn off to the sea-side: — both these incidents, says Strabo, shewing that the city of Nestor was not on the sea-side, like the Messeniac Pylus, but removed from it, like the Triphyliae, which was more than thirty stades distant from the shore.
Again, that Telemachus, on his return from Pylus towards Ithaca, speaks only of his passing Cruni, Chalcis, Pheia, and Elis; whereas, says Strabo, had Nestor lived at Coryphasium, his route would have been marked by the great rivers Neda, Acidon, and Alpheius, instead of such obscure brooks or places as Cruni, Chalcis, and Pheia.
The geographer then applies the same tests to the Eliac Pylus, and easily shews the absurdity of its claim, though he strangely errs in supposing that this Pylus was on the sea-side, since we have the testimony of Pausanias who visited its ruins, in agreement with that of other authors, to shew that it was situated some ten miles farther inland than the city of Elis.

§ 1.421  In support of the opinion which places the Neleian Pylus at Coryphasium, now Old Navarin, it may first be replied to Strabo, that the march of Nestor to the Minyeius, supposing it to have been performed solely with cavalry, was not impracticable, for the information of Minerva having been received in the night, it was not difficult to make a forty miles march with cavalry before the ensuing evening. As to the driving of the cattle, that perhaps must be admitted as a poetical licence, like the numbers of each kind of cattle so curiously enumerated by the poet; indeed, if possibility is to be considered, Strabo's hypothesis will hardly stand that test, since it would scarcely have been possible to drive such a multitude of cattle from the Alpheius to the Triphyliae Pylus, on the evening of a day which had been employed in collecting them. In regard to the argument founded upon the mention by Homer of Cruni, Chalcis, and Pheia, and upon his not mentioning the Neda and Alpheius, it is to be observed that, in either case, whether Telemachus came from the Triphyliae or the Messenian Pylus, the Alpheius was to be passed. The omission of that great river, therefore, is to be accounted for in either case. But, in fact, the verse which names those places, though Strabo himself considered it as genuine,

§ 1.422  is of very doubtful authenticity. It occurs again in the Hymn to Apollo, together with some other lines, in all which the topography is confused and unintelligible upon any hypothesis. The verse was not admitted by Didymus, and was first added by Barnes upon the authority alone of Strabo.
In support of the claim of the Messeniac Pylus it may be said, that the epithet sandy is peculiarly well suited to Coryphasium, which is a peninsula surrounded by an extensive plain of sand, now in great part occupied by a lagoon, but anciently, as it would appear from Pausanias and other authors, not so submerged. Strabo, it may be remarked on this head, conscious apparently that the epithet sandy would not apply to the Triphyliae Pylus, where there is no sand except on the sea-shore near Samicum and towards the Neda, is under the necessity of supposing that Πυλος ημαθοείς meant Pylus on the Amathus, a river not mentioned by any other author, but which he supposes to have been the same called in his time Mamaus, or Pamisus, or Arcadicus. In reference to the argument which Strabo derives from the too-great proximity of Coryphasium to the sea, because it would have been unnecessary for Telemachus

§ 1.423  to have proceeded to the city in a chariot, or to have sent it afterwards to the sea-side for his companions, the objection would be valid enough, if the landing had taken place in the port of Voidhokilia, but if it was effected in the harbour of Navarin, where it is more probable that the temple of Neptune stood, the use of the chariot of Pisistratus would have been very convenient to Telemachus and his companions.
But the strongest arguments in favour of Coρyphasium seem to be the two following, first, the much greater probability that Neleus should have chosen for his settlement a strong site and a fine harbour, than a place which afforded neither the one nor the other, and where Telemachus, having come from Ithaca with a brisk maestrale, such as Minerva gave him, could not have landed at all: — and, secondly, the situation of Coryphasium, or the Messenian Pylus, relatively to Pherae and Sparta. In fact, these three places lie exactly in a direct line; from Pylus to Pherae there is a distance of about thirty-five miles by the road, chiefly of level ground from Pherae to Sparta there are about twenty-eight miles, chiefly of mountain. Telemachus, going from Pylus to Sparta, drove his horses thither, without changing them, in two

§ 1.424  days, lodging the first night at Pherae, and he returned to Pylus in the same manner. The position of Coryphasium, therefore, is perfectly conformable to this incident in the story, whereas, if the Triphyliac Pylus had been the residence of Nestor, Telemachus would have had a journey of sixty miles the first and the last days of his journey, and Pherae would not have been on his nearest road.
The chief objection to Paleo Avarino as the site of a capital city, is the scarcity of water, an inconvenience which the Athenians experienced when they defended Coryphasium. It may, perhaps, have been one reason why Pylus never flourished as a city, except during the Neleian dynasty. After the return of the Heracleidae it seems to have gradually declined, until, at the end of the second Messenian war, the inhabitants migrated into Sicily, in preference to remaining under the Lacedaemonian yoke, and its name never occurs again in history until the Peloponnesian war, when we find it a “desert promontory.” Though Strabo and Pausanias shew that Pylus had so far revived in the time of the Roman empire as to possess some inhabitants, it was probably quite deserted before the middle ages, when we may suppose the

§ 1.425  castle now existing with the name Avarino to have arisen. This name, I believe, is not found in history before the middle of the fifteenth century, when it occurs in the narrative of Phranza, and in a marginal note of Gemistus Pletho, as the situation of the Messenian Pylus. Chalcocondylaσ, relating the same transaction as Phranza, does not mention the name Avarino, though he speaks repeatedly of Pylus, prefering, undoubtedly, as in other instances, the classical to the real appellation. It is probable that the modern name is of the same date as the ruined castle to which it now belongs, and that it came into use together with the names Morea, Myzithra, Maini, Ieraki, Monemvasia, which, though we do not meet with them in the Byzantine history before the year 1300, are probably as early in their origin, or nearly so, as those of Ioannina and some others in northern Greece, which are found to have existed in the eleventh century.
There is no portion of the Peloponnesus less noticed by ancient authors, than the part of Messenia lying between Coryphasium and Cyparissia, though its length is not less than twenty miles. It consists of a long and lofty ridge lying in a direction parallel to the shore, and

§ 1.426  connected, eastward, with Mount Kondovuni and the mountain of Arkadhia. The ancient name of this ridge, at least in its southern part, appears from Strabo to have been Aegaleos, for under Aegaleos, according to the geographer, stood the Messenian Pylus, from whence, he says, when that city was ruined, some of the remaining inhabitants went to settle at the promontory Coryphasium, giving to it the name of Pylus. That he conceived the original Messenian Pylus and Coryphasium to have been separate places, though near to one another, is apparent, from his describing them as “maritime castles, situated at a distance of 400 stades from Pylus of Triphylia.”
Pausanias has not noticed a single place between Pylus and Cyparissia, but Strabo twice mentions a town of Erana as so situated; he names another place Platamodes, distant 120 stades from Coryphasium and if his text be correct, a third called Cenerium. “Beyond Cyparissae is,” he says, “in sailing along the coast to the Messeniac Pylus and Coryphasium, there occurs Erana, which some improperly suppose to have been called Arene, being the same

§ 1.427  name as that of the town near Pylus (of Triphylia). There is likewise a certain Platamodes, from whence to Coryphasium, and the place which is now named Pylus, the distance is 120 stades. There is also a κενήριον (cenotaph) and a small town of that name.” It seems not improbable that Cenerium was the same old site of Pylus, which the geographer describes as lying under Mount Aegaleos, and that the name Cenerium was derived from a cenotaph of Neleus, or Nestor, which may have existed there.
As Platamodes was 120 stades distant from Coryphasium, its situation appears to have been not far from that of Aia Kyriaki; Erana, therefore, according to Strabo, must have been between that position and Arkadhia.
Pliny places a promontory, Platanodes, between the Alpheius and the Gulf of Cyparissia; in which, as we have just seen, be is at variance with the better authority of Strabo. But it is not improbable that he confounded Platanodes with Platanistus, and that Khaiaffa was the place intended by him, that being the only projection of the coast between the Alpheius and Cyparissia;

§ 1.428  for that Platanistus was near Khaiaffa may be inferred from the circumstance of the temple of Neptune Samius, near Samicum, having been in the custody of the Macistii, or inhabitants of Macistus, which town in the time of Strabo was called Platanistus.
The island opposite to Gargaliano still preserves its ancient name, Proti, though some of the Greek seamen, following the Italian corruption, call it Prodano.
Ptolemy thus enumerates the places on the western coast of Messenia, in a direction from north to south. Cyparissiae, the promontory Cyparissium, the mouth of the river Sela, Pylus, the promontory Coryphasium, Methone. Hence it would seem that the promontory on the southern side of Arkadhia had no other distinction than the name of the neighbouring city. In like manner it is now known by that of the Cape of Arkadhia. Sela was probably the river Longovardho.

§ 1.429  April 28. — This afternoon, at 3.10, in company with Kyr Ikonomopulo, I quit Navarin for Mothoni. The road leads between a desert hill at the back of Neokastro, and a high peaked mountain sloping on the north and west directly into the sea, and called Mount St. Nicholas, from a church of that saint near the summit, which is much frequented by the women of the neighbourhood on the saint's feast day, and some other occasions. The ruins of an old Venetian aqueduct are seen in the hollow near the road side: at 3.43 we are directly under the summit of St. Nicholas. At 4.10 enter the cornfields and olive plantations belonging to the Modon-Kazasi, or district of Mothoni, with a small village, called Opsimo, on the left. The soil is of a deep red colour, and not reckoned very good: it is prepared for kalambokki. From hence to Mothoni the road lies through plantations of olives. The Menzil distance from Neokastro is exactly two hours. At one mile and a half short of the town, I leave the road and turn to the hill on the right to see an excavation in the rock, which, since it ceased to be a Hellenic sepulchre, has been a chapel or hermitage, as appears by the remains of some Greek paintings; it now serves for a sheepfold, though still known by the name of the saint to whom it was dedicated, Aio Onofrio, or St. Humphrey. Mothoni is situated on the extreme point of a rocky ridge, which stretches southward along the coast from the foot of Mount St. Nicholas. Off the outer end of the town is the little insulated rock, which Pausanias calls Mothon, and which he describes as forming at once a narrow entrance and a shelter to the harbour of his time: it is now occupied by a tower and lantern, which is connected by a bridge with the fortification of Mothoni. A mole branches from it, which runs parallel to the eastern wall of the town, and forms a harbour for small vessels. It seems to be exactly in the position of the ancient port, the entrance into which was probably where the bridge now stands. My lodging is in a kiosque, or Turkish casino, in the garden of the commandant, Mehmet Aga. This garden and several others mixed with corn-fields and olive plantations, embellish a small plain on the eastern side of the town, in the midst of which there is a fine well, constructed by the Venetians, and a bridge over a torrent now dry. The place is suffering much from the want of rain.

§ 1.430  April 29. — Visit Mehmet Aga and the town. Just within the land gate is the old Venetian piazza; in the midst of it stands the shaft of an ancient granite column about three feet in diameter and twelve feet high, with a barbarous base and capital, which appear to have been added by the Venetians when they fixed upon the top of it a figure of the Lion of St. Mark, the usual symbol of the Venetian Republic, and which the Turks of the Morea call “to aio skyli” “the sacred dog.” On one side of it I distinguish the following characters: COLL CCCCLXXXXIII HLICER HIC LGO SUPER on the opposite side these — R ORI FRANCISCI BR IIOSPICIT ALTA MARIS.
The date appears to have been 1493, and the last words of the inscription “prospicit alta maris.” The lion, however, did not keep a good look-out, for Mothoni was taken from the Venetians by Sultan Bayazid the Second, only six years afterwards. There are steps leading up to the pedestal of the column.
The town of Mothoni contains 400 Turkish families, living in poverty and idleness. Their chief traffic is in black slaves, whom they embark on the coast of Africa, and sell to the Musulmans of Greece. The fortifications are in a wretched state of repair, though in construction they are

§ 1.432  far more respectable than those of Neokastro; the land-front has a much higher profile, and there is a ditch intended to be wet and to communicate from sea to sea, but now dry and full of rubbish. Towards the sea both towers and walls are falling to ruin. Mothoni is one of those convenient and important situations which have always been occupied: and hence it is that we find no remains of Hellenic antiquity, the materials having been long since converted to the repair of modern dwellings and fortifications. Strabo and other authors write the name M.euoivby Pausanias it is written, as at present, Μοΰωνη. The difference is merely dialectic, and the present form was perhaps always in use in Messenia. Pausanias remarked here a temple and statue of Minerva Anemotis, founded, it was said, by Diomedes, because, upon his prayers, the goddess mitigated the violence of the winds which injured the district, and thenceforth, adds Pausanias, the winds have continued to be moderate. Standing upon a promontory open to a great expanse of sea in the direction of the prevailing breezes, Mothoni enjoys a temperate and salubrious climate, though I doubt not, that in spite of Minerva it is often

§ 1.433  exposed to furious gales in winter, and even in summer may have sometimes too much of the Etesian breezes. There was a temple of Diana at Methone, and a well of bituminous water, which Pausanias describes as similar to ointment of Cyzicus, both in smell and colour. I cannot learn any tidings of it.
The Greeks of Mothoni live in a suburb [βαρούσι: This word, of Sclavonic derivation, is applied in every part of European Turkey, to the Christian quarter of a Turkish town.] on the height to the northward of the fortress, where are about forty houses. The villages of the Kaza, in number forty-five, are entirely inhabited by Greeks. The oil of the Vilayeti amounts in good years to 4000 barrels for exportation, besides what is consumed in the district. A small quantity of silk is usually put on board a ship from Tunis, which takes annually about 2500 okes of the same commodity from Koroni, and 3000 from Nisi: there is generally also some exportation of wine and cotton, in the vessels of the place. The islands of Sapienza and Skhiza, anciently called Oenussae, are considered, like those of Prote and Sphacteria, valuable for the pasture which they afford to cattle and horses in the spring. Between Sapienza and Skhiza there is another smaller island, a fourth much smaller in the channel between Sapienza and the bay of Mothoni, and two or three others near the coast to the northward of the town.
I find here a person who calls himself Prince Joseph, but without adding to what family or nation he belongs. He has been several months in Jerusalem and other parts of Syria, and has now remained near a year at Mothoni, living in the house of Signor Rafaelli, the Consul of Ragusa; — without having visited any other part of the Morea. He attempts to speak Italian, but his language more resembles Latin, from which it seems probable that he is a Pole or Hungarian. He has spent a good deal of money, the greater part received for bills from poor Rafaelli, who will find, I suspect, that he has had the honour of entertaining an impostor.

§ 1.434  April 30. — At 6.15 I quit the Aga's kiosk, and passing through the gardens and corn-fields in the valley of Mothoni, ascend the hill on the eastern side of the valley: at 6.55 the little village of Deliklitzi is on the left. For some distance the olive plantations continue, but afterwards the road leads over barren hills, till at 7.47 we halt for two or three minutes in a cultivated valley, at the head of an inlet of the sea opposite the east end of Skhiza, which island is by the Italians called Capri, or Cabrera. The inlet seems to be the port Phoenicus of Pausanias. At 8 we cross a river flowing into it from the village of Lakanadha, or rather of the Lakanadhes, for there are two of the name. At 8.35, on the right, not far from the innermost part of the inlet above mentioned, are ruins of a small village, apparently of the date of the lower empire. On the sea-side there is a guard tower on a hill: from hence we ascend the barren mountain, which, northward, is connected with Temathia, now Lykodhemo, and in the other direction ends in Cape Acritas, now called Kavo Gallo. At 9.11 arrive at the little village of Grivi on the top of the mountain, where we halt ten minutes. It would seem from Thucydides, that all this mountain was anciently covered with wood, for it was to Asine, the first town in the Messeniac gulf after doubling Cape Acritas, that the Lacedaemonians sent for timber for their works at Pylus.
We soon begin to descend the mountain by a rocky road, and look down upon the forest of olives which surrounds Koroni to the distance of three miles. At 10.40 enter the cultivated country on the eastern side of the mountain at the village of Kadir-oglu which is surrounded with some fine cypress groves. Pass through olive grounds and corn fields, among which are

§ 1.436  two or three small villages built of sun-baked bricks, and at 11.35, after traversing the Varusi, or Greek suburb of Koroni, arrive at the house of Mustafa Bey on the sea-side; his harem is in the castle, where, likewise, his four nephews have a serai. Another large house near the sea is occupied by Isa Bassa, a rich Turk, who has also a house in the castle: besides these chiefs there are about 200 Turkish families in the fortress, and 130 Greek in the suburb. The French Consul-General Vial resides in the Varusi, and a French merchant of the name of Sauveur, who has been established here for forty years. There is besides an Imperial Vice-Consul, who acts also for Russia, and an agent for the Seven Islands; both natives of those islands. The Greek Varusi as well as the Turkish town in the castle is built of sun-baked bricks; the Turkish houses are in a state of ruin and desolation, but the fortress itself is in better repair and of a better construction than those of Neokastro and Mothoni. To the west, indeed, there is a hill called Purgo, which is only 200 yards distant from, and nearly on a level with, the ramparts: but it is well seen by a flanking gun on the south, which side of the castle slopes considerably to the south-east There is a dry ditch, but the only outwork is a wall on the crest of the counterscarp. A plan

§ 1.437  of the fortress is given by Coronelli, since whose time little alteration has been made.
The castle-hill is very steep on all sides, and seems to have been the acropolis of the ancient city, which occupied this site, and of which nothing is now left but some cisterns and remains of walls on the hill of Purgo, and on a low point called Livadhia, which projects from the eastern side of the castle 400 yards into the sea. It is rocky and impracticable to a landing, except in the finest weather; but there is a little space of sandy beach under the Varusi, on the north-west side of the castle, which often admits of an easy debarkation. There is another sandy beach, which extends for two miles along the shore on the south-west, but it is much exposed to a surf from the southward. The anchorage of Koroni is so very subject to this inconvenience, that vessels are frequently driven ashore; but as the bottom is in most parts a soft sand, they often escape without much damage.
In good years the export of oil from Koroni amounts to 15,000 barrels; but here, as elsewhere, the alternate crops of oil are generally deficient. There is little doubt that the failure is in great measure to be ascribed to the practice of beating down the fruit with long sticks, which strews the ground with almost as many

§ 1.438  fragments of young branches as fruit. Both the practice and its effects were well known to the ancients. The only other commodity exported from Koroni is the silk already mentioned. The grain grown in the district is barely sufficient for its consumption. The kaza contains seventy-five villages, the greater part of which are small, and dispersed among the olive plantations round the town. There is also a fertile valley between this place and Petalidhi, in which there are eight or ten villages, and a river called Kakorema. On the side of Mount Temathia stands Longa, one of the largest villages in the district of Koroni, and below it, near the sea on the southern side of the valley, Kastelia, a name which indicates an ancient site, and where, as I am informed, there are still some remains of antiquity, but of what age I cannot learn.
At Petalidhi several persons have described to me remains which seem clearly to be those of a Hellenic town, situated at a small distance from the shore of the harbour. Among them are said to be some fragments of columns; but the anchorage being considered the best on this side of the gulf, the ancient remains are much

§ 1.439  exposed to depredation, and the site is now said to consist of little more than ploughed fields.
A third position in which there are said to be remains of antiquity is Saratjaa village of the district of Koroni, situated on, or near, the coast about midway between Koroni and Cape Gallo.
In comparing the ancient and modern geography of Greece, it is seldom we can venture to reject the testimony of an identity of name, when there is neither proof nor probability of the place having ever been uninhabited. In the instance of Corone, however, it is impossible to refuse conviction to the concurrent testimony of Strabo and Pausanias, or to avoid the conclusion that Petalidhi, and not the modern Koroni, is the site of the ancient city of this name. The remarks of Strabo which bear upon the question are few and incidental; the description of the country by Pausanias is, as usual, much more detailed and methodical. The following extract contains every part of it that in any way relates to topography.
“From Messene to the mouth of the Pamisus there is a road of eighty stades in length. The Pamisus runs through the cultivated land with a clear stream, and is navigable to ships as far as ten stades from the sea: sea-fish ascend

§ 1.440  into it, chiefly in the spring. This occurs also in the Rhone and Maeander, and particularly in the Achelous, where this river enters the sea near the islands Echinades. But the fish which enter the Pamisus are such as are bred in pure water, and not those which delight iu muddy water, like that of the aforesaid rivers; the grey mullet for example, which is one of the muddy fishes and delights in turbid rivers. To the right of the Pamisus is the city Corone, situated near the sea, under the mountain Temathia: on the road thither, there is a place on the sea sided which is considered sacred to Ino, for they say she landed there from the sea, being already considered a goddess, and called Leucothea, instead of Ino. A little farther forward, the river Bias falls into the sea, so named, it is said, from the son of Amythaon. Twenty stades distant from the road is the fountain Plataniston, which flows from a large hollow

§ 1.441  plane tree, resembling a small cavern within, and supplies Corone with water for drinking. The ancient name of this city was Epeia; but when, by means of the Thebans, the Messenians were restored to Peloponnesus, it is said that Epimelides, who was sent to be the founder, called it Coroneia, because he was from Coroneia in Boeotia; that the Messenians were not in the beginning correct in the name, (calling it Corone instead of Coroneia) and that their error has been confirmed by time. But there is another story, concerning the nomination of the city, namely that those who were digging the foundations of the wall found a brazen crow. There is a temple in Corone of Diana Paedotrophus, and temples of Bacchus and of Aesculapius, which contain statues of the gods in stone. In the agora there is a brazen statue of Jupiter Soter, and in the acropolis, in the open air, a brazen statue of Minerva holding a crow in her hand. I saw also a monument of Epimelides. Why they call the harbour the port of the Achaeans I do not know. Eighty stades beyond Corone stands a temple of Apollo near the sea, much honoured by the Messenians, who assert that it is extremely ancient, and that the god,

§ 1.442  who is surnamed Corynthus, cures diseases. There is a wooden statue of Apollo Corynthus, and another in brass of Apollo Argeus, said to have been dedicated by those who sailed in the ship Argo. Colonides borders on Corone. The town stands upon a height at a short distance from the sea.” The natives affirm that they are not Messenians, but a colony brought from Attica by Colaenus, who, by command of the oracle, followed hither a lark, and that in process of time they adopted the Doric dialect and manners.
“The Asinaei in the beginning inhabited on the borders of the Lycoritae of Mount Parnassus, and were called from their founder Dryopes, which name they brought with them to the Peloponnesus. At first they inhabited Asine near Hermione; being ejected from thence by the Argives, they received a portion of Messenia from the Lacedaemonians. The Asinaei are the only people of the race of the Dryopes who take a pride in the name, and they have evidently made the most venerated of their sanctuaries in memory of those formerly established in Parnassus. Such are the temple of Apollo, and the sanctuary and ancient statue of Dryops, in whose honour they have a yearly ceremony,

§ 1.443  saying that he was the son of Apollo. The city, like the former Asine in Argolis, is situated upon the sea-side; there is a road of forty stades to it from Colonides, and another of the same distance from Asine to the place called Acritas, which projects into the sea, and has before it a desert island called Theganusa. Beyond Acritas is the port Phoenicus, and before it the islands Oenussae.”
In this passage all that relates to the Pamisus, the Bias, Cape Acritas, the islands Theganusa and Oenussae, seem to require no other comment than the map and the itinerary. The positions of Corone, Colonides, and Asine, are the only difficulty. As to the last, indeed, there wants only a confirmation of the existence of Hellenic remains at Saratza, to prove that place to be the site of Asine, since both Strabo and Pausanias represent Asine to have been the nearest town to Cape Acritas, now called Gallo, and the position of Saratza, at three geographical miles and a half in direct distance from that promontory, agrees perfectly with the forty stades of road distance which Pausanias indicates between Asine and Acritas. There would then remain only to be assigned the positions of Corone, the Coryntheium, and Colonides. The

§ 1.444  first, as I have already observed, notwithstanding the strong evidence of the name Koroni in a different position, appears to have been at Petalidhi; for Strabo and Pausanias concur in placing Corone towards the head of the Messeniae gulf and the mouth of the Pamisus; Strabo, by expressly asserting that the Pamisus joined the sea near Corone, in the middle of the gulf, Pausanias, by observing that Corone was situated to the right of the Pamisus. No person would think of giving such descriptions of the modern Koroni. Again, Pausanias describes Corone as situated under Mount Temathia. There is no other mountain that will answer to Temathia, than that which is now called Lykodhemo, and the highest summit of which rises from the coast a little to the southward of Petalidhi. It is prolonged southward in a gradually falling ridge till it terminates in Cape Acritas. The town of Koroni is not situated under any mountain, but stands on a promontory surrounded by a fertile plain, which is bounded on every side by the lower branches of the ridge already mentioned. The designation of “under Temathia” applies much better, therefore, to Petalidhi than to Koroni.
If Corone was at Petalidhi, the modern

§ 1.445  Koroni probably occupies the site of Colonides, its distance from Cape Gallo according with the eighty stades of road distance, which Pausanias has given between Colonides and Cape Acritas. The resemblance of the names, Colonides and Corone, may easily account for the substitution of the one for the other in the barbarous ages, which gave rise to the new nomenclature of Greece. Or it is not impossible that when the fertility of the surrounding plain, or the maritime commerce, or the security, or whatever else may have been the attractions of the modern Koroni, caused the greater part of the population of the western side of the Messeniae gulf to be there collected; either an attach ment to the name, which had formerly been that of the principal town, or a large proportion of emigrants from the ancient Corone may have induced the community to substitute the name of Corone for that of Colonides. We have other examples to shew that the modern Greeks have sometimes made a new and different local application of the ancient names of places. In the Morea, those of Arcadia of Achaea may be cited, and that of Mantineia at the head of the Thuriate gulf. In northern Greece, the name of Ambracia, which has been transferred from its former site to a place on the opposite side of the Gulf of Arta, is an example still more exactly in coincidence with what I suppose to have occurred in the case of Corone; in all these instances the names have probably been applied to new positions, by colonists from the old sites.
It will be a further consequence of placing Corone at Petalidhi, that the temple of Apollo Corynthus stood near Kastelia, the distance of this place from Petalidhi answering sufficiently to the eighty stades of Pausanias. His words, προς θαλάσση, would seem to place the Coryntheium nearer to the shore than Kastelia; the remains of antiquity therefore, which seem to have given rise to the latter name, may possibly be of Christian times. Pausanias has not indicated the distance between the Coryntheium and Colonides, but he appears to assign the Coryntheium to the Coronaea, and to place to the southward of that temple the boundary line between the districts of Corone and Colonides; and this accords exactly with the natural formation of the country, if the shore below Kastelia be assumed for the situation of the Coryntheium, for not far to the southward of this position a branch of Mount Temathia, advancing to the sea, separates the valleys of Kastelia and Koroni, and forms a very natural frontier to two adjacent districts.

§ 1.446  May 3. — A fatal dispute has just occurred between two Turks; one a janissary of the Septinsular Consul, the other a distributor of corn from the Bey's magazine. The Consul wished to transport some corn privately to Mani, where the distress has become still greater than when I was there, but where, according to the Messenians, money can generally be found when the occasion requires it. The janissary applied to the distributor, as if for himself: the distributor would not give the proportion he desired, on which the janissary abused the keeper of the magazine and beat his Greek servant. The affair was made up for the moment, but the relatives on both sides having interfered, a challenge ensued, and the two parties met yesterday evening at the castle-gate, when they came to blows with yataghans. The guardian of the Bey's corn, finding the adverse knives likely to prevail, drew a pistol from his girdle and shot the janissary, and before the affray ceased, the janissary's father also was mentally wounded, as well as one of the opposite party. The brother of the janissary immediately mounted his horse and rode to Petalidhi, with the intention of murdering the distributor's brother, but one of Mustafa Bey's nephews anticipated him by sending advice to the man at Petalidhi, who by that means escaped. On the return of

§ 1.448  the slain janissary's brother from Petalidhi this morning, he was forbidden to land, and sent by the Bey to conceal himself in Mani.
The Greeks give melancholy accounts of the atrocities of these janissaries of Koroni, who are gradually reducing to desolation the beautiful region of olives, vineyards, and gardens, which surround the town. Before the year 1770, there were four French mercantile houses here, who exported grain, oil, and silk, from this and the surrounding districts.
I sail over to Kalamata this afternoon in four hours: — a brisk imbat with intervals of calm. The classical traveller cannot be many days in Greece, without remarking numerous instances in which the present people retain both the customs of the earliest ages, and the modes of expressing them in language. But although every part of the history of Greece may occasionally be illustrated by existing customs [The Greek insurrection has furnished the most remarkable proofs of the identity of this people: scarcely a transaction has occurred, to which one does not find some parallel in Grecian history, and generally in that of the ruder districts or remoter ages of Greece.], it is observable that they more frequently coincide with the simplicity of archaic manners, than with those of the more civilized ages of

§ 1.449  Greece — a very natural effect of the recurrence of the nation to a sort of semi-barbarism, in which, though they cannot attain to the virtues nourished by liberty and independence, they have at least acquired some of those derived from adversity and the absence of luxury, and these have naturally been accompanied by the ruder and simpler manners of their distant ancestors. The wars of the Suliotes and other mountaineers, furnish many points of resemblance with those of the Messenians in the seventh and eighth centuries before the Christian aera. The navigation of a people so essentially maritime as the Greeks, naturally offers frequent instances of the preservation of ancient customs, but though a large proportion, both of words and things used in the res nautica, has always been the same, we do not derive much assistance in understanding the naval affairs of the meridian times of the history of Greece from its modern navigation, which, with the exception of the European improvements recently introduced in some of the islands, more closely resembles that of the most distant ages. The ευρεια σχεδιη or broad ship, built by Ulysses in the island of Calypso, seems to have been just such a boat as that in which I am now embarked, except that his had only one mast, and the latter has two. The fascines which

§ 1.450  envelop its gunwale, and so well protect it from the waves or from the danger of a sudden heel, are exactly described by Homer. But they have lost their ancient name ριπες, at least in this part of Greece, and are called καλαμωτάρια. They are now generally made of vine branches. [Thus translated by Pope: — “With yielding osiers fenced, to break the force Of surging waves.” Where the English poet, not having any word for ρίπες, the thing itself being unknown among us, changed it for an unmeaning epithet.]
I find a great difference between the temperature of Koroni and that of Kalamata, which is one of the hottest situations in the Morea, and I observe that when the imbat is fresh at Koroni, and towards the mouth of the gulf, it often does not reach the inner part: — in the middle of summer, the maestrale blows with great force in the afternoon, but coming across the heated mountains and plains, lying between the coast of Navarino and Kalamata, it is far less refreshing than the maestrale of Mothoni and the western coast.
My host, Kyr Elias, tells me, that one of the family of the Medici of Florence was formerly wrecked at Vitylo, and lived there for many years: that the descendants of this person assumed the name of Ιατριάνοι, by a translation

§ 1.451  of the word Medici, and that the family is still one of the principal in Vitylo, and commands 250 muskets. My informant is related to the family, though he does not bear the name. This is the reverse of the story of the Bonapartes of Corsica from the Καλομέροι of Vitylo, and perhaps has no better foundation.

§ 1.452  CHAPTER XI: MESSENIA. ARCADIA.
As Messenia, during three centuries, was erased from the map of Greece, if I may be allowed to use a modern phrase, which would be more appropriate if we could be assured that there ever existed a map of Greece until the present time, it is necessary, in endeavouring to trace the ancient geography of this province, to advert to the particular period of Messenian history to which it is to be applied, and to distinguish between the times before the Laconian conquest and those which followed the restoration of Messenian independence. This consideration may justify me in entering more historically into the subject of the topography of this, than of any other province of the Peloponnesus.
Of the seven cities which Agamemnon in the Iliad offers to Achilles, to induce him to return

§ 1.453  into the field, Pherae and Cardamyle alone preserved their Homeric names in the time of the Roman empire. Of the others the situation was open to dispute. Strabo says, that Ire was supposed by some persons to have stood between Andania and Megalopolis, by others to have been at Messola, in the gulf between Taygetum and Messenia. The latter description of the position of Ire applies exactly to the bay of Kitries, in the middle of which stood Abia, and it is in harmony therefore with the local tradition reported by Pausanias, namely, that Abia Stood on the site of Ire, and received its new name from the nurse of Hercules c. Enope, according to some opinions, was the same place as the Pelana of the time of Strabo, concerning the position of which there is nothing to guide us. Other persons placed Enope near Cardamyle, while others again, with whom Pausanias agreed, supposed it to have been the same place as Gerenia.
Thuria will answer either to Aepeia or to Antheia; to the former, by its lofty situation,

§ 1.454  to the latter, by the conformity of its meadows on the banks of the Aris with the epithet βαθυλείμων, which Homer applies to Antheia. The Thuriatae were attached to the latter hypothesis, the chief objection to which seems to to be, that there was no other lofty situation corresponding to the name Aepeia. Pausanias, however, does not hesitate in placing this Homeric site at Corone. Others, according to Strabo, considered Corone to have been the Homeric Pedasus, and Asine to have been Antheia. Strabo remarks that these cities must have been under the domination of Menelaus before the Trojan war; otherwise, he asks, how could Agamemnon have offered to give away places which neither belonged to himself nor his brother. It may be observed, however, that as these towns did not contribute to the Trojan armament, the Atreidae could hardly have had much influence over them. Nor were they under the authority of Nestor; for the Catalogue shews that when the Trojan expedition was assembled, his dominions were confined to the northern and western parts of Messenia, neither including Methone to the south, nor Oichalia to the eastward΄although there seems no doubt, from the words νεαται Πύλου ημαθεντος,

§ 1.455  applied by the poet to the seven cities, that they had all once formed a part of the kingdom of the Neleidae, and probably for a long space of time. The fact therefore seems to have been, that as these cities, at the time of the Trojan expedition, neither obeyed Nestor nor Menelaus, nor had thought proper to follow the fortunes of the Atridae, by contributing to the Trojan armament, Agamemnon had the less scruple in offering them to Achilles, whose power, added to that of Menelaus, they could not have any hopes of resisting, should they be so disposed.
Strabo and Pausanias differ with regard to the Homeric Oichalia; the former considered it to have been the same place as Andania; the latter to have occupied the site of the Carnasium of his time. The opinion of Pausanias having been founded upon an actual inspection of the places, added to a diligent study of all the monuments and ancient poetical documents which threw light on the early history of Messenia, is much more worthy of attention than that of Strabo, who, not having had an accurate knowledge of the county, may easily have confounded two places which were only a mile asunder. Andania, according to Pausanias, was

§ 1.456  the first Messenian capital: it was founded by Polycaon, the son of Lelex, and husband of Messene, and it continued to be the residence of five generations of his successors, as well as that of Perieres, son of Aeolus, the founder of a new dynasty. This sovereign having rewarded the services of Melaneus, a man renowned for his skill in archery, and hence called the son of Apollo, with a grant of land near Andania, Melaneus there founded a town to which he gave the name of his wife, Oichalia. Eurytus, whose memory was long venerated by the Messenians, succeeded his father, Melaneus, in the possession of this part of Messenia; he seems to be the same person mentioned by Homer, in alluding to the death of Thamyris at Dorium though the poet designates that person as the son of Oichaleus.
Meantime, Aphareus, son of Perieres, who had bestowed Pylus upon Neleus, a fugitive to Messenia from Iolcus, founded, for his own family, Arene, which, as we have already seen, was probably the Samicum of the time of the Roman empire, or the modern Khaiaffa. On the death of the two sons of Aphareus, Nestor became the sovereign of Messenia, and Pylus

§ 1.457  consequently succeeded to Arene, as the royal residence.
We are told by Strabo, upon the authority of Ephorus that one of the first acts of the Heracleidae, upon entering into possession of the conquered provinces of the Peloponnesus, was to form a new subdivision of each of them; and that while Eurysthenes and Procles divided Laconia into six parts, Cresphontes partitioned Messenia into five, the chief places of which appear from Strabo and from Stephanus, who probably followed Strabo, to have been named Stenyclerus, Pylus, Rhium, Messola, and Hyameia. Cresphontes made Stenyclerus the royal residence, and built a palace there for the use of himself and his successors. The establishment of the other four cities was connected with a benevolent design entertained by Cresphontes, of amalgamating his Doric colonists with the Messenians, and of granting to the conquered people the same privileges enjoyed by his own followers; having probably been induced to this policy, which differed from that of the Heracleidae occupants Laconia, by the circumstance that none of the Messenians had migrated from their country on this occasion, as the Achaeans had done from Laconia. Finding,

§ 1.458  however, that his Dorians were adverse to the project, he collected them all in Stenyclerus, and declared it the only city in Messenia. But these concessions appear to have been insufficient, for we are told by Pausanias that Cresphontes and all his sons, except Aepytus, lost their lives by a conspiracy of the great proprietors, who were offended at his shewing too much favour to the people. Aepytus was then very young, and was living with his father-in-law Cypselus, king of Arcadia. He was afterwards restored to his kingdom by the aid of the Arcadians and some chiefs of Doric race, after which the Aepytidae continued to reign in Stenyclerus to the sixth generation from Aepytus, when the first Messenian war with Sparta began. Each of the Aepytidae is noticed by Pausanias for the introduction of some new religious worship into Messenia, with the exception of Dotadas, son of Isthmius, who, more intent, apparently, upon political than religious affairs, added Mothone to the other naval arsenals or harbours of Messenia.
Of the five divisions of Messenia just enumerated, Stenyclerus probably contained all the upper Messenian plain above the ridge of Skala, together with the surrounding hills. The city

§ 1.459  itself we may suppose to have occupied some position in the plain, between the site of Oichalia and Skala. Messola still preserved its name in the time of Strabo and was situated, as I have already remarked, near the coast lying between Cape Kurtissa and Kalamata. Rhium also was near the interior part of the Messeniac gulf, for thus undoubtedly we must interpret the Θουριατης κόλπος, or Thuriate gulf, in which Strabo says that Rhium was situated; the outer part of the same great gulf having, according to the geographer, been called Messeniac, or Asinaean b. He adds, that Rhium was απεναντιον Ταιναρου, other MSS. have Τενεδου and Ταινεδου — perhaps Tαϋγετου is the right word; for as to Taenarum, no place on the western coast, except the vicinity of Cape Acritas, not even the modern Koroni, is in sight from Taenarum. Upon the whole, therefore, it seems probable that Messola and Rhium shared between them all the Messenian plain below the ridge of Skala, from the borders of Laconia to Mount Temathia, the Pamisus perhaps forming the boundary between them. Pylus, it may be supposed, occupied all the south-western extremity of Messenia, and Hyameia all the

§ 1.460  northwestern part, as far north along the western coast as Messenia then extended. Its limits, undoubtedly, were not then by any means so extensive in that direction, as the Pylian kingdom under the Neleidae had been, when the Alpheius washed their territory on either bank, for the Eleians were now in possession of Olympia, and a Doric dynasty reigned over the Eleia and Pisatis. After the first Messenian war, at the same time that the Lacedaemonians gave Asine to the Asinaei of Argolis, Hyameia was bestowed upon the posterity of Androcles, one of the Aepytidae who had been slain in a contest with his brother Antiochus, and whose family had fled to Sparta. The Androclidae, notwithstanding, joined the Messenians in the second war, and two of them were slain in the principal action of that war, called the Battle at the Great Dike.
For the history of the Messenian wars with Sparta, which form one of the most interesting chapters in Grecian history, we are indebted almost exclusively to Pausanias. Although compiled by an author who lived eight centuries after the events, from the materials of other writers who lived four centuries after them, the narrative has a greater semblance of

§ 1.461  authenticity than many parts of the history of Greece much more recent. From the prose composition of Myron of Priene, Pausanias derived the history of the first war; from the poem of Rhianus; all the remaining transactions, and the better taste of the time of his authorities seems to have diffused itself over his text. The only coetaneous author whose works he could have consulted, but from which he could have derived only a few leading facts, was Tyrtaeus, an Athenian poet and schoolmaster, who resided at Sparta during the second war, and who was said to have been present at the battle of the Great Dike.
The Lacedaemonians had felt the full effects of the institutions of Lycurgus, in forming a military people formidable to all their neighbours, when the affray at Limnae, differently related by the two parties, but certainly involving the death of Teleclus, king of Sparta, furnished a pretext, although not until after the interval of another generation, for the first Messenian war, which began in the second year of the 9th Olympiad, B.C. 743. An expedition was prepared at Sparta with the greatest secrecy; Ampheia was taken by surprise, and the people massacred in their beds, or at the altars of the gods.

§ 1.462  This fortress stood upon a lofty hill, abounding in springs, near the confines of Laconia. It appears to have been not far from the route leading from the northern part of the Peloponnesus into Messenia; for when the Messenians, at a later period of the war, had retired into Ithome, and, finding themselves much distressed, sent Tisis to consult the oracle at Delphi, he was attacked on his return by a part of the Lacedaemonian garrison of Ampheia, and narrowly escaped being taken or slain. As the great route into Messenia on this side must, from the nature of the country, have always led through the pass now called the Derveni of Mount Makryplai, there is a great probability that Ampheia was the Hellenic ruin, now called the Castle of Xuria, which is situated on that mountain, two or three miles to the southward of the pass.
The three years which followed the taking of Ampheia were employed by the king of Messenia, Euphaes, son of Antiochus, in exercising his forces, and in laying waste the parts of Laconia towards Mount Taygetum and the seacoast; while the Lacedaemonians made on their part some fruitless attempts on the Messenian towns. In the fourth year, Euphaes, having drawn out his army on the frontier, was met by

§ 1.463  the Lacedaemonians, as soon as they had advice of the movement from their garrison at Ampheia. The king of Messenia, however, had no intention to hazard a general action, for he brought with him a great number of servants, with materials for intrenching, and drew up his hoplitae behind a deep ravine, which prevented any conflict between the heavy-armed; and after a day passed in an equal combat between the cavalry and light-armed of either party, he intrenched his position, both in the flanks and rear. The Lacedaemonians, not thinking it prudent to attack under such circumstances, returned home. As the parties on this occasion seem to have advanced respectively from Stenyclerus and Ampheia, it seems evident that the χαραδρα, or torrent, at which they encountered, was the same as the river Charadrus, which flowed by Oichalia, which joins the Balyra or modern Vasiliko, near the bridge of Mavrozumeno, not far from the foot of Mount Ithome, and which lay exactly between the sites of Stenyclerus and Ampheia.
In the ensuing year the Lacedaemonians commanded by both their kings, and, assisted by the Asinaei, the Dryopes, and a body of mercenary Cretan archers, entered Messenia, and a battle ensued, which, notwithstanding the

§ 1.464  superiority of the Lacedaemonians both in the number and quality of their force, ended with such a doubtful result, that neither party erected a trophy. It was almost entirely a combat of hoplitae, and consequently the more destructive. The light-armed were inactive, and of cavalry there were very few engaged either in this or any of the other general actions of the Messenian wars; the Peloponnesians, as Pausanias remarks, having as yet made little progress in the equestrian branch of the art of war. The scene of action appears to have been in the same part of the frontier as on the former occasion Although this event was in the highest degree glorious to the Messenians, it led to nothing but disaster: each year produced a diminution in their warlike resources of every kind, the country from which they drew their subsistence was reduced to a smaller compass, their ranks were thinned, their slaves deserted, and these difficulties having been greatly increased by the effects of the last battle, they found themselves at length under the necessity of abandoning all the inland towns, and of retiring into Ithome. Eight years afterwards, in the thirteenth year of the war, the enemy led an army against Ithome, but they were repulsed in a battle in which Euphaes was mortally wounded. In the eighteenth year another action took place at

§ 1.465  the foot of Mount Ithome, wherein the allies on both sides were engaged, namely, the Corinthians for the Lacedaemonians, and the Argives, Arcadians, and Sicyonii for the Messenians. The Messenians were completely victorious, but it was a victory which led almost as surely to their ruin, as a defeat could have done. So hopeless did affairs appear to Aristodemus the king, that he soon afterwards slew himself in despair; and at length the Messenian commanders, in the twentieth year of the war, being closely blockaded in Ithome, and almost famished, abandoned the place which was immediately destroyed by the victorious enemy. The people then either dispersed themselves through the territories of their allies, or submitted to the hard condition of carrying half the yearly produce of their soil to Sparta. But this was a burthen too heavy to be long borne. Forty years after the capture and destruction of Ithome, the second Messenian war, or, as Polybius calls it, the Aristomeneian war, began by a revolt chiefly set on foot by the young men of Andania, and headed by Aristomenes, whose wonderful efforts of ingenuity and activity in annoying or eluding his adversaries

§ 1.466  were the principal theme of the poem of Rhianus, of which he was the hero, like Achilles in the Iliad. One of the first exploits of Aristomenes, and which was intended to impress the Spartans with an early terror of his name, was to penetrate into the temple of Minerva Chalcioecus, in the acropolis of Sparta, and to suspend there a shield, inscribed as a dedication to the goddess from the spoils of the Lacedaemonians. His subsequent expeditions, while the Messenians remained in possession of Stenyclerus and Andania, were to Pharis, in the plain of Sparta, to Caryae, not far from the borders of the Tegeatis, and to Aegila, on the shore of the Laconic Gulf, at all which places suddenly appearing, he collected spoil and made prisoners, whom he afterwards released for a ransom. In his retreat from Pharis he was wounded, at Aegila he was taken, but escaped the same night.
At the opening of the Aristomeneian war, the other neighbours of Laconia, alarmed at the growing power of Sparta, came forward to the assistance of Messenia, and formed a powerful alliance against her enemy. In the first action of the war, however, there were no auxiliaries present on either side; it was fought, in the first

§ 1.467  year after the revolt, at Derae in Messenia, a place of which the situation is quite uncertain.
In the following year there was a general action in the plain of Stenyclerus, at a place called Caprusema, or “the monument of the boar.” The Eleians were here united with the Messenians, as well as the Arcadians, Argives, and Sicyonii. The Lacedaemonians and Corinthians were completely defeated. The third and last battle of the second Messenian war occurred in the third year, at a place called the great dike. The only allies of Messenia present were the Arcadians. Andania being at that time the chief town and strong hold of the Messenians, it is probable that the taphros was not far from that place. In consequence of the treachery of Aristocrates, king of Arcadia, who had been bribed by the Lacedaemonians, and who drew off his troops in the middle of the action, the Messenians were entirely defeated, and compelled in consequence to abandon Andania, and to retreat to Mount Eira. Here they were blockaded for eleven years, during which Aristomenes, at the head of a chosen band of 300, frequently repeated his adventurous expeditions into Laconia and Messenia, both which provinces he now considered equally hostile. On one occasion he penetrated to Amyclae, and

§ 1.468  on another surprised and destroyed a body of Corinthian auxiliaries on their march. Twice he was made prisoner, and escaped; in one instance, from some Cretan archers, who surprised him during a truce, the second time out of the Ceadas, or prison, of Sparta itself. In short, so completely did Aristomenes succeed in appropriating the produce of the enemy's country to the support of Eira, that at length a dearth of corn, and a consequent insurrection took place in Sparta. The treachery of the king of Arcadia, of which Aristomenes was yet ignorant, still continued, however, to counteract his exertions, and at length, at the end of eleven years, Eira was surprised by the enemy while Aristomenes was suffering under the effects of a wound. He nevertheless fought his way through the besiegers, and retired to Mount Lycaeum, where he was met by a body of Arcadians coming to his assistance. As soon as the Arcadians detected the conduct of Aristocrates, they stoned him to death, destroyed all his family, and abolished the regal government. But the mischief which he had caused was irreparable.
The data furnished by Pausanias for discovering the position of Eira, are the following. It was on, or below, a mountain of the same name, and so near the Neda, that the women of

§ 1.469  Eira, who dwelt without the walls, were in the habit of drawing water from the river. After the defeat at the great foss, the Delphic oracle predicted to Aristomenes and his prophet Theoclus, that Messene (i.e. Eira) would fall when a goat should drink of the Neda. It became an object, therefore, with the Messenians in Eira to prevent their goats from drinking out of the Neda. But τράγος, the word used by the oracle, signified, in the Messenian dialect, a wild fig-tree as well as a goat; and Theoclus having found a wild fig-tree below Eira, with the extremities of its branches in the river, considered the oracle as accomplished. This he communicated to Aristomenes, who soon afterwards fought his way, as just stated, through the besiegers, and retired to Mount Lycaeum.
It seems also that Eira was at no great distance from the sea, and consequently from the mouth of the Neda, for the Messenians in Eira were in the habit of receiving supplies from Cephallenian merchants, and they maintained a communication with their friends in Pylus and Methone, two Messenian fortresses which still held out against the enemy. As the Neda, moreover, had its origin in Mount Lycaeum, flowing first, as Pausanias describes it, through Arcadia, and then winding towards Messenia, it could only

§ 1.470  have been in the lower part of its course that it touched or traversed the Messenian boundary. It would seem, therefore, that Mount Eira was that ridge of hills lying between the Neda and the valley of Arkadhia (Cyparissia), which ends towards the sea in a projecting hill, where the Aulon of Pausanias was situated, not far southward of the mouth of the Neda, and that the fortress of Eira must have been in some defensible point of the mountain adjacent to the left bank of the Neda, in the lower part of its course. Here, driven out of the rest of their country, the Messenians occupied a position distant from the Laconic frontiers, closely bordering upon the friendly provinces of Elis and Arcadia, open to a retreat to Mount Lycaeum, and easily communicating with the sea, and by that means with Pylus and Methone. With the inhabitants of these two places a large proportion of the Messenians united, after the abandonment of Eira, and emigrated to Rhegium. [Pausanias supposed that these Messenians occupied Zancle, and gave it the name of Messana; but Herodotus and Thucydides ascribe the change of name to a period 160 years later, when Zancle was occupied by the Messenians of Rhegium. That the latter is the correct history, has been proved from the coins of Messana, by Mr. Millingen. — Transactions of the Royal Society of Literature, Vol I. part 2. p. 93.] Two centuries after the fall of Eira, and thirty-four years

§ 1.471  before the beginning of the Peloponnesian war, the Helotes, a name then comprising the Messenians, took advantage of the confusion into which Sparta was thrown by an earthquake. Ithome was seized by the revolters, and so unskilled were the Lacedaemonians in sieges, that it was held by the Messenians against every effort of their adversaries for ten years, at the end of which time they were allowed to retire with their families, and were settled by the Athenians in Naupactus. They were very useful auxiliaries to their benefactors during the greater part of the Peloponnesian war, on which account, as well as from ancient hatred, they were expelled from Naupactus when the Lacedaemonians attained the ascendancy in Greece in consequence of the battle of Aegospotami. Some then went to join their brethren in Sicily, others to found a colony in Libya.
Thucydidesa, in relating the Helote insurrection, which has sometimes been called the third Messenian war, speaks of the Thuriatae and Aetheenses, as Messenian people in the neighbourhood of Ithome. The latter of these two are not mentioned by any other author. I should conjecture that they occupied the valleys watered by the branches of the Bias to the south-westward of the modern Andrussa, which

§ 1.472  may possibly stand on the site of Aetheum; this district being at about the same distance from Ithome as Thuria is in the opposite direction, and none of the other places mentioned in history being near this region, of which the natural advantages must have always made it an important member of the Messenian state. It was not until three centuries after the capture of Eira that the independence of Messenia was restored, in consequence of the defeat of the Lacedaemonians by the Boeotians at Leuctra, when the new city of Messene was founded. From this time the Messenians again took their station among the independent states of Greece, until the whole country fell under the power of Rome.
The Lacedaemonians, during the long period in which they kept Messenia in a state of vassalage, had, according to a common practice of conquerors, destroyed all the fortresses, except such as were necessary for a few garrisons of their own; and hence it happens that, with the exception of Andania, where are some vestiges rather than ruins of the massive works which once defended that site, there are not to be found, in Messenia, any of those remains of fortresses of a remote age, such as Arcadia, Boeotia, Phocis, and many other parts of Greece still preserve in abundance, nor any Hellenic walls of an earlier date than the foundation of Messene. The same observation will apply to Laconia, the inhabitants of which were, in geeral, kept by the Spartans in nearly the same state of vassalage as the Messenians themselves. We know, moreover, that it was in the spirit of the Spartan system, in its best times, to despise fortresses and to rely entirely for the defence of the country on discipline and valour in the field.
Epaminondas wisely perceived that there was no effectual mode of curbing the Spartans, but by giving strength and union to the neighbouring states. He collected together, therefore, the scattered and half decayed communities of Arcadia, as well as the fugitives and oppressed residents of Messenia, and founded for each province a city, the independence of which he endeavoured to secure by the strength of its fortifications; and hence the pains bestowed upon those defences of Messene, which Pausanias compares to the walls of Babylon and Rhodes.

§ 1.473  May 5. — Desirous of examining the pass of Mount Taygetum, which formed the ordinary communication between Laconia and Messenia I intended to cross from Kalamata to Mistra, by the mountain road through Kutzova. There was some difficulty on account of the robbers who only two months ago descended into the plain of Kalamata and committed some depredations, but Kyr Elias had undertaken to send for mules and an escort from one of the mountain villages, with which the thieves are on friendly terms. It happened unfortunately, however, that only three days ago Captain George Kolokotroni himself, with a large body of his followers, made his appearance in the hollow at the back of the gardens of the Kalyvia of Kalamata, and carried away five or six persons. The Albanians, who have lately been sent here to the number of forty by the Pasha, sallied out and came to action with the thieves near the monastery of St. Elias, and wounded one or two: they made off however with their prizes, and are now at Kutzova. My janissary, Amus, proposes to conduct me over the mountain, by the assistance of his friend Captain Andonaki, of Longastra, who, he thinks, would send one or two of his sons hither as a security; but the primates of Kalamata having lately complained to the Pasha of the insufficiency of the force sent to oppose the robbers, they are afraid, if I should cross in safety the very mountain in which the robbers are said to reside, that the Pasha will look upon their representation as false. There is little doubt that the thieves themselves would undertake to conduct us in safety for a stipulated sum, and

§ 1.475  might be trusted; but my host, the Hodja-bashi, is terribly alarmed at this proposal, and says he shall certainly lose his head if it succeeds. I am obliged, therefore, to alter the plan of my tour.
For some time past, the robbers have occupied the mountains extending from the summits of Taygetum to those of Lycaeum; they were on the Makryplai, as I am informed, on the day I crossed it [March 5th] which certainly agrees with what the Dervendji told me. They afterwards retired to Bardhunia, where they were well received by Amus Aga, and now, it seems, have resumed their former haunts around Ghiorghitza. Amus, since I saw him, has threatened to burn Mistra, unless the inhabitants pay him twenty purses. He came not long ago to Tripolitza, and having propitiated the Pasha by some handsome presents, was well received by him. Hassan, the new Voivoda of Mistra, has written a spirited remonstrance to the Pasha upon the encouragement he gives to the Bardhuniotes. Since I left Mani, Seremet Bey, the Turkish Admiral, has exacted from the Vityliotes five piastres a house, and obliged them to give hostages for their future good behaviour. They had neglected to obey his mandates for their share of the tribute. Similar securities have been received by the Admiral from Tzanet Bey, whose son,

§ 1.476  George, is now a hostage, together with a grandson of Tzanet, a son of Peter the Bey-Zaade. Captain Khristea has not only been obliged to give up his son, but a famous piece of ordnance with which he used to batter his enemy's towers. Seremet is now repairing, in Port Vitylo, some damage which his corvette suffered in the gale of the 23d; he was obliged to cut away the masts, which did not save her from being driven ashore.
The Sunday's fair, this morning, is not so well attended as usual, because, being the feast of St. George, all those who can afford it make a point of killing their best lambs, and passing the day in feasting and idleness. At Constantinople, it is contrary to order to kill lambs before St. George's day, and hence the Moreites boast of keeping Easter in a superior style to the Polites, or Constantinopolitans.
I set out from Kalamata at 12.05; at 12.53, arrive at the spot where the road to Kutzukumani and Andrussa turns off to the left: Nisi remains two or three miles on the left of that road, in the lowest and most swampy part of the plain, where the land is intersected with many canals. It is said to be unhealthy in the summer, and there is no good drinking water in that season. At 1.20 we cross the torrent which divides the villages of Kamari and Fritzala.

§ 1.477  At 1.53 pass close to the Palea Lutra. At 2.10 arrive at a bridge over the Pidhima, which is in the direct road to Skala, and above the place where I forded it on the 22d April. Here, sending on the baggage to Skala, I turn to the right under the mountain, and arrive at Pidhima at 2.23. This little village is close to the sources of the Aris on the south; it contains about ten houses, just at the foot of the steep rocky mountain, where are some remains of a castle, of the middle ages, on the summit of the cliffs. The sources are very copious, issuing in fifteen or twenty rills from under the mountain; they immediately turn a mill, and a hundred yards below form a large stream; the mill belongs to the Mukata of the Emlatika. There are the ruins of three or four other mills.
Leaving these springs at 2.40, I proceed over an uncultivated part of the plain, which is covered with wild lavender, bearing a most luxuriant quantity of blossom; and soon fall into the Londari road. At 3.22 arrive at the Derveni-house, and ruined chapel of Aio Floro. The sources here are as plentiful as those at Pidhima, but not more so; there are some fine plane trees at the very spot where the waters issue from under the mountain. A little beyond the springs there is a small pond; this gives rise to a stream which joins the river collected from the other sources, and not far beyond it there are several other ponds of the same kind, the issue of springs from the mountain. A large marsh is formed by these waters at no great distance in the plain, among which there are probably other subterraneous sources. The river formed from them runs s.s.w., and joins the Mavrozumeno two miles below, in the middle of the plain. All these ponds and springs are undoubtedly the true sources of the Pamisus.
We soon begin to ascend the ridge of low hills, which divides the plain of the Pamisus from that of Stenyclerus. This ridge crosses from Mount Makryplai directly towards Ithome, and is separated from the foot of that mountain only by the narrow vale of the Mavrozumeno, which river skirts also the foot of Mount Evan. Skala is situated on the summit of this low transverse ridge on the side towards Makryplai. It contains, about fifty houses, and has a few mulberry grounds about it: I arrive there at 4.05, and proceed to the house of Kyr Pulo, for whom I brought a letter from Kyr Elias, of Kalamata. Pulo has a pyrgo, and another building, with two small rooms near it, which he gives up to me. Skala belongs to the Andrussa Kazasi, but is one of the Emlatika.

§ 1.478  May 6. — The ruins called Elliniko-Kastro, which I have already described, are well seen from Skala. The walls are ruined, and there remain only some of the great wrought blocks lying on the ground, and marking the direction of the walls. The site corresponds exactly with that of Andania, as indicated by Pausanias and Livy. Quitting Skala at 5.40, we descend the ridge into the plain of Stenyclerus. As we advance, I observe that the plain retires to the eastward, and forms a considerable bay among the hills. On the southern side of it there is a projection of the mountain, and an insulated height near its extremity, which seems a probable site for Stenyclerus. Our route now crosses the plain in the direction of Mount Ithome: at 6.25 the little village of Ziza is on a height to the left; at 6.43 we arrive at the bridge called Mavrozumeno b. The annexed sketch will shew the plan of this singular work, which was built by the ancients for the purpose of crossing the Balyra and Amphitus just above their junction, and not far below the union of the latter with the Leucasia. The same point forms the meeting of the three roads from Kokhla, Mavromati, and Skala, or, in other words, from Arkadhia, Andrussa, and Kalamata, and anciently from Cyparissiae, Messene, and Thuria.

§ 1.480  [sketch of bridge] The dotted line in the plan expresses the modern part of the bridge: the strong lines the ancient work. But of the latter, there are only foundations, with the exception of the spur C, which is entire. The upper parts of the piers and the three paved causeways are modern. The causeway A B is twenty-four paces in length. The ancient masonry is of the same regular kind as that of Messene, and is probably of the same date.
The distance of this bridge from the Megalopolitan gate of Messene, agrees very well with the thirty stades, which Pausanias assigns as the interval between that gate and the Balyra;

§ 1.481  and this coincidence, added to his remark, which immediately follows, namely, that the Leucasia and Amphitus there fall into the Balyra, leaves no doubt that the bridge is precisely the point to which Pausanias proceeds from the gate, and beyond which he places the Stenycleric plain.
Of the two rivers which unite at the bridge, that which is formed by the union of the Leucasia, Amphitus, and Charadrus is the larger; it is very turbid, and is eight or nine feet deep; its principal branch comes from the ruins of Andania, and has its rise near Krano on the Makryplai ridge. I have no better reason for applying to it the name of Amphitus, and that of Leucasia to the branch which is formed from the united torrents of Agrilovuni and Dhiavolitza, than the order of names as they occur in Pausanias. That the Charadrus was to the southward of the river of Andania, I think can hardly be doubted, as well from the nature of the torrent, as because Pausanias, after having proceeded from the Megalopolitan gate of Messene eastward, across the Stenycleric plain, describes Andania as being to the left of Carnasium, which was on the bank of the Charadrus. The Balyra above the junction of the Amphitus, is now called Vasiliko; below the bridge the name of Mavrozumeno prevails.

§ 1.482  The Vasiliko is bright and rapid, and more considerable than the other in summer, though now only five or six feet deep. It is composed of several tributaries from the hills in the forest of Kokhla; of these the ancient names of the two principal streams are tolerably well identified by the order of the names in Pausanias, who, going from Andania to Cyparissia, first mentions the Electra, and then the Coeus. After the junction of the Balyra with the Pamisus, the united river is now usually called the Mega, or Great Rivera, or the river of Nisi.
While I stop at the bridge, our baggage proceeds, and halts five minutes afterwards at Alituri, on a height not far from the foot of Mount Ithome. This part of the plain consists chiefly of pasture, in which I see some herds of buffaloes. I breakfast on milk and fresh butter at a mandhra, and then proceed to Konstantinus, where we arrive at 8.20, having lost thirty-five minutes in the two halts. This is a village of 100 families, hid among some rocky heights projecting from the falls of Mount Tetrazi. After having crossed these heights, and descended into a small plain, called the Boghaz, which branches from the upper plain of Messene to the north-west, we leave, at 8.48, the village

§ 1.483  of Agrilovuni, containing about thirty houses, three quarters of a mile to the right, and that of Dliiavolitza two miles in the same direction, both of them at the foot of Mount Tetrazi. At 9 pass a fine fountain. A little torrent shaded with planes runs along the middle of the Boghaz: it comes from a ravine in the mountain to the left of our route, and after joining another stream from Dhiavolitza, unites with the Djamitiko, or river of Ellinikokastro, near the bridge of Mavrozumeno. The Boghaz narrows as we advance. Towards the end are great numbers of the agnus castus, here called Λιλια. The road now leaves the small village of Gharantza one mile on the right, situated behind a remarkable rock, on the summit of which stands a ruined castle of Byzantine times.
At 10 we make our midway halt at a fine source of water on the ascent of the mountain. My saddle-bags furnish nothing but bread, but the spring supplies some good water-cresses. Proceeding at 10.50, we arrive at 11.40 on the summit of this pass of the Lycaean ridge, where stands Dhimandra. This little village has been ruined by the robbers or their opponents, and the inhabitants are now lodged

§ 1.484  in wicker huts covered with a black stuff made of goat's hair. On the right there is a high summit, between us and Tetrazi, on the left is seen the valley and forest of Kokhla, the plain of Sulima, and the village of Klisura.
The plain of Sulima, I have little doubt, is the district of the Homeric Dorium, as well from Pausanias, in a passage which I have already cited, as from Strabo, who informs us, that, according to some opinions, Dorium stood on the site of a place called in his time Olurus, which was situated in the Aulon of Messenia b; whence it would seem that Strabo understood by Aulon the whole valley of Kokhla, of which indeed the word Aulon, in its ordinary acceptation, was exactly descriptive. Xenophon, also, in describing King Agis as having marched from Sparta through Aulon of Messenia and the Lepreatis, appears to refer to Aulon in the same sense as Strabo. Pausanias, however, as we have already seen, describes Aulon as a particular spot in the Klidhi, or maritime pass between the rivers Buzi and Arkadhia. The difference of time will fully justify the supposition of a change in the acceptation of the word,

§ 1.485  especially as both situations were in the natural communication between the Messenia and the Eleia. Homer mentions three other towns in this part of the country, besides Dorium. Of these Elos seems to be the same as the Elaeum of Rhianus; possibly it stood above the site of Dorium, towards the Neda, for exactly in that position we find that Pausanias places a Mount Elaium, thirty stades to the southward of Phigaleia. The two remaining Homeric towns, Amphigeneia and Pteleum, were, according to Strabo, the former at Hypsoeis in the Macistia, where in his time stood a temple of Latona, the other at an uninhabited woody place called Pteleasimum.
The rain begins to fall at Dhimandra, and our descent from thence through the forest which covers the northern side of the mountain is very slow; the road being extremely rugged, and our poor horses, which had returned to Kalamata from a journey to Londari only the day before yesterday, almost incapable of proceeding. At 12.25 we pass a little village called Djirdje on the side of the mountain. There are on one side of it a few corn-fields around it, and a small stream running down into the Buzi (Neda).

§ 1.486  At 2 we arrive at a brow of the mountain overlooking that river. On the right the deep ravine of the river is seen for three miles. Half way up, the stream splits into two branches, the southernmost proceeding exactly from the foot of Mount Tetrazi, the other from a part of the same great ridge between Tetrazi and the Karyatiko, or hill of Karyes: above the fork of the two branches rises a height which has the appearance of an ancient site, and would be well suited to the strong-hold of a people resisting to extremity against superior forces: but there is no indication in history of any ancient place in this position. Eira was in Messenia, whereas this place lying between Mount Lycaeum and Phigaleia, both of which were in Arcadia, must have belonged to that province. It appears, indeed, from Pausanias, that the Phigalenses possessed both banks of the river. Eira, therefore, must have been below the Phigaleian district, under the side of the mountain on which now stands Sidherokastro and Marmaro. One can hardly expect to find any remains of a place which seems to have been only an occasional occupation at a very remote period of history.
The mountains bordering on the Neda and its branches are steep and lofty on both sides. To the right of the southern branch of the river, on the mountain side, is Marina, to the

§ 1.487  left Kakaletri, with a considerable tract of cultivated land around it, immediately at the foot of Mount Tetrazi. Leaving above us the small village of Mavromati, we descend, at 2.20, to the Neda, which we find difficult to pass on account of the steepness of the banks, the rapidity of the stream, and the great number of large round stones in the bed. On the right bank I take shelter for a quarter of an hour in the tent of a shepherd of Marina, who has brought his flocks here to feed on a little grassy spot on the river side. The town-Greeks of the Morea give the name of Vlakhi to all shepherds who in the winter leave their mountain abodes in search of pasture and of warmer situations; but it is a misnomer, for no real Vlakhi ever bring their flocks into the peninsula, nor is the Wallachian language ever heard here. The word, however, has very naturally been brought into use by the great number of Vlakhiote shepherds in northern Greece.
The man with whom we take shelter has his wife and children, and his sons' wives and all their children, to the number of twelve or fifteen, in the tent. Milk and misithra is their only food: ie we have milk in plenty,” they tell me, “but no bread.” Such is the life of a modern Arcadian shepherd, who has almost reverted to the balanephagous state of his primitive ancestors.

§ 1.488  The children, however, all look healthy, and are handsome, having large black eyes and regular features, with very dark complexions.
On leaving the Mandhra we almost immediately cross a large rapid branch of the Neda, flowing from the northward through a rocky ravine shaded with fine planes; — then ascend obliquely the mountain overhanging the right bank of this stream, and having mounted slowly to the same height as the opposite village of Mavromati, turn to the north along the side of the mountain to the little village Tragoi, or Dhragoi, romantically situated on the side of a mountain, which is separated by a deep glen to the westward from an opposite hill, on the face of which is another hamlet of the same size, called Puikadhes. Between the two villages several plentiful streams issue from the mountain, and rush down its steep sides into the ravine: around the springs the mountain is shaded with planes. On arriving at Tragoi, at 8.50, I find some difficulty in procuring a lodging, the Turk who owns the pyrgo having gone out to visit his flocks in the neighbourhood of the Columns; on his return we obtain admittance, when the reason or pretence given for the delay first experienced is, that the Janissary of an English traveller had recently ill-treated one of the Greek inhabitants, and consumed his provision without paying for it. The villagers of Tragoi and Puikadhes speak Albanian in common with Greek; and I am informed that in several of the neighbouring villages the inhabitants do the same. It appears, therefore, that there has been an Albanian colony in this part of Arcadia, though none of Vlakhiotes. It dates probably from before the Turkish conquest.

§ 1.489  May 7 — At 5.50, this morning, I set out for Pavlitza, the weather still showery. Descending into the ravine in the direction of Puikadhes, I arrive in five minutes at a church on the bank of the stream, shaded by fine plane trees; a little on one side of it is a waterfall over a bold perpendicular rock, at the foot of which are some planes just under the height of Tragoi. The air and temperature are delightful, and the scenery as Arcadian as can well be imagined. Having crossed the river by a bridge, we pass, five minutes beyond it, the foot of the mountain which I have mentioned as supplying the torrent of Tragoi with a great part of its water, by many small streams rushing down its face; we then follow the side of the same mountain for some distance, above the right bank of

§ 1.490  the stream, and then in a similar position above the right bank of the Neda, until, at 6.50, we arrive at Pavlitza a small village divided into two parts, called the upper and lower street [ανω και κατω ρουγα]. The former of these stands a little within the walls of a large city, which appears clearly from Pausanias to have been Phigaleia, otherwise written Phigalia, or Phialia. The Kato Ruga, or lower division of Pavlitza, is situated in a little valley between the ancient walls and the river.
Pausanias thus describes Phigalia and its vicinity: “Phigalia is situated upon a lofty and precipitous hill, and the greater part of the walls are built upon the rocks, but on the ascent of the hill there is an even and level spaced. Here is a temple of Minerva Soteira, and a statue of stone in an upright posture; from this temple there are sacred processions. In the Gymnasium there is a statue of Hermes covered with a cloak, but terminating below in a square form. Here also is a temple of Bacchus, surnamed by the natives Acratophoruse; the lower parts of the statue are hidden by leaves of bay and ivy, those parts which are seen are resplendent

§ 1.491  with cinnabar a substance which the Iberians find together with gold. The agora of Phigalia contains a statue in stone of Arrachion, a native pancratiast, who was twice victorious at Olympia, and having lost his life in a third victory in the 54th Olympiad, was crowned after his death. The figure, which is ancient, represents him in the archaic manner, with the feet near one another and the hands close to the sides. An epigram, which was on the statue, has been obliterated by time. There is a common sepulchre in the agora, of the chosen men of Oresthasium, who recovered Phigalia from the Lacedaemonians.” [It was in the year B.C. 659, that the Lacedaemonians having besieged Phigaleia, the Phigalenses retired from their city by treaty. The exact date of their return I cannot discover.] The fountains of the Neda are in the mountain Cerausium, which is a part of Lycaeum. In the place where it flows very near the city of the Phigalenses, their children offer to it their hair (as a sacrifice). Of all the rivers we know, the Neda, next to the Maeandrus, is the most winding; at the sea it is navigable by small vessels. Twelve stades above Phigalia there are some warm baths, not far from which the Lymax falls into the Neda.

§ 1.492  Here is a temple of Eurynome, of ancient sanctity, which is difficult to arrive at on account of its rugged situation. Around it are many cypresses growing close together. The temple is opened only once a year, when there are sacrifices both public and private. It did not happen to me to be at Phigalia at that season, but I was informed by the Phigalenses, that the statue is of wood bound together by golden chains, and that it resembles a woman as far as the hips, and a fish in the lower part. Phigalia is surrounded with mountains; on the left is that called Cotylium, on the right, in front of the city is Mount Elaium. Cotylium is distant about forty stades from the city; it contains the place called Bassae, and the temple of Apollo Epicurius. The roof, as well as the rest of the building, is of stone, and it excels all the temples in the Peloponnesus, except that of Tegea, in the beauty of the stone and the harmony of the construction. The epithet Epicurius was given to Apollo on account of the relief afforded by him in a pestilence, which occurred in the Peloponnesian war, when he received the appellation of Alexicacus from the Athenians on the same occasion.

§ 1.493  That the two epithets have the same origin is proved by their similar meaning, as well as by the fact, that Ictinus, the architect of this Phigalian temple lived in the time of Pericles, and constructed the Parthenon for the Athenians. I have already observed that the statue of Apollo (formerly belonging to this temple) is (now) in the agora of the Megalopolitae. Pausanias then informs us that Cotylum, the place from which Mount Cotylium took its name, was above the temple of Epicurius, and contained a temple of Venus without a roof, but in which there was a statue of the goddess. In the other mountain, Elaium, at a distance of about thirty stades from Phigalia, there was a source of cold water, and a cavern, sacred to Ceres the Black, situated in a grove of oaks. The cavern of Elaium was said to have once contained a brazen statue of the goddess, by Onatas of Aegina, made in imitation of a more ancient figure in wood, and representing the goddess with the head of a horse. Pausanias adds, that it was chiefly for the sake of this Ceres that he visited Phigalia, [The statue was supposed to have reference to the μυθος of Neptune and Ceres, of which Pausanias has spoken more particularly in the chapter of the Arcadia, relating to the Telphusia (25). The epithet “Black” related to a black garment which Ceres wore after that affair, when she concealed herself in the cavern of Mount Elaium, until, mankind being about to perish by famine, Pan at length discovered her in the form represented in the statue- Jupiter then sent the Fates to her, who appeased her anger. No wonder that such a lover of mythology as Pausanias should have gone out of his way to visit the scene of such a remarkable fable.]

§ 1.494  and that he sacrificed to her according to the local rites, by offering on an altar, which was before the cavern, grapes and other cultivated fruits, together with honey-combs and uncleaned wool. The statue was said to have been destroyed three or four generations before the visit of Pausanias, by the fall of a part of the cavern. There were some doubts, however, among the Phigalenses themselves, whether it had ever existed; and it seems more probable that both this and the form of the lower part of the statue of Eurynome, were stories with which the priests amused the credulous traveller, for such monstrous representations were not at all in the taste of Grecian art.
The walls of Phigaleia furnish one of the most curious specimens of Greek military architecture in existence, and I believe one of the most ancient; for though the climate of such an elevated situation may account ia great measure for their corroded state, and may

§ 1.495  have given them a greater appearance of antiquity than others of the same age, the uncommon plan and construction of the greater part of the fortification, together with the kind of masonry of which it is formed, are certain evidences of a very remote antiquity. In three fourths of the circumference, the walls follow the crest of a lofty rocky height, which rises at the back of Pavlitza on the northern side; the remaining fourth crosses the slope between the two divisions of the modern village, leaving a space of about 500 yards between the town wall and the Nedcu Here the ground is more level and less rocky than the greater part of that within the walls, where the only level space of any magnitude is towards the lower part of the ancient inclosure, where a modern road passes through the Ano Ruga in a direction parallel to the river. The Ano Ruga probably occupies the site of the agora. Above it the hill is very steep and rocky, with the exception of a small level about midway to the summit, where the temple of Minerva Soteira may have stood.
On the summit, just within the ancient walls, are the remains of a detached citadel eighty yards in length, and of the annexed singular form. The round tower at the end measures eighteen feet in the interior diameter. There

§ 1.496  are the remains of two small churches in this castle; one dedicated to St. Elias, the other to the Panaghia. [sketch plan]
The town walls are of the usual thickness, faced with masonry of the second order, and filled in the middle with rubble. On the western and south-western sides, the wall does not exist above the foundations. On the northern and eastern sides, two thirds of the original height, in most parts, remain. In the two former directions I could only discover the ruins of one tower, and do not believe that there were ever many more; this may, perhaps, be accounted for by the greater evenness of the ground on that side, which would not permit of the approach of an enemy without his being seen from the wall. It indicates however a very early state of military architecture, and when compared with the works of the beginning of the fourth century BC at Messene, shews a great difference of date in the two fortifications. On the northern

§ 1.497  side the wall is flanked with quadrangular towers, and in the midst of them it forms in one place a salient angle terminating in a round tower. [sketch plan] On the north-east the towers are all round, but I conceive that both these and the square towers were added at a later age to the original inclosure, which probably had few, or perhaps not any, towers; I could not find any traces of the gates. The two principal were probably in the line of the modern road through upper Pavlitza, and it may be supposed there was a third in the middle of the southern side between Ano and Kato Ruga. In the northeastern side there is a postern of this form. [sketch] On either side of it the masonry, instead of being of the regular kind here represented, is a perfect specimen of the second order. The circumference of the city was upwards of two miles.
One of the churches at lower Pavlitza appears to have been a small temple, repaired and added to, for within it are several columns one foot

§ 1.498  two inches in diameter, apparently in their original places. We can hardly suppose, however, that this was one of the temples mentioned by Pausanias, unless the Gymnasium was without the walls, in which case it may have been the temple of Bacchus Acratophorus. In the same church I found a pedestal of the annexed form with a Doric capital and flutings; the flutings being only in half the circumference, which seems to shew that the pedestal stood in a niche. The church contains another pedestal of the same form, of the Ionic order. Similar monuments, but generally fluted in the whole circumference, are often found in the churches of Greece, where they may have been deposited as in a place of safety, or more frequently perhaps, as in the present instance, because the ancient temples to which they belonged were converted into churches on the establishment of Christianity. The use of these pedestals, I

§ 1.499  conceive to have been, that of supporting large basins for holding lustral or sacrificial water, and many of them may have become baptismal fonts after the conversion of Greece. [These pedestals, with their vases, seem to have given the original idea of those elegant tazze which were so common among the Romans, and have become equally so among the moderns] That the ancient basins are never found entire is easily accounted for, their form being so much more liable to fracture than that of the pedestal, which has the solidity of the column increased by its shorter dimensions; it is probable also that the basin was often of metal, and therefore tempting to the plunderer. The pedestals thus deprived of their lustral vases now often serve to support the holy table or altar of the church.
The small valley between the lower wall of the city and the river, in which lower Pavlitza stands, is covered with corn-fields, vineyards, and olive trees. From the opposite bank of the river rises a steep mountain, probably a part of the ancient Elaium; its sides are shaded with large evergreen oaks, both the prinus or holley-leaved, and the ilex or olive-leaved, species, the former called πρινάρια or πουρνάρια, the latter
αρειαις. The summit of the mountain is

§ 1.500  clothed with the deciduous oak; which agrees with its state in the time of Pausanias, who says that the cavern of Ceres was situated in a wood of those trees (δρυών). There is a fine under-wood on the lower part of the hill, consisting of the usual variety of shrubs.
The citadel of Phigaleia commands a fine prospect of Arcadian scenery, though not very extensive, as the surrounding hills are much higher. The most interesting points in view are Mount Ithome and the temple at Bassae; the summits of Lycaeum close the view to the eastward; to the westward are seen Mount Vunuka, Strovitzi and its Paleokastro, (Lepreum) the mouth of the Neda, and Mount Paraskevi above Arcadhia. At the back the mountain falls into a cultivated valley, in which is a village called Gardhitza less than a mile distant.
The road already mentioned as passing through Pavlitza leads from Tragoi and the adjacent villages to Smarlina, Sarina, and other villages along the Neda; from thence to Buzi and the mouth of the river.

§ 1.501  Smarlina is distant from Pavlitza three quarters of an hour, and Sarina three hours, at which there is said to be a Paleokastro not Hellenic. Along the side of the steep mountain, on the opposite side of the river, passes the road to Platania, a little below which, at Sostomiu, another ruin is described to me, built with small stones and mortar: hereabouts must have been the famous Eira. On my return to Tragoi, I pass directly over the mountain which separates the vale of Gardhitza from that of Tragoi, and pass through Puikadhes. This place, like the former, has a Turk's pyrgo, and eight or ten Greek families; both the villages are in the vilayeti of Fanari, and indeed are considered as quarters of the same village. We fall into the morning's road a little beyond Puikadhes, and arrive at Tragoi in an hour from Pavlitza.

§ 1.502  [maps etc.]

§ 1.503  ADDITIONS AND CORRECTIONS
Page 187: It is here remarked, that Nicephoras Gregoras, in naming Sparta, means Mistra. Chalcocondylas, nearly two centuries later, uses the word Sparta with the same meaning, as clearly appears from his observation, that “Sparta was situated under Mount Taygetum, at a distance of eighteen stades from Palaeopolis and the Eurotas.” — So that it seems to have been then customary to call the site of Sparta Palaeopolis, and Mistra, new Sparta. Nevertheless, Myzithra was a name in use as early as the former period, as we perceive from Pachymer.
Page 280. The remark, that the Pyrrhicus of Pausanias and the Pyrrhi Charax of Polybius, are the same place which Livy calls Pyrrhi Castra, ought to be erased. The reader will find the correction in Vol. II. p. 525, where it is evident that Pyrrhi Castra was a position about eight miles to the north-eastward of Sparta, probably on the banks of the river of Arakhova, or north-eastern branch of the Oenus.
Page 330. In reference to the orthography of the name of Oitylus in the time of the Roman empire, I find that the Βιτυλα of Ptolemy is confirmed by a monument, erected in honour of the Emperor Gordian, by the τΖ, Βειτυλίν. The inscription was copied at Vitylo by Fourmont. — Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Grs. Vol. I. p. 649. There was scarcely any distinction at that time between I and EI.

§ 1.504  Page 332, 361. As the question of the site of Pharae is connected with that of Abia, it may be right to confirm the position of the latter at Palea Mandinia, by two inscriptions, which were copied at Megali Mandinia by Fourmont, and which make mention of the Αβειοται and their city. — Boeck. Corp. Inscr. Gr. Vol. I. p. 688.
Page 336, Note b. For “godfather” read “godson.”
Page 440, Note. For “Italice botargo” read “Italice bottarica, Anglice botargo.”
Page 484. For “BC 403” read “BC 400.”

§ 1.505  ADDITIONAL NOTE TO CHAPTER VI.
IN order to complete, as far as possible, the commentary on the ancient geography of the south-eastern branch of Laconia, contained in the Sixth Chapter, I shall here subjoin, as belonging to my travels in the Morea, an extract from my journal of a tour by sea from Corfu through the Ionian and Aegaean islands to Mount Athos, during which I had an opportunity of seeing a portion of the Boeatice. As I shall have occasion to refer frequently to Pausanias, I shall begin by extracting his remarks on this district.
“The promontory Onugnathus” he says, “was 200 stades distant from Asopus. There was a temple of Minerva, without roof or statue, said to have been built by Agamemnon; and in the same place the tomb of Cinadus, pilot of the vessel of Menelaus. Beyond the promontory was the bay called the Boeatic; near the further end of which (προς τω περατι) was the city Boeae, founded by Boeus, one of the Heracleidae, who here assembled the inhabitants of three old towns, called Etias, Aphrodisias, and Side. It was said that the first two were founded by Aeneias, on his way to Italy; that Etias was the name of his daughter: and that Side was so called, from the daughter of Danaus. The Boeatae worshipped a myrtle which they called Diana Soteira, because a hare, which they took for their guide, as to the place where the new city should

§ 1.506  be built, disappeared under this tree. In the agora, there was a temple of Apollo, and in other parts of the town temples of Aesculapius, of Sarapis, and of Isis. The ruins of were not more than seven stades from Boeae — to the left of the road leading thither, there was a Mercury in marble; and in the ruins of the town a temple of Aesculapius and Hygieia, which enjoyed some celebrity. The island Cythera lay opposite to Boeae. The promontory Platanistus, which was the nearest point of the island, was forty stades distant from the promontory Onugnathus. In sailing from Boeae to Cape Males, there was a lake, named Nymphaeum, an upright statue of Neptune, and a cave very near the sea, in which there was a source of water: here were some inhabitants, but not many. Having doubled Cape Malea, and proceeded 100 stades, there was a sanctuary of Apollo on the sea-side, within the Boeatice, called Epidelium.”
Strabo describes Onugnathus as a low chersonese, and Ptolemy in like manner, as a promontory (ακρα). From Thucydides it appears that there was a fortress in this district, called Cotyrta, near Aphrodisia. The Athenians, when ravaging the coasts of Laconia, in the eighth year of the Peloponnesian war, had an action with the Lacedaemonian garrisons of Cotyrta and Aphrodisia; and, having gained such an advantage as justified them in setting up a trophy, they then embarked, and sailed to Cythera, and from thence to Epidaurus Limera and Thyrea.

§ 1.507  EXTRACT FROM THE DIARY.
Oct. 4, 1806. At noon we sail from the harbour of Furnus, near Milopotamo, on the western coast of the island of Tzerigo; beat up the coast, to the northward, with a Greco-Tramontana, which has continued ever since the 27th ultimo. The sailors assert that it is Maestrale on the western coast. In the evening we enter the strait between Elafonisi and Cape Madari, of Tzerigo, and pass the port of Elafonisi, which is an open bay, on the southern side of that island. Advance along the coast of the Morea all night, with a gentle breeze from the north, which, towards morning, comes more easterly, and, as we turn Cape Malea, blows strong in squalls, with a great sea, shewing that the Euroclydon still continues. We bear up, and pass cloee under the shore.
Oct. 5. Cape Malea, or Malia, as vulgarly pronounced, rises steep from the sea at the point, and for some distance to the westward; the ridge then retreats to the north, leaving, for a mile and a half, a more gradual ascent from the shore to the summit; another bluff then advances, more rocky than Malia, and having at its foot a low cape, which extends westward two miles and a half, to the entrance of the Bay of Vatika. This low cape is more southerly than Malea, as I had already observed last year, from the monastery of Porto Kaio: a little westward of the eastern extremity of this low land (low only comparatively), there is a little creek under a chapel of St. Elias, where the galeotta of my old acquaintance and host, Hassan Bey, of Monemvasia, is snugly ensconced, in a most admirable situation for catching any thieves that may pass through the strait. He fails not to bring us to. After a recognition, and an exchange of civilities, I proceed: entering the Bay of Vatika, we have the wind so strong against us, that it takes us till 11 A. M. to come to anchor near a tower,

§ 1.508  under the north-western corner of the bay, near the Strait which separates Elafonisi from the main land.
I land, more for the purpose of shooting quails, which are now in great numbers on the coast, than with any hope of finding antiquities in this part of the bay. Towards the western end of the strait of Elafonisi, however, I find, at about 500 yards from the shore, some traces of Hellenic foundations, and several quarries of considerable extent in the rocks, at the foot of some low cliffs, which here terminate the height. In the plain below, half way between the cliffs and the sea shore, there are other excavations of the same kind, some of which form regular quadrangles, with perpendicular sides, very accurately hewn. They resemble some quarries which; remember to have seen in 1802, near a small creek, in the rocks of the coast of Messenia, opposite to the island of Prote. The convenience of situation for the embarkation of the stone, was probably the chief motive for quarrying in these places. On the summit of the cliff, a little beyond the highest of the excavations just mentioned, at a point where the cliff is quite perpendicular, and all around formed into caverns, I find the ruin of an ancient pyramid. It is now only a heap of large rectangular masses, with some few of the interior stones in their places; round it, on three sides, a ditch has been cut in the rock, about twenty feet broad, four feet deep in the deepest parts, and forming a square on the outside, of twenty-four yards. The fourth side of the pyramid, standing on the edge of the cliff, had no ditch. It is very possible that this monument may be the tomb of Cinadus, the pilot of Menelaus, and that the Hellenic vestiges which I first observed, are those of the Athenaeum of Agamemnon, which was already a ruin in the time of Pausanias.
If it should be objected that Pausanias describes these monuments as situated at Onugnathus, which not only extends three or four miles beyond the position which I have

§ 1.509  described, but is divided from it by an arm of the sea, we must recollect, that although now an island, it was a promontory in the time of the Roman Empire, as Strabo, Ptolemy, and Pausanias, all testify; and that a similar change has occurred at no great distance, in the promontory Minoa, which is now the island of Monemvasia: that the word χερσόνησος, applied by Strabo to Onugnathus, clearly shews that it comprehended the whole of what is now the island of Elafonisi, and that these considerations make a great difference in the application of the words of Pausanias, as it then becomes more probable that he should have meant the nearest part or isthmus of the peninsula, than its extremity.
The strait between Elafonisi and the main is three or four hundred yards over, and so shallow that none but the smallest boats can pass. The name Elafonisi has been translated into Isola dei Cervi by the Italians. The island is cultivated in some parts, particularly in a plain which crosses the middle of the island, and separates the mountain at the northern end from the two hilly capes to the south, which inclose the bay at that extremity. It is only with reference to the high land of Vatika and Cape Malea, that Strabo's description of a low chersonese can have been properly applied to Onugnathus. There are flocks of sheep and goats on the island, but no habitation; both the fields and the flocks belong to the people of Vatika. The eastern end of the strait or western point of the Bay of Vatika, is a low point of rock covered with sand. Here, near a ruined tower, are several ancient sepulchres hewn in the rock, and nearly filled with sand. A little farther inland there is a salt lake, lying between a range of sand hills bordering the western shore of the Bay of Vatika, and the rocky ground upon which I found the ruins. This lake is about two miles long, it is now in most parts dry, and has left the ground covered with salt. Farther along the shore of the bay towards Vatika, there is a plentiful source of fresh water.
In the afternoon we leave our anchorage, and soon reach

§ 1.510  the bottom of the bay, where several torrents from the moon tains join the sea; in one of the torrent beds there is a large well and a garden called Kyparissia, belonging to a brother of Hassan Bey, who governs Vatika, and owns a great part of the plain, which extends two miles northward from the beach to the foot of the mountain, near the summit of which the village of Vatika is situated. It seems that the inhabitants of Boeae, when they abandoned the maritime situation, did not think themselves safe, in this most piratical corner of Greece, at a small distance from the sea. But although Boeae was then deserted and demolished, the whole of the great promontory or district of Boeae continued probably to be known by the name of Βοιατική, or, in Doric, Βοιατικα, and the bay by that of the Βοιατικος κόλπος, as Strabo calls it; and these names, by a change of which the accent is the most considerable part, became that of the modern village and district Βάτικα. The mountain on which the village stands is a continuation of that which ends so abruptly in Cape Malea, and it is a southern prolongation, without any interruption, of the eastern range of Laconia.
On a low rocky height on the eastern side of the garden, I find the foundations of a Hellenic wall built of quadrangular stones, but traceable only for fifty or sixty yards. Just above it are the foundations of a temple, about fifteen yards long, by eight or nine broad, from whence materials have been recently taken away to construct a house for the gardener. Behind the temple there is a rock cut perpendicularly to the height of twelve or fifteen feet, and having an opening in the middle which leads into a small inclosure formed by excavation in the rock: it was apparently a part of the sacred inclosure of the temple. There is also another excavation like those near the andent pyramid at the Strait of Elafonisi. This quarry appears to have been afterwards used for smelting metallic ore, as a great quantity of scoriae is heaped near it; all the neighbouring ground is covered with

§ 1.511  this substance, as well as with fragments of ancient pottery. In the face of some cliffs on the opposite side of the torrents which encircle this height, there are some small catacombs. Another height bordering the sea a little to the eastward of the former, together with a small valley behind it, is covered with ruins of buildings of the lower ages, and a great deal of pottery. A mile to the eastward of the latter there is a third height, which is the last slope of the mountain, and forms a cape in the bay: it is covered with similar remains, and is called by the natives Paleo-kastro. Although I cannot recognize any thing Hellenic at this place, it must be admitted that it corresponds to the position of Boeae as indicated by Pausanias; whether we take his words επι τω περατι to mean the shore of the bay, or the farther part of the bay, relatively to Onugnathus. The distance also of Paleo-kastro from the Hellenic position near Kyparissia, agrees exactly with the seven stades of Pausanias between Boeae and the place of which the name is wanting. I suspect the blank has been improperly filled up with the name of Side; for although it cannot be doubted that one of the three old towns of the Boeatiae occupied this plain, the testimony of Scylax is clear in shewing that Side had a port on the eastern side of the peninsula between Cape Malea and Epidaurus Limera. Nor could the name have well been Aphrodisia, from the occurrence in the Peloponnesian war, already mentioned, since, had the action taken place in the plain of Boeae, that name would probably have occurred in the narrative of Thucydides; because, whichever of the three ancient places stood in the plain, all its importance must at that time have been absorbed by Boeae. Side, therefore, I conceive, was on the eastern coast of the Boeatice, Aphrodisia and Cotyrta on the western, and Etias consequently was the place which stood at Kyparissia. It may be the opinion, perhaps, of those who are inclined to place the Athenaeum and tomb of Cinadus in the island of Elafonisi, that the ruins on the

§ 1.512  northern side of the Strait of Elafonisi belonged either to Aphrodisia or Cotyrta, but those places were fortresses, of which kind of construction there is no appearance at the place in question.
The Bay of Vatika is about five miles across from the Cape of Elafonisi to a low rocky promontory three miles beyond Paleo-kastro. All the eastern side of the bay has a fine sandy bottom, and is deep to within a small distance of the shore; there is a bold beach of hard sand from the Strait of Elafonisi as far as the garden, and from thence shingle as far as half way between the garden and Paleo-kastro; the rest is rocky. The western side is rather exposed to the south-east, and the eastern to the south-west. The channel between the southern Capes of Elafonisi and Cape Mudari of Tzerigo, is between four and five miles across, answering very well to the forty stades which Pausanias places between Onugnathus and Cape Platanistus of Cythera. A situation a little within Cape Mudari is still called Platania: inland from thence to; wards the south-east is Potamo, the largest village on this side of the island. The village of Vatika possesses vineyards and fields on the slope of the hill, and all the corn and pasture land of the plain. Its figs are dried and exported. Half the inhabitants are Turks and half Greeks. Both complain of the oppressions of the government, though Hassan Bey and his brother are individually well spoken of. The richer Turks generally dwell at Monemvasia in the winter months.
Oct. 6- Having pitched my tent, I remain all day at the ruined town, to the eastward of the gardens. A ship in fifteen days from Skodra anchors in the bay; some of the Turkish officers visit me Their pasha they say is near Nissa with a huge army, every family in his territory having contributed one person to it.
Oct. 7- — This morning at sun-rise we row out of the bay in a calm. At 9, a gentle breeze from the south-west begins to carry us close along the bold shore to Cape Malea. All the

§ 1.513  interval is so steep and rocky that I know not where to place Nymphaeum, unless it was in the angle where the second westernmost cape advances, but even here the slope is steep, and nothing but torrent beds are visible. I perceive however, a cave by the sea-side, which seems to identify the spot, but I am unable to ascertain whether it has a source of water in it. Possibly the Lake Nymphaeum was nothing more than a small pool, like that which Pausanias describes also as a λίμνη at Larymna in Boeotia. Having turned Cape Malea, Cape Kamili appears, and Monemvasia. The position of Side seems to be marked by some vineyards immediately to the south of Cape Kamili, but I cannot hear of any remains there. Epidelium itself was probably little more than a temple standing on the cape.

§ 2.001  VOLUME II CHAPTER XII May 7, 1806 — At 1.05 I set out for the ruins of the temple of Apollo Epicurius, for which the natives have no other name than that of the Columns, στοὺς στύλους, as they are here more Hellenically called: our Greeks from Kalamata used the Italian word κολόνναις. We soon begin to ascend Mount Cotylium, which is therefore correctly placed by Pausanias at a distance of forty stades from Phigaleia; for though the temple is at least a two hours' walk of a man or horse from the ruins of the city, we may be

§ 2.002  allowed to apply the forty stades to the nearest part of the mountain on which the temple stands. After ascending for half an hour through pasture land, in which there are some sheep-folds belonging to Tragoi, we enter the forest of oaks which covers the summit of all these ridges. The path winds among the trees for half an hour, when I am suddenly startled from the indolent reverie which such a pleasant but unexciting kind of road often produces, by the sight of one of the component cylinders of a Doric shaft of enormous size, lying half buried in earth and decayed leaves, on a level spot, by the road side, just wide enough to hold it. A detached fragment of this kind sometimes gives a greater impression of grandeur than an entire building, or the ruin of a large portion of one, because in these the dimensions of the parts are lost in the harmony of the whole; even the magnitude of a perfect building is not felt unless there is some vulgar object at hand to form a scale of comparison: as a St. Peter's or a St. Paul's would fell of producing their just effect without houses and churches in sight, or as the Pyramids of Memphis seldom impress the traveller with their immensity as long as he has nothing but hills to compare them with, and until he is near enough to judge of the size of

§ 2.003  the masses of stone of which they are formed, by the scale of his own height I had no conception, until I had measured the fallen piece of column on the ascent to Bassae, that its diameter was scarcely the half of that of the columns of the Parthenon. About 150 yards farther I came in sight of the ruined temple. The cylinder belonged undoubtedly to the column which stood at the south-western angle of the peristyle, one of the pieces of which rolled down the hill when the column fell.
The large proportions of these ruins, and the perfection of their workmanship, prove them to be the remains of the temple of Apollo Epicurius, though it is only from the few words which Pausanias bestows upon the temple that we obtain that certainty. Without those few words, the existence of such a magnificent building in suck a wilderness, must ever have remained a subject of wonder, doubt, and discussion. As to a description of this fine ruin, the first in preservation of the temples of Greece, except the Theseium, it must be left to the painter and the architects for the latter in particular (here would be sufficient employment for some weeks. Indeed until some attempt be made to dear away the rains of the cell, which form an immense confused mass within the peristyle, it will hardly be possible even for an

§ 2.004  architect to understand thoroughly all the particulars of the building.
In general terms the temple may be described as a peripteral hypaethral hexastyle, with fifteen columns on the sides, 126 feet in length, 48 broad, and facing nearly north and south. The columns are three feet eight inches in diameter at the base, and twenty feet high, including the capital. As usual in peripteral temples, there were two columns in the pronaos and as many in the posticum, so that the total number in the peristyle was forty-two, of which thirty-six are standing, and, with one exception only, covered with their architraves. There are twenty shallow flutings in the shafts, as usual in the Doric order. As they measure only three feet under the capital, and are five times the lower diameter in height, they are both more tapering and shorter in proportion to their height than the columns of the Parthenon. As a necessary consequence of their being more tapering, the echinus of the capital is longer than in the Athenian temple, and forms a more acute angle with the plinth, the order thus more resembling the examples of the Doric at Corinth, and in the ruins of Sicily and Paestum. There were several projections on either side of the cell, terminating in fluted Ionic semicolumns: one of these is standing, and it is the

§ 2.005  only part, either of the cell, or pronaos, or posticum, that is in that condition, though all the lower part of the cell is still in situ. Of the outer columns of the peristyle, on the contrary, all are standing, except the two angular columns of the southern front; nor are these wanting, as all the component cylinders are lying on the ground, so that both the peristyle and the cell might be restored to their original state without much deficiency, if wealth and power, taste and science should ever be restored to Greece. [Baron Haller and Mr. Cockerell have since discovered the frize, which is now in the British Museum, representing battles of Centaurs and of Amazons with Greeks. For a delineation of these sculptures, and an able elucidation of them by Mr. Taylor Combe, see the Description of the Marbles of the British Museum, Part 3. By the excavation which followed the discovery of the frize, the complete plan of the temple was ascertained. It was found that the frize, the capitals of the Ionic semicolumns, and that of a single column which occupied a situation at the end of the cell, were of white marble. This last-mentioned column is a very curious specimen of art, being a variety of the Ionic order, with helices and leaves of acanthus, and consequently the earliest specimen of the order, which, having been first executed at Corinth, was called Corinthian. It is remarkable that Vitruvius, 1. 4. c. 1., ascribes the invention of the order to Callimachus, who lived about the same time that the temple at Bassae was built, having made the golden lamp and brazen palm-tree in the temple of Minerva Polias at Athens.]
The stone of which the temple is constructed is a hard yellowish-brown lime-stone susceptible of a high polish, which explains the

§ 2.006  observation of Pausanias, that this temple was superior in harmony to all the temples of the Peloponnesus, except that of Tegea, for it is evident, from other passages, that by he meant the nice adaptation of the stones to each other, or, in other words, the fine execution of the masonry, and not the general harmony of the proportions of the temple. It may easily be conceived that such workmanship would be most finished in a temple of white marble, like that of Minerva Alea at Tegea, and least so in a building of soft conchite lime-stone, like that of the temple of Jupiter at Olympia; and this accords with the order of the three temples as to harmony in the idea of Pausanias, namely, first the Tegeatic, next the Phigaleian, and lastly the Olympian. In the temple of Apollo Epicurius, as in the Parthenon, the stones are wrought and adjusted to one another with such accuracy that the junctures in some places are not visible without the closest inspection; in others the superficial decomposition of the edges has formed a natural cement uniting the stones together.

§ 2.007  Although the Phigalenses made a present of their colossal statue of Apollo Epicurius to the city of Megalopolis, only seventy years after his temple was built, this removal does not appear to have taken place in consequence of any disaster which had dilapidated the building. The remark of Pausanias on its roof shews that it remained uninjured until his time. The cause of its present state of ruin one cannot well imagine to have been any other than the repetition of those concussions of the earth to which Greece is so subject — which at first sight seem sufficient to have prevented the Greeks from having ever made any great advances in architecture, but which may perhaps in reality, by obliging them to encounter difficulties and to study solidity, have been one of the causes of their excellence in the art: in fact, though earthquakes are very frequent in this country, they seldom occur with such violence that a single shock would cause irreparable damage in buildings so well constructed as those of the Greeks; as far therefore as their destruction has been the effect of these concussions, it has rather been caused by a repetition of shocks upon former injuries left unrepaired in consequence of that neglect of the public monuments, which increased as the power, and wealth, and spirit of the nation declined. At Athens two or three explosions of gunpowder destroyed in an

§ 2.008  instant what the successive earthquakes of twenty-two centuries had left uninjured. The mode adopted by Ictinus, the architect of the temple at Bassae, to prevent the horizontal motion of the earth from separating the component cylinders of the columns was, to fill up a cavity left in the centre of two adjoining cylinders with a piece of lead. I could not find any of the lead, but the peasants informed me they had often taken pieces away. In the Parthenon the wood of the juniper, which is still called by its ancient name Kedros (cedar), was used for the same purpose, as well as lead, and I believe sometimes iron.
The preservation of all the parts of the temple shews that the ruins have never been plundered for the sake of building materials. Indeed there is little temptation to transport these immense masses over such mountains as surround them, nor even to break them into smaller stones, by which barbarous process many other Hellenic remains have been destroyed, for there is no inhabited place nearer than Skliru, a small village, distant about one mile and a half from the temple, on a part of the mountain where the ground is a little more level than in most other parts, and where alone there seems any possibility of cultivating corn.
There is certainly nothing in Greece, beyond

§ 2.009  the bounds of Attica, more worthy of notice than these remains. The temple of Aegina in some of its accidents or accompaniments may be more picturesque, and the surrounding prospect more agreeable; but undoubtedly there are many persons who will prefer the severe grandeur, the wildness, and the variety of this Arcadian scene, in which, amidst a continued contrast of rugged mountain, forest, and cultivated land, there is no want of objects interesting to the spectator by their historical recollection. That which forms, on reflection, the most striking circumstance of all, is the nature of the surrounding country, capable of producing little else than pasture for cattle, and offering no conveniences for the display of commercial industry either by sea or land. If it excites our astonishment that the inhabitants of such a district should have had the refinement to delight in works of this kind, it is still more wonderful that they should have had the means to execute them. This can only be accounted what Horace says of the early Romans: Privatus illis census erat brevis
Commune magnum.
This is the true secret of national power, which cannot be equally effective in an age of selfish luxury.

§ 2.010  Mount Cotylium branches from the great Lycaean ridge, between the summits Dhioforti and Fanaritiko, the former of which is in a line with Karitena, the latter more to the northward. The summit of Cotylium looks down to the westward on the hollow watered by the torrent which flows between Tragoi and Puikadhes, and eastward into a more deep and narrow valley, which receives the waters from about Skliru. The stream which is collected from the latter feeders is that which I crossed yesterday, at 8 just above its junction with the branch which flows from Tetrazi and from some fountains between that mountain and Ambeliona Thus we have three streams contributing to form the river which passes near the ruins of Phigaleia. Pausanias in like manner speaks of three tributaries of the Neda, namely, the Lymax, which joined the Neda about twelve stades above Phigaleia, the Plataniston, which the traveller coming from Megalopolis by Despoena crossed at thirty stades short of Phigaleia, and the Neda Proper, which had its origin in Mount Cerausium. The two distances here given by Pausanias shew that the Lymax was the river of Tragoi, and that the Plataniston was that which descends from the hollows about Skliru, into the glen on the eastern side of Mount Cotylium: consequently, that the proper Neda was that which has its origin in Mount Tetrazi.

§ 2.011  Hence also it appears that this mountain was the ancient Cerausium, of which word the modern name is perhaps a corruption. The observation of Pausanias as to the extremely winding course of the Neda, must be applied to it below Phigaleia, for its course is very direct upwards from thence towards the peak of Tetrazi, as is particularly apparent from the acropolis of Phigaleia. Strabo remarks that the Neda rises at a fountain in Mount Lycaeum, which was fabled to have been caused to flow by Rhea, being in want of water when she brought forth Jupiter; from Pausanias however it is evident that this was not the true Neda, but its branch, the Lymax, so called from the λύματα of Rhea upon that occasion.
In the prospect from the temple, the steep mountains on the eastern side of the glen of Bassae are blended with the great summits of Mount Lycaeum, called Karyatiko and Dhioforti. To the right of this range, and in the direction of the course of the Plataniston, the majestic summit of Tetrazi presents itself, with a cultivated space at the foot of it, around the village of Kakaletri. To the right of Tetrazi Mount Ithome appears above the part of the

§ 2.012  ridge of Tetrazi which I crossed coming from Skala; and to the right of Ithome, the Messenian gulf, Koroni, Mount Lykodhemo, and then the range of Kondovuni. A higher summit of the ridge on which the temple stands intercepts the view for a short distance to the right of Kondovuni: but beyond it, to the right again, is seen the lofty mountain behind Arkadhia, and that town with its castle, from which, consequently, I might have seen the temple, had I been aware of it, and the weather permitted; — then occurs a part of the sea-coast, and the country about Pavlitza. Another summit of Mount Cotylium now intercepts the view, but by mounting a few paces I obtain the bearing of the peaked summit above Fanari, and see the champaign country of the Alpheius between Fanari and Lalla, with the rock of Sandameri rising above the tableheights of Lalla. Mount Malevo, of Tzakonia, is seen a little to the right of the Karyatiko.
It may be inferred, I think, from Pausanias, that Bassae and Cotylum were two subordinate villages, or castles, of the Phigalenses, and it appears that they were not far removed from one another, for he describes both Bassae and the temple as being in the mountain which took its name from Cotylum. Bassae therefore, I infer, was at the temple itself, and

§ 2.013  Cotylum gave name to the mountain which rose above the temple to the westward, and the nearest part of which was forty stades from Phigaleia. Some remains of the temple of Venus may perhaps be concealed in the recesses of the forest, and these would determine the site of Cotylum.
I am informed by some of the peasants, that there are vestiges of Hellenic walls at Kakaletri, which prove that place to have been the position of a third dependent fortress, or fortified village of the Phigalenses. Its cultivated slopes, indeed, lead at once to the presumption, that if the Phigaleian district extended to the crest of the Lycaean range, as one can hardly doubt, Kakaletri must have been one of its subordinate places. This name, although of Hellenic origin, has not the semblance of being ancient. It is more likely that the fortress, or fortified κατοικια, which occupied the site of Kakaletri, bore the same appellation as the mountain under which it stood, namely, Cerausium; for we find in every part of Greece, that the most remarkable summits, with the exception perhaps of the highest and most inaccessible of all, have been fortified, or have had fortresses near them, bearing generally the same name as the mountains themselves. The insecurity which caused such situations to be resorted to never ceased, even in the most

§ 2.014  civilized ages of Greece, to be a characteristic of the country, multiplying works of defence in every part of it; so that, with the exception of Attica, the Eleia, and a few other districts, there were, in strictly Hellenic times, very few inhabitants who did not protect themselves from danger at night within the walls of a fortress. At present, when insecurity, though not exactly arising from the same causes, is greater than it ever was, there is a still larger proportion of the natives driven to the mountains, and we find, as in ancient times, that there generally exists near every remarkable summit a village, which either derives its name from, or gives its name to the mountain.
Some persons, perhaps, may be inclined to think that Kakaletri is the position of Eira, and that Tetrazi was that Mount Eira into which the Messenians retired when they were driven out of the country situated immediately on its southern side.
It would certainly be a natural refuge under such circumstances: I must also admit, not only that the lofty summit of Tetrazi, covered with snow half the year, agrees better with the “white” mountain of Rhianus than any other near the Neda to the westward; but that the

§ 2.015  position of Kakaletri, immediately overhanging the Neda, is very much in accordance with the circumstances related of the fortress of Eira Even these reasons, however, seem to me insufficient to contravene those which I have already alleged, in favour of Eira having been on a part of the river below Phigaleia.
I had scarcely been long enough at the tern pie to take a few measurements, and to obtain a general idea of the building, when I found the day fast advancing to a close, and the rain beginning to fall I was therefore obliged to hasten away, not at all to the regret of my janissary, who, being a native of the soft climate of Kalamata, was greatly annoyed by the cold damp air of the mountain, and sat huddled up at the foot of a column, endeavouring to keep out the enemy, with a pipe.
Leaving the temple at 4.25, we descend the hill by the same route we came, but soon turning to the right along the western face of the mountain through the forest, we have a view to the left of a fine cultivated slope on the south-western side of Mount Fanaritiko, upon which are the villages of Vervitza and Lipistena, the latter containing 150 houses. The waters of this slope, after uniting, enter the Neda below Pavlitza. Linistena is about four miles distant from our road in a direct line.

§ 2.016  At 5.15, in a little vale where the planes are just in leaf, and the oaks beginning to bud, we join the road from Tragoi to Andritzena at the point where the ridge is lowest and most practicable: here a stream descends to the glen below Tragoi. It seems to be the main branch, or at least the most distant tributary of the Lymax, of which river, Pausanias says, that a spring, pointed out to him in Mount Cotylium as such, was certainly not the origin, and that he did not think of inquiring where the sources were situated. We continue through a forest of planes and oaks mixed with shrubs, and approach the pointed summit of Fanaritiko, or the hill of Fanari, on which are the ruins of a castle; at length, leaving that height to the left, and passing between it and another summit, called Ai Elia (St. Elias), which overhangs Andritzena, I command a fine view of the vale of the Alpheius and adjacent country, on either side of the river from Andritzena to the sea, with the islands of Kefalonia and Zakytho in the distance.
After a descent of half an hour, we arrive at 6.30 at Andritzena, whither I had sent my baggage and servants in the morning from Tragoi. Andritzena is beautifully situated in an elevated hollow under the summit of Ai Elia, at the head of a hilly, fertile, and well cultivated tract, which slopes gradually to the Alpheius.

§ 2.017  A little higher up the mountain, and on the western side of a small ravine, watered by a rivulet which descends to the same recipient, stands the separate quarter of Apanokhora. There is another in the same direction, called Tjanalia, and a third, Gufoplo, on a summit towards Fanari. The four together contain about 500 houses. Andritzena itself is larger than the three other villages put together; and has a tolerable bazar. The staple article of external commerce is prinokokki, which is gathered from the kermes oak in the neighbouring mountains. The houses standing amidst trees on the side of a steep declivity rising above one another, give the town an imposing appearance at a distance.
Fanari is similarly situated under the peaked summit, called Fanaritiko, or Zakkuka; the latter name is that of the ruined castle upon its summit. Fanari is two miles in a straight line to the north-west of Andritzena. It contains about 800 houses; the inhabitants, with the exception of a very few shop-keepers, servants, and cultivators of the soil, are entirely Turks, those of Andritzena all Christians.

§ 2.018  May 8. — At 1.05, p. m. I set out from Andritzena for Karitena, having procured horses from Fanari, which is the head of the Kazasi — descend obliquely along the side of the mountain by a winding road, until, at 2.30, we enter a valley inclosed between the hill of Lavdha, half a mile on the left, and the mountain of Dhioforti, two miles on the right. A river from the south traverses the valley and joins the river of Andritzena between Lavdha and Andritzena. At 2.45, near the end of this valley, I quit the direct road, and, turning to the left, mount the steep and lofty hill of Lavdha, upon which are the remains of a small fortified Hellenic town, now known by the name of the castle of St. Helene: the walls inclosed all the summit of the hill, at one end of which there was a citadel forming, like that of Phigaleia, an inclosure near one side of the outer walls, but entirely separated from them. This citadel is about 150 yards in diameter, more circular than that of Phigaleia, and without any tower or keep. In it stood a temple, of which the lower parts of seven Doric columns of one foot eight inches in diameter, are still standing in a line in their original places. Here is also a very large quadrangular stone, with an excavation of the same form in it. The walls are of the most irregular species of the second order, and have suffered much from time and the exposed situation of the place.

§ 2.019  There is a round tower near one corner of the citadel, which a Lavdhiote peasant tells me was once a windmill, but it seems rather to have been a signal tower in the line of communication between the castle of Karitena and that of Zakkuka, on the summit of Mount Fanaritiko, for those two buildings appear to have been nearly of the same period of the middle or lower ages. The hill forms an even slope to the northward and westward, and is covered with a fine turf: towards the eastern end it is bounded by a precipice of no great height, from the foot of which there is a steep descent to the Alpheius, which runs in a dark ravine below, and is distant from the citadel about 800 yards in a straight line.
Midway stand two villages, both called Lavdha containing, together, about forty houses. Mount Dhioforti, a lofty round summit, which I believe to be the proper Lycaeum, presents itself directly before us to the south-east. From the right bank of the Alpheius, in the opposite direction, rises the mountain which contains the towns Dhimitzana and Zatuna. The two great ridges approach each other at Karitena, and form, from thence to near Andritzena, an αύλων, or narrow opening, at the bottom of which flows

§ 2.020  the Alpheius in its passage from the upper plain, or that of which Megalopolis was the chief place, to the lower, in which Heraea was the principal town. To the east is seen the mountain of Alonistena; a little to the westward of north that of Sandamerio: Tzimbaru, a little to the left of Dhioforti. The wind blows strong and keen through the aulon, and my Messenian janissary is once more almost deprived of the power of moving. There is, indeed, a great difference between the maritime climate of the Peloponnesus and that of the Arcadian mountains. “Έ un aria troppo rigida,” observed to me the Ragusan consul at Mothoni, speaking of the interior of the peninsula. The average climate of Arcadia is in fact cooler, by several degrees, than that of the consul's native town, though the latter is situated so much farther north. In summer, I believe the sea-coast of the Morea to be more healthy than many of the close valleys of Arcadia; but the cool air of the hills, in particular situations, must in that season be a most agreeable and beneficial change from all the lower situations of the Peninsula.
At 4.25 I rejoin the Karitena road near the place we quitted it, and cross the hills at the foot of Mount Dhioforti 5 these, like some of the slopes towards Andritzena, are covered with dwarf oaks about two feet high. At 5.30

§ 2.021  arrive on the bank of a rapid stream running from the south, shaded with planes, and turning some mills; steep hills rise from either bank. It joins the Alpheius a little below Karitena. After following it for a short distance, I find, to my surprise, that it issues from the side of the mountain in a single body; the road to Karitena passing round the head of it. The village of Tragomano is one mile and a half to the right on the side of Dhioforti. We now cross the lower part of that mountain, which terminates to the left in precipices, divided only by the Alpheius from a similar termination of the steep hill of Karitena. To avoid this impracticable gorge, the road makes such a circuit in reaching Karitena, that its hill remains behind us as we descend into the plain to the southward of the town. We leave, a little on the left, the ruins of a mosque and a small village called Xero-Karitena, and cross the Alpheius by a bridge, which appears to be of the same date as the castle of Karitena. They were both probably built by one of the Frank princes of the Morea, in the thirteenth century. There is a small chapel of the Panaghia attached to one side of the bridge, intended as a sacred protection to it against the wintry floods. It takes near half an hour to ascend from the bridge to the town:

§ 2.022  we do not arrive till 7 P.M. though the direct distance from Andritzena is not more than eight miles.
Karitena is one of the most important military points in the Morea. The castle, which is now abandoned, occupies the summit of a high rock, extremely steep towards the Alpheius, and connected eastward with the mountain which lies between the adjacent part of the plain of the Alpheius, and the vale of Atzikolo; on the north and south the hill slopes more gradually, and on these sides the town is situated. The hill stands at the southern extremity of the Στενά, or straits, of the Alpheius, which, as I have already observed, separate the upper from the lower great valley of that river.
The vilayeti of Karitena contains upwards of 100 villages, and extends to the northward as far as that of Kalavryta. Some of the villages are large, as Stemnitza, Zigovisti, Dhimitzana, Zatuna in the nearer hills northward of Karitena, and farther in the same direction, Alonistena, Vitina, Maguliana, Valtesiniko, Langadha, Vizitza, Vervitza: except the part of the Alpheian plain near Karitena, the whole district is mountainous, though in general fertile. It produces nearly equal quantities of wheat, barley, and maize; cheese, and butter are made in large quantities in the higher villages, and cotton, flax, and vines are grown in the lower valleys. Prinokokki is gathered in all the woody parts of the district. The pinaki of wheat weighs about sixty okes, that of kalambokki fifty-five, of barley forty-five.
The town of Karitena is much depopulated of late; there now remain about 200 families, of which not more than twenty are Turkish: the emigrants have chiefly gone to the territory of Kara Osman Oglu, in Asia Minor, where they are subject only to the land-tax and kharatj, and are chiefly employed in cultivating the rich lands of Pergamum and Magnesia. The master of the house I lodge in, has within a year paid 300 piastres as his share of the impositions laid upon the town.
The mukata of Karitena belongs to the same sister of the Sultan who has the Emlatika Khoria. Mistra and Argos, or the territories of the Atreidae, are the appanage of another sister of the Barbarian king.

§ 2.023  May 9. At eight this morning, following the side of the mountain above the right bank of the Alpheius, I arrive in half an hour at the point where the river of Dhimitzana, or of Atzikolo as it is here more commonly called, unites with the Alpheius, or river of Karitena. The Atzikolo is a fine stream, wide, clear, and rapid. We proceed along the hill above its left bank, and at 9 cross it by a bridge; then, ascending the opposite hill, leave the monastery of Kalami at 9.20 on the right, situated on the brow of a precipice above the river. Half way down the same cliff I perceive the ruin of a more ancient monastery, and a church in a cavern in the cliff itself. On the side of the hill, which rises above the monastery, stands the village of Atzikolo, which we leave on the left, and then, crossing a height, arrive at the ruins of a small Arcadian polis, which occupied a level summit, bordered by precipices, on the right bank of the river: the city, I think, was Gortys, the river the Gortynius, otherwise called Lusius. [sketch plan]

§ 2.025  The position is nearly in a direct line between Karitena and Dhimitzana, neither of which is visible. Stemnitza is seen on the face of a mountain to the north-east, and a little tower on one side of it, on a sharp peaked rock. On either side of the principal gate of Gortys the walls are a fine specimen of the polygonal or second order: the stones are accurately joined, and in good preservation. One of them is six feet eight inches long, three feet six inches high, and as much thick: in general, their contents are equal to cubes of two, three, and four feet. The entrance was strengthened by being placed in a reentering angle, thus the gate itself being at the end of a passage between two parallel walls or perhaps there was a gate at either end of the passage. The ancient town was nearly of the same size as that at Lavdha. On the south-western side of the town, I observe the remains of an artificial platform and some scattered fragments of white marble; it is probably the site of the temple of Aesculapius, described by Pausanias as having being built of Pentelic marble, and as containing statues, by Scopas, of Aesculapius and Hygieia.

§ 2.026  It is mentioned by Cicero as being the sepulchre of one of the Aesculapii, of whom he reckoned three. Scopas had represented the Aesculapius of Gortys without a beard, and armed with a thorax and spear, which were said to have been dedicated by Alexander the Great: of the spear only the point remained, in the time of Pausanias. It is evident, from these distinctions, but especially from the materials of the building, which must have been brought with great labour from Athens to these Arcadian mountains, that the temple was one of the most remarkable in the Peloponnesus. In another passage (in the Prior Eliacs) where Pausanias describes the river Gortynius as flowing from Gortys, he shews the importance which he attached to the temple, by adding the words, “where stands the temple of Aesculapius.” As usual, however, he supplies no means of judging of its dimensions or structure, nor could I find any remains serving to indicate even its order of architecture. It happens, unfortunately, that buildings of white marble have

§ 2.027  less chance of preservation than those of ordinary stone, as the material is in request for the making of lime and stucco, a circumstance which may account for the total disappearance of the Asclepieium of Gortys. — I return at noon to Karitena.
Within the castle of Karitena I find the ruin of a long building, with a Gothic window and several large cisterns, the work probably of the Frank prince to whom the castle and its dependencies belonged. At 3.35 I leave Karitena for Sinanu: cross the bridge at 3.52 and proceed rapidly along the plain till 4.40, when I cross the river a second time, fording it to the right bank: it is here wide and shallow Between the two passages I passed the village of Mavria and then that of Kyparissia. Above Mavria, at the foot of the Lycaean range, there are said to be some remains of antiquity. Higher up are Karyes and Kurunios, belonging to the vilayeti of Karitena, and Povergo and Strabovo to that of Londari. Above Karyes rises the mountain called the Karyatiko: it is the highest point of the Lycaeum, except Dhioforti and Tetrazi; and seems to have been the summit of what Pausanias calls the Nomian mountains which comprehended apparently all the ridge connecting Dhioforti with Tetrazi. Farther to the south is the village Ysari, belonging to Fanari. At Kyparissia there are some appearances of an ancient site, and a brook, which we cross near it, is called Vathyrema, a name which contains some vestiges of that of the place Bathos mentioned by Pausanias.
Proceeding at a moderate pace, at 5.06 we leave Vromosela half a mile on the right. One tufek, or musket-shot, above that village, according to the expression of my guide, the river of Davia joins that of Barbitza: the former is clearly the Helisson, the latter the Alpheius. At 5.30 we turn off along the bank of the Helisson, and crossing it near the theatre of Megalopolis, arrive at Sinanu at 5.50.

§ 2.028  May 10. — Sinanu, from Sinan, a common Turkish name, contains about twenty Greek families and the pyrgo of the spahi, who is a Turk of Londari. When I asked one of the cottagers why he did not sow more corn in such a fertile soil — “Where are we to get seed?” was the answer. The Turk of the pyrgo unable, in consequence, to obtain his spahilik on the crops, torments the peasants with extraordinary extortions of every kind, and this fine plain, naturally one of the richest in Greece, remains, with the exception of a few spots round some

§ 2.029  of the villages and Turkish tjiftliks, quite uncultivated.
The decline of the culture and population of Arcadia dates from a very distant period. Strabo refers it, or at least the conversion of the corn lands into pasture, to the time of the foundation of Megalopolis, when many of the small towns were abandoned. It is probable, however, that the cultivation of this plain was improved by that event: while an opposite effect may have been produced in all the surrounding districts. So greatly had the agriculture of Arcadia declined in the time of Strabo, that it was then chiefly noted for its breed of horses and asses. It would seem, therefore, that although Megalopolis gave a momentary strength and importance to Arcadia, it assisted in the depopulation of the province, and itself flourished only for a short time. This “youngest of cities” soon fell into decrepitude, Sparta being still too powerful a neighbour, except in some conjunctures, when Megalopolis was fortunate in its alliances. Cleomenes plundered and partly destroyed the place about 150 years after its foundation and from this shock it probably never recovered, gradually declining, until, according to a comic poet

§ 2.030  quoted by Strabo, the “great city was nothing more than a great desert” Its vast dimensions, more extensive, according to its native historian, than those of Sparta itself, and always disproportioned to its inhabitants served only to render its desolation the more remarkable.
During the first two centuries of the Roman empire; when Greece and Asia enjoyed a degree of security to which they had long been strangers, and more happiness perhaps than they had known for several centuries, it cannot be doubted that Arcadia partook in the general improvement, and that Pausanias found this province in a condition far less wretched than that which Strabo has described Megalopolis itself, however, was in a more ruinous state than any of the other great cities of Greece, as appears, not less from the description which Pausanias has given of the several buildings, than from his general reflections in the thirty-third chapter of the Arcadics.
Though the appearance of this noble basin might be rendered more agreeable by a certain degree of culture, desolation has not deprived it of its natural beauties, as seems to have happened in the other great Arcadian valley of

§ 2.031  Tripolitza, which, having lost its three cities, its cultivation, and its forest Pelagus, (the latter a fine contrast, probably, to the rocky steeps on either side) is now an uninteresting monotonous level. The valley of Megalopolis, on the contrary, abounds in delightful scenery. The sides of the majestic mountains Karyatiko and Tetrazi, and the hills at the southern end of the plain beyond Londari, are covered with oaks, chestnuts, and other trees. The eastern range in its higher regions is more naked than the others, but the lower hills are clothed both with underwood and large trees, among which are forests of oaks, extending in some places into the plain, particularly a little to the southward of Megalopolis. The valley itself, varied with hillocks, undulated ground, and detached copses, refreshed with numerous rivulets, shaded by planes, and watered by a larger stream winding through the middle, may almost rival the plain of Sparta in picturesque beauty; to which it is inferior only in the grandeur of the mountains, and their magnificent contrasts with the other features of the Spartan valley. In the present sylvan and uncultivated state of the country around the site of Megalopolis, we have a scene more resembling an ideal Arcadia, than could have been presented, when there was a large city in the centre of the valley: and thus we have

§ 2.032  another example of a resemblance between the Greece of the earliest ages of its history and that of the present day. The country is now clothed in all the beautiful verdure and flowery luxuriance of a Grecian spring.
Though little remains of the Great City, except its mountain of a theatre, the position of the agora is sufficiently traceable, and the two together furnish some illustration of the description of the city by Pausanias. “The Helisson”, he says, “divides Megalopolis into two parts, like the canals at Cnidus and Mitylene.” “The agora was on the right bank, or northern side of the Helisson: opposite to it stood the theatre on the southern side of the river. In the agora there was an inclosure of stones, the space within which was sacred to Jupiter Lycaeus, and had no entrance, all its contents being exposed to public view, namely, two altars of the gods, two tables, two eagles, and a statue in stone of Pan Synoeis. Behind this inclosure there was a figure of Polybius, son of Lycortas, in relief, on a pillar: elegiac verses were inscribed on the pillar, stating that he had

§ 2.033  wandered over every sea and land, had fought for the Romans, and had appeased their wrath against the Greeks. The council-house was to the left of this statue. In front of the temenus of Jupiter Lycaeus, stood the brazen statue of Apollo Epicurius, twelve feet high, which had been brought from Bassae by the Phigalenses to adorn Megalopolis. To the right of the Apollo there was a small statue of the Mother of the Gods; of her temple the columns only remained. Before it were some pedestals of statues, on one of which there was an elegy shewing that it once supported a statue of Diophanes, son of Diaeus, who was the first to unite all Peloponnesus in the Achaean league. The stoa called the Philippeium was so called in compliment to Philip, son of Amyntas; the temple of Mercury Acacesius, which adjoined to it, had been overthrown, and nothing of it was left but a lintel of stone. A smaller stoa, contiguous to the Philippeium, contained the Archives: these were six apartments, in one of which there was a statue of Diana Ephesia, and in another a brazen Pan, a cubit in height, surnamed Scoleitas, because the statue was brought from a hill of that name within the city, from which

§ 2.034  issued a stream of water flowing to the Helisson. Behind the Archives stood a temple of Fortune, with a statue of stone five feet high. The agora contained also a stoa called Myropolis, built from the spoils of the Lacedaemonians under Acrotatus, when they were defeated by the Megalopolitae under Aristodemus. Another stoa in the agora was called the Aristandreium, because it was built by Aristandrus, a native citizen. Near it, eastward, stood a peripteral temple of Jupiter Soter, containing a statue of Jupiter seated on his throne, with Megalopolis standing on his right, and Diana Soteira on his left; they were of Pentelic stone, and made by the Athenians Cephisodotus and Xenophon. Adjoining to the Aristandreium, on the west, was the sacred inclosure of the Great Goddesses, as Ceres and Proserpine were called; the latter was named Soteira by the Arcadians (instead of Core, as in most other parts of Greece). Before the entrance were represented in low relief, on one side Diana, on the other Aesculapius and Hygieia. The statues of the Great Goddesses were fifteen feet high, that of Ceres was entirely of stone, the drapery of the Soteira was of wood. Before them stood statues of two young women in long

§ 2.035  drapery bearing flowers in baskets, a small Hercules, and a table adorned with figures of the Hours, of Pan, and of Apollo in relief, and which supported statues of the nymphs, Neda, Anthracia, Hagno, Archiroe, and Myrtoessa, bearing appropriate symbols. The peribolus of the Great Goddesses contained also a temple of Jupiter Philius, whom Polycleitus of Argos, had represented in the character of Bacchus, with a cup in one hand, and a thyrsus in the other, distinguishing him as Jupiter only by an eagle on the thyrsus. Behind this temple there was a small grove of trees surrounded with a fence into which there was no admission. Before it stood statues of Ceres and her daughter, three feet high. The other contents of the sacred peribolus were a temple of Venus — a building containing the statues of four persons, who were supposed to have been the teachers of the mysteries to the Megalopolitae — a large temple in which the ceremony of the Great Goddesses was performed; and to the right of the latter a sanctuary of Core (Proserpine), containing a statue of marble eight feet high; men were admitted into this sanctuary only once a year, but women at all times.”

§ 2.036  Before the entrance of the above-mentioned temple of Venus were some ancient wooden statues of Juno, Apollo, and the Muses, brought from Trapezus. Within it were a wooden Mercury, and an acrolithic statue of Venus Mechanitis, the works of Damophon. In another part of the inclosure of the Great Goddesses, there were six statues of deities, of that square form which Pausanias elsewhere tells us that the Arcadians particularly affected.
“The Gymnasium adjoined the agora to the west. Behind the Philippeium were two small heights, on one of which stood the ruins of the temple of Minerva Polias, on the other those of Juno Teleia; at the foot of the latter was the spring of water, named Bathyllus, which flowed to the Helisson.”
“On the southern side of the river, stood the theatre, in which there was a never-failing source of water. Near the theatre were foundations of the council chamber of the Ten Thousand Arcadians, called, from the person who founded it, the Thersilium; and near the latter, a private house formerly built by the Megalopolitae, for the King Alexander, son of Philip, before which stood a hermaic statue of Ammon, with the horns of a ram. Of a temple sacred to Apollo,

§ 2.037  Hermes, and the Muses, there remained only a few foundations, together with a hermaic figure of Apollo, and a statue of one of the Muses. There remained, also, the pronaos and some ruins of a temple of Venus, and three statues of Venus, one called Urania, another Pandemusto the third, no epithet was given. Near this temple, there was an ancient altar of Mars. The Stadium, which contained a fountain sacred to Bacchus, was contiguous to the theatre on one side, and on the other, to a few remains of a temple of Bacchus. Of a temple of Hercules and Hermes, which stood near the Stadium, only the altar remained. In this division of the city, on a hill towards the east, stood the temple of Diana Agrotera, dedicated by Aristodemus; to its right was the temenus of Agrotera, containing a temple of Aesculapius with statues of Aesculapius and Hygieia, and a little below it, hermaic statues of the five gods, called the Ergatae, namely, Minerva Ergane, Apollo Agrieus, Hermes, Hercules, and Lucina. At the foot of the same hill, there was a temple of Aesculapius the Boy, with an upright statue of him, about a foot and a half high. In this temple there was an Apollo, seated on a throne, six feet in height, and some bones of one of the giants; near it a source of water flowed to the Helisson.”

§ 2.038  “Just without the city, on the road towards Thocnia, stood the temple of Neptune Epoptas; of the statue the head only remained.”
On the site of the agora, amidst numerous foundations and portions of columns, many of which are either standing in their original places or only fallen from their bases, I measured some Doric shafts of two feet eight inches in diameter Farther north is what appears to have been a quadrangle of columns in a double row, within a wall. The inner row, or those towards the middle of the quadrangle, were Ionic, two feet four inches in diameter, with filled flutings; the others were pure Doric, two feet seven inches in diameter. This quadrangle I take to have been the Gymnasium, though it is situated rather northward, than westward as Pausanias indicates, of that which appears to have been the central part of the agora. But the ancients were seldom very accurate as to the points of the compass. The distance of the ruins alluded to from the Helisson is not less than 300 yards, which shows the great extent of the public buildings in and around the agora. Proceeding from the agora, westward, along the current of the Helisson, I met with a rough mass of masonry on the bank, apparently the ruins of a bridge, and a little beyond it a small portion of a paved street, formed of a double row of long squared stones carefully wrought, and

§ 2.039  lying in a direction which forms an acute angle with that of the river. A little beyond this pavement there are two brooks, joining the Helisson, and between them a barrow. Of the theatre there remain only a few fragments of the seats, and a part of the exterior wall of the cavea; the rest is an immense mass of earth. Between the front of the theatre and the river, I observed two parallel walls, which seem to have been a prolongation of the two sides of the proscenium as far as the river, thus apparently connecting the theatre with the agora, and forming of both one magnificent piazza, with the river running through it. Perhaps the foundations in front of the theatre may have belonged to the Thersiliura, a building which, though it may have been subservient to the uses of the council of Ten Thousand, could hardly have been employed for its actual assemblage, as such a multitude could only have been seated for purposes of business, in a theatre-shaped edifice. I could not find any appearance of the source of water in the theatre, nor could I discover any vestiges of the Stadium. As to the dimensions of the theatre, which Pausanias has described as the greatest in Greece, and

§ 2.040  to which such dimensions were, perhaps, given chiefly for the purpose of accommodating the multitudinous Arcadian council — although it is too much ruined to admit of any detailed or accurate, measurements, it is sufficiently preserved to afford the means of forming some judgement of its original diameter, which I believe to have been about 480 feet, or from twenty-five to thirty feet greater than the diameter of the theatre of Sparta. It seems, moreover, to have been a greater effort of labour and expense than the theatres of Athens, Argos, Sparta, or any theatre in Greece, of which there exist any considerable remains, having had the advantage only of a slight rise in the ground, at the back of the structure, and having, with this exception, been raised, entirely by art, from the lowest level of the plain.
I could not ascertain the position of the hill of Agrotera, at the foot of which there was a source of water, but in fact, with the exception of the theatre, the difference of level in every part of the site of Megalopolis is very slight; the land abounds too in sources of water, and it may easily be conceived, that the process of ruin in the city, or natural causes, may have altered the situation of the issues of some of those springs from the ground. It is very possible that many remains may lie hid among

§ 2.041  the shrubs, which cover a great part of the site, and may thus have escaped my notice; and still more so, that the deep alluvial soil may conceal and preserve some of those works of art which Pausanias has described.
One is curious to understand the reasons which induced so experienced a soldier as Epaminondas to choose the middle of the plain for the site of the new capital of Arcadia, such a position being very different from that of the generality of Grecian cities. An unfailing supply of water, which could not be intercepted, was probably one recommendation, but those advantages of a level country, of which a modern engineer can avail himself, so as to make a fortress in a plain almost as strong as any that is favoured by natural difficulties of ground, seem scarcely applicable to the ancient art of war. Nevertheless, one can hardly doubt that some such principles were acknowledged at this meridian period of Greek strategy, since we find the Mantinenses at the same time choosing a level situation for their new city, in preference to its old position upon a hill.
In the village of Sinanu I found a marble inscribed with a few names, and a large ancient tile made of very fine earth, one foot ten inches square and two inches thick; both of them had been turned up by the plough. Coins are often

§ 2.042  procured here in the same manner; those which were brought to me were chiefly of Megalopolis or of Arcadia. At Kassimi, two miles to the WNW of Sinanu, I found the trunk of a draped female figure of the human size. I observed also some vestiges of the walls of Megalopolis, as well as of a ditch, among the pasture land and bushes not far from Sinanu, which place being very little more than half a mile from the theatre, will give a circumference of three miles and a half, at the utmost, to the ancient city, if we suppose, as seems probable, that the theatre and agora were about the centre. These are much below the dimensions which Polybius ascribes to Megalopolis.
At the end of forty minutes, the road from Sinanu to Londari crosses the main stream of the Alpheius, here called Kutufarina, from whence it gradually ascends for fifty minutes to Londari. The Londari Kazasi contains sixty villages in the Megalopolitis and adjacent part of Messenia, and extends south-westward as far as the foot of Mount Ithome. The Turks of the town of Londari own the greater part of the land, which, though naturally not less fertile than the generality of the interior of the Morea, is, in consequence of their poverty, idleness, and extortion, in a wretched state of cultivation.

§ 2.043  Many Greeks have lately removed from this district to Nisi. There are about 250 Turkish and forty Greek houses in the town, which stands on the side of a long acclivity rising to a summit clothed with oaks, which is connected southwards with Mount Xerovuni, the northern great summit of the Taygetic range. The branch which terminates at Londari is separated to the eastward by the valley of the main stream of the Alpheius, from the summits now called Tzimbaru and Khelmos, and to the westward by another tributary of the same river from the mountains Makryplai and Elenitza. On the northern side of the town are the remains of a castle on a commanding height; it contains some ruined churches and a Turkish mosque, which was formerly a large Greek church; both the castle and the churches are constructions of the time of the lower empire. Londari probably attained to importance, and received its present name in the same ages which gave rise to Mistra, Tripolitza, and several other modern Peloponnesian towns, which owed their existence, or at least their augmentation, to the strength of their position in times of insecurity. I do not however find the name of Londari in the Byzantine history, until after the conquest of Constantinople, when it figures as one of the chief places of the Morea in the narratives of Chalcocondylas and Phranza. One cannot but suppose that such an advantageous position was the site of one of the numerous small poleis of ancient Arcadia, though Pausanias affords no support to this opinion, nor have I been able to find any Hellenic remains at Londari. The principal place in this vicinity in the middle ages of ancient Greece appears to have been at Satnara, a village on the left bank of the Xerilo-potamo, or above-mentioned western branch of the Alpheius, not much more than a mile distant from Londari. Here are the remains of the walls of a Hellenic city, which appears from Xenophon and Pausanias to have been Cromnus, or Cromi.

§ 2.044  May 11. — From Londari to Tripolitza. I set out at 6.15, and in leaving the town, see the traces of chariot wheels in the rocks. After having crossed the Kutufarina, we enter a forest of oaks not very thickly planted; they extend to the right as far as Mount Khelmos, an insulated mountain of no great height, distant about five miles, standing about midway between Xerovuni and Tzimbaru. Having arrived at the end of the forest, at 7.40, we begin, at 8, to ascend Mount Tzimbaru, leaving Rapsomati considerably on the left and Gardhiki on the right. My route from Arkadhia to Tripolitza on the 5th March, passed on the other side of Rapsomati. Gardhiki, which Chalcocondylas writes Καρδικίη, was a place of some importance when it was taken by Mahomet the Second in the year 1460. At 8.30 pass the ruins of the village of Anemodhuri on the summit of the ridge of Tzimbaru, the highest point of which remains half a mile on the right, and is one of the most conspicuous objects in the centre of the Morea. At 8.50, entering the plain of Frangovrysi, Papari is in the plain on the right, near Mount Tzimbaru, and Alika at the foot of the mountain on the left; this is perhaps the ancient Alycaea, one of the old Arcadian towns which contributed to people Megalopolis. At 9.05 we halt five minutes at the head of a causeway of stone which crosses the western end of a large marsh. In coming from Arkadhia I left this marsh entirely on the right; it occupies all the central part of the plain, and extends to the rock at the foot of Mount Tzimbaru. At the south-eastern end of the plain I observe a peaked hill with a ruined church on the summit, behind which there is said to be a valley, and a small stream flowing to the Vasilipotamo. The marsh is chiefly formed by the stream which originates in the spring of Frangovrysi and the others near it. The river Gdhani

§ 2.046  flows out of the marsh and passes into the plain of Megalopolis, through the deep rocky gorge on the northern side of Mount Tzimbaru, which was on my right, on the 5th of March, as I ascended the heights from Rapsomati.
After crossing the marsh we proceed along the banks of the rivulet of Frangovrysi, which turns some mills, and at 9.40 join the road from Arkadhia to Tripolitza at the foot of the height, upon which are the Hellenic remains already described, undoubtedly those of Asea. In the marshy plain, at the foot of the hill, I observe the foundations of a round tower, together with those of a piece of curved wall, within which the tower stood. The ruins are called Zurlomylo, a name first applied probably to the round tower. At 9.55 we arrive at the Khan of Frangovrysi, and halt there five minutes. The neighbouring spring which gives name to the Khan is joined by the waters of another copious source, which issues near the foot of the opposite mountain one third of a mile distant, and afterwards by those of a third under the Paleokastro. The united stream turns the mills which I passed in approaching Frangovrysi. The Khan stands at the foot of a rocky height, which is separated from that of the Paleokastro by a narrow valley, branching up near a mile towards the mountains: there is another similar valley after passing the Khan. Our road follows the latter, and at 10.30 begins to ascend the hills which separate the valley of Asea from that of Pallantium, leaving on the right the rocky summit now called Kravari, and anciently Boreium.
At 11.25 we enter the vale of Pallantium, leaving the inundation of the Taki at the foot of Mount Boreium on the right. It is as plentiful as when I saw it last, and fills up all the space between that mountain and the rocky ridge, on which stand the villages of Birbati and Thana, and which is continued quite to Tripolitza. The castle of Tripolitza may be considered the extreme point of it. The Manthuric plain of Pausanias is evidently that part of the Tegeatic plain which surrounds the Taki. We leave on the right Birbati, and then Thana, each about two miles distant, and Boleta on the left half a mile, gradually approaching the ridge as the plain narrows, until, at 12.05, having arrived at the end of the valley, we cross the ridge and enter Tripolitza at 12.35.

§ 2.047  May 12 — 19. — I find a white marble column hollowed out, and serving for a horse-trough at a well, one mile from the gate of Tripolitza on the Anapli road. Its dimensions being precisely the same as those of the two columns in the mosques of the city, it is evident that they all belonged to the same colonnade at Tegea; I was told at Piali that fifteen similar columns had been carried away from the same excavation at that place.
In the basement of one of the mosques of Tripolitza I observe a marble, on which is inscribed the name of Lucius Mummius, the celebrated conqueror of Corinth: spelt Λευκιο Μομμ- the remainder of the name wanting. The marble probably came from Tegea, as well as another which I found in the merchants okkal; it is a child's sarcophagus, on which are the letters ΠΟΛΙΣ ΤΕ ... the remainder of the word Tegea, or Tegeaton being broken off. The inscription of Mummius serves to shew the form of letters used about the year 145 B.C.
One afternoon I rode to Thana. Though the place seems to have had nothing to recommend it to the ancients for the site of a town, there are many fragments of buildings and of ancient pottery around the village, and I found two broken inscriptions, one in a church in the village, the other at a small distance from it in a church of St. Euphemius. The latter records the erection of a bath and stoa, and mentions the name of Hadrian with the epithet of Panellenius.
During my absence from Tripolitza, the Pasha has assembled all the voivodas, agas, and hodja-bashis, upon the subject of a firmahn of the Porte, ordering a reinforcement of troops to the Morea, in consequence of the alarm respecting the French. The firmahn directed that they should be fed and paid by the Morea: 600 men, chiefly Albanians, arrived from Rumili, whose leaders required twelve piastres, about sixteen shillings, a month for each soldier. The Pasha would only consent to eight; at length it was agreed in council that they should be dismissed with fifteen purses, and that the Pasha should represent that the peninsula was unable to support them, on account of the failure of the last harvest — he expecting in return that the assembly should unite in a representation to the Porte, laudatory of his conduct, and recommending the renewal of his Pashalik for another year. The Spahis who came from Rumili were retained, because they are entitled to provisions only, but there can be little doubt that they will soon return home without waiting for permission. Such is the mode in which the Turks prepare for war. Another firmahn directs that no Frenchman shall be allowed to land from a ship of war.
One of the chief landed proprietors of the Morea is Arnaut Oglu of Tripolitza, who owns 300 tjiftliks. Bekir Bey, brother of Nuri Bey

§ 2.050  of Corinth, has 500, the gross produce of which may be worth 1000 purses, or 30,000 L. sterling a-year.
The gardens attached to the houses of Tripolitza. are chiefly planted with mulberry-trees, from which about 2000 okes of silk are made every year. There is not a single tree or garden outside the walls, and the vegetables brought to market are chiefly from Argos or Nisi, though the climate would suit admirably any of our potherbs and even potatoes.
An idea prevails here, which I have heard repeated in several parts of the Morea, that the swallows come in the spring from Africa on the backs of the cranes. A person of good credit has assured me, that he has seen a crane light upon a ship at sea with swallows on its back. The storks arrive in the Morea at the same time as the cranes, but are not swallow carriers, whether from want of charity, or want of strength, I cannot learn.

§ 2.051  CHAPTER XIII ARCADIA.
May 20. — Quitting Tripolitza, at 4.10 p.m., by the Karitena road, I enter the pass of Mount Maenalus, or Maenalium, at the back of the town; — at 4.25 see tracks of chariot wheels in the rocks. At 4.50, in the middle of the mountain, leave the Karitena road to the left; at the summit of the ridge look down upon the vale of Davia, and the opposite range of mountains, which extend to the plain of Megalopolis. On the left are Sylimna, and the other places which I visited March 16. Sylimna, perhaps, stands on the site of Sumatia. Descending the hill, we turn to the right under Apanokhrepa, and the bottom leave a pyrgo and zevgalatia at the head of a little bay at the foot of the steep. It is the same mentioned March 16. We then pass along the foot of Mount Maenalium, ascending

§ 2.052  the valley of Davia, and leaving four or five miles on the left the Stena, through which the Helisson passes, between two steep fir-clad mountains, into the plain of Megalopolis. In some part of the valley towards those passes, the site of Lycoa might probably be recognized. At 5.50 we leave Davia a little on the right, on the rise of Maenalium, consisting of twelve poor huts.
The town of Maenalus stood probably higher up the mountain, at the foot of the highest summit, which is now called Aidin.
On the opposite side of the Helisson, a rocky projection of the hills which border that side of the valley reaches nearly to the river side: the summit is encircled by remains of Hellenic walls, of which I observe a handsome piece on the part of the hill overlooking the river. This is doubtless the position of Dipaea, which Pausanias describes as a small city of the Maenalia on the banks of the Helisson. It was famous for a battle fought here about the year 470 B.C., between the Lacedaemonians and all the Arcadians, except the Mantinenses. In the latter ages of the Greek empire, Davia was in the

§ 2.053  possession of the Albanians, of whom there were many settlements at that time in the peninsula. Those of Lalla and Bardhunia are probably the remains of them, though I do not find either of the names in the Byzantine historians.
We continue to ride along the foot of the mountain, the nearest heights of which are covered with firs, and leave the Helisson flowing from a narrow gorge on the left, in which direction, on the side of the mountain rising opposite to the Maenalium to the west, there is a little cultivation around the village of Piana. At 6.10 cross a torrent flowing from Maenalium towards the Helisson. At 6.27 ascend the hills which terminate the vale of Dipaea, and connect Maenalium with the mountains which extend south-westward to Karitena. All the highest summits of the Maenalian ridge are covered with large firs. At 6.40 we enter upon an elevated valley, in which are corn-fields mixed with firs. At 7.20 cross a stream; at 7.30 another; at 7.35 arrive at Alonistena: the baggage at 8.15.
The first of the two streams just mentioned, rises in the mountain on the right, a bare white rock, on which are a few pines near the top, and farther down a forest of the same trees. The second stream issues from a copious

§ 2.054  fountain in the village of Alonistena. The source of the western branch is in the village of Piana. As the spring of Alonistena is the principal source of the river, the village should stand, according to Pausanias, on the site of the town Helisson, though I cannot find any remains of antiquity here, nor has it any of the usual attributes of an ancient site. The modern appellation is perhaps one of those corruptions in which the name has assumed a new meaning, while preserving a similarity in sound to the ancient word. Though Alonistena means the pass of the threshing-floor, it seems very possible that it may have been derived originally from Helisson, in the usual Romaic form of the accusative case. It is by no means unlikely also that the source at Alonistena is the emissory of the katavothra of the Ophis, or river of Mantineia. The mountain behind the village is one of the highest summits of the Maenalian ridge, and is contiguous northward to Mount Aidin. Between it and another which runs northward, and then eastward, towards Tara, there is a pass leading from Alonistena to Levidhi.
Alonistena contains about seventy houses, and is in the district of Karitena, which town is reckoned eight hours distant. It is prettily situated on either side of the ravine, at the bottom of which the river issues, and which is closed around by steep mountains covered with firs. The situation of the village being very lofty, the natives enjoy a fine air, and have none of those diseases which torment the inhabitants of the plains in the summer and autumn. In return, they often have three feet of snow upon the ground in the winter. The land produces a small quantity of wheat, which is very good; but sheep and their produce are the principal riches of the place: no benefit is derived from the firs which surround it, except firewood. I am lodged in the house of the protogheros; the best, that of a Kyr Dhimitri being pre-occupied by certain Lalliote armatoli, hired by the vilayeti of Karitena to clear the country of robbers, and who are living at free cost upon the village.

§ 2.055  May 21. At 5.50 A.M. we ascend the ravine behind the village, through a forest of firs between the rocky summit of the Maenalian range on the right, and a lower woody mountain on the left; — at 6.20 arrive on the crest of the ridge which connects the two mountains; it commands a view of the vale of Alonistena and the range of hills on each side of it, with Mount Malevo (of St. Peter's) in the distance. In the opposite direction is seen the vale of Vitina, and beyond it, to the north-westward, a high ridge, upon the face of which is the village of Maguliana, containing about seventy houses, distant four or five miles from us, in a straight line. At the crest of the pass the road to Vitina and Kalavryta separates from that leading to Dhimitzana, the former descending along the side of the mountain to the right, the latter along the range to the left. We pursue the latter, and in the descent perceive to the north the town of Vitina, at a direct distance of about three miles, and, in the same direction, the plain and village of Tara, with a lofty mountain at the back of it, eight or ten miles distant.
Vitina is divided into two parts: the larger stands on a height, at the back of which a river runs through a deep rocky ravine, and takes its course towards the plain of Tara. This river is formed by four streams; the southernmost descends from Nimnitza, the second from Pyrgo, both of which are small villages on the mountain bordering the valley to the south-west; the third is from Maguliana, on the mountain which borders the valley to the north-west; and the fourth from the vicinity of a small village to the north of Maguliana.

§ 2.057  Vitina is the largest town in this part of Arcadia, and has a schoolmaster, who teaches Hellenic.
After a halt of twenty minutes for the baggage under Nimnitza, we cross, at 7.20, the stream from that village, and at 7.30 arrive at the walls of an ancient city on a height, below Pyrgo, otherwise called Pyrgako, which is prettily situated on the side of the mountain. At 7.35 arrive at another ancient wall built along the bank of the rivulet which descends from Pyrgo, and joins that from Nimnitza a little below the ruin. The walls were of the second order, but very little of them remains. If they belonged, as I have little doubt, to Methydrium, they probably extended considerably farther to the northward, as far perhaps as the junction of the rivulet of Maguliana with the united stream from Pyrgo and Nimnitza; for Methydrium was one of the most important towns in Arcadia. After a few minutes' delay, we proceed over the roots of the Nimnitza mountain along the brook which rises near Maguliana, and at 8 arrive at the foundations of an ancient building thirty feet long and fifteen broad. Two minutes farther I perceive other ancient wrought stones, brought probably from the same building, now mixed with many rude masses, and forming a modern fence.

§ 2.058  They seem to be the remains of a temple, perhaps that of Neptune Hippius; for though Pausanias says that this temple was in Methydrium, these words do not absolutely require, according to his mode of expressing himself, as exemplified on other occasions, that the temple was within the walls of the city: indeed, as he adds that the temple was on the Mylaon, it was more probably without the city walls. On this supposition the river of Maguliana was the Mylaon. It is doubtful which of the streams descending from Pyrgo and Nimnitza was the Molottus, and which the Maloetas; or, rather, there is reason to suppose that one of these names is an error in the text of Pausanias for the other, and that he only meant to speak of one river besides the Mylaon. If the Mylaon was the river of Maguliana, it will follow that the mountain above Pyrgo and Nimnitza was that which Pausanias describes as being above the Molottus, and as being called Thaumasium, though I cannot confirm it by any tidings of the cave of Rhea. It must

§ 2.059  be allowed that one part of the description of Methydrium by Pausanias, does not very well agree with the position of these ruins. He says that it was built by Orchomenus on a lofty hill between the two rivers; whereas it was rather surrounded with mountains than built upon one: the rivers, however, leave little doubt of the identity; and the elevation of the place above the level of the sea must be very considerable, as it is so near to some of the most distant sources of the Alpheius; in this sense, therefore, it was built upon a mountain.
Continuing to ascend the rivulet of Maguliana, we pass, at 8.15, over the traces of wheels in the rocks; at 8.16 leave the road to Maguliana, as well as the rivulet, to the right. Ascend till 8.22, when, arriving at the highest part of the pass between the mountains of Nimnitza and Maguliana, we leave on the left a small plain, at the foot of the fir-clad heights of the farmer range. This plain gives rise to a rivulet which runs towards Dhimitzana; the pass therefore separates the waters of the Ladon from those of the Gortynius. The rivulet enters a ravine, and we follow the steep and rocky side of the hill which rises from its right bank. At 9, in a small plain belonging to Dhimitzana, it is joined by another torrent from

§ 2.060  the mountain on the right: it is now much increased in size, and a canal is diverted from it to turn some mills. The plain is marshy, and the land prepared for kalambokki: at 9.30, at the end of the plain we are saluted by a heavy shower of rain and a strong cold wind directly in our faces: soon enter a pass through which the river, now nearly as large as at Atzikolo, is precipitated over a rocky bed between two steep mountains. Descending along the side of that which overhangs its right bank, we arrive in half an hour in a narrow vale, from whence the town of Dhimitzana is visible on the opposite side of the river, standing on the summit of a high ridge, and surrounded on all sides by steep and lofty mountains. At 10.15 cross the bridge of Dhimitzana, and, immediately passing between two high perpendicular rocks, separated by an opening of only six or eight feet, we mount the hill, and arrive in the town at 10.45. When the Tartar inquires for the hodja-bashi, “We are all hodja-bashis”, is the reply; soon alarmed, however, by the oaths of the Turk, or not apprehensive of any ill treatment from an Englishman, they find us a good konak, as well as lodging for the horses.
In the afternoon I visit the school of Dhimitzana, the most renowned in the Morea, and

§ 2.061  which probably existed before the Turkish conquest. I find the dhaskalo, or master in his library, which contains some valuable editions of the classics, many of Aldus, and numerous theological works, but no manuscripts. At present the school has few disciples, and those who learn ancient Greek read little more than the Fathers of the Greek Church, and Lucian, which is generally the first book put into their hands by the master. I have remarked this practice at other places; it had its rise, perhaps, in the early ages of Christianity, for the sake of the ridicule which the author throws on the Pagan deities. The school of Dhimitzana, though still considered the best in the Morea, has much declined of late. With the increasing misery and depopulation of the Peninsula, the pursuit of letters has diminished in proportion. The study of Hellenic, though so easy to those who have more than half learned it with their mother tongue, is discouraged because it leads to nothing: meantime smaller schools have been established at Mistra, Argos, Vitina, and Kalavryta, in which is taught that mere smattering of the ancient language which is thought sufficient for boys intended for the Church. The poor didascalus complains piteously

§ 2.062  of these changes from bad to worse, the effect of which is, that his means of existence fall off, and that he is at a loss to find any person who really esteems his occupation, or with whom he can entertain a conversation on the subjects which interest him. He seems a sensible, pleasant character, with a tolerable knowledge of the ancient authors, and a good memory; but, as usual among the modern Greeks, he is quite devoid of sound criticism, and scarcely attempts to form a judgement for himself of the authors whom he reads.
He persists in maintaining that Dhimitzana is the ancient Psophis, that the mountain of Stemnitza, or, as it is sometimes called, Klinitza, is Lampeia, and that the river is the Erymanthus. It is in vain that I turn to Pausanias, and endeavour to shew him that those places must have been some thirty miles distant from hence. He produces Meletius, though he acknowledges him to be full of errors, in support of the tradition which he received from his predecessor in the school, and which the people of Dhimitzana have been so long accustomed to, that they will probably adhere to it as long as Greece remains in its present state of darkness.
The dhaskalo accompanies me to the bishop,

§ 2.063  an ignorant monk from Cyprus, who lives in the eastern part of the town, on a ridge branching towards Zygovisti. He then conducts me to the other parts of the town, and we make the circuit of it as far as a rocky summit overhanging the river, which form a semicircle around the precipitous peninsula. All round the crest of the ridge occupied by the town are the remains of a Hellenic wall, some parts of which are intermixed with the yards, and walls, and foundations of the private houses: in some places there are several courses of the masonry remaining, which is partly of the third order, but contains also some fine massy pieces of the polygonal kind. If Atzikolo was Gortys, and there is any truth in Pausanias, these must be the ruins of Teuthis. There are some Hellenic foundations among the vineyards on the slope of the mountain, shewing this slope to have been a part of the ancient city. On the other hand, the portion of the modern town lying on the ridge to the eastward, seems to have been excluded from the ancient inclosure. The walls traceable round the modern town are probably those of the acropolis only.
The situation of Dhimitzana is cool, healthy, and extremely beautiful. To the south it commands a view of the western part of the plain

§ 2.064  of Megalopolis and the mountains behind Londari. I am informed that the river which encircles the hill is a mere torrent which fails in the summer, and that the permanent source of the Gortynius is a great kefaloyrysi, or spring, at the foot of the mountain of Stemnitza.
The situation of the place, the rocky streets, or rather narrow passages between the houses, and the ancient remains, forming a part of some of the modern walls, remind me of Khimara; but the people here have more concord among themselves, and are far less uncivilized. The Mukata of Dhimitzana and its dependent villages, of which Zygovisti and Stemnitza are the chief, belongs to Osman, one of the twelve hodja-khans of Constantinople: he holds them on condition of paying three purses to a certain mosque in Constantinople, and four to the Porte for the kharatj. Osman's agent receives twelve purses from Hassan Bey of Tripolitza, brother of Ali Effendi: the hodja-bashi and primates of Dhimitzana rent it of Hassan Bey for thirteen purses this year, and generally for more. The dhekatia on the cultivators is one in seven: the proprietors of the land are all Greeks. In the town there are 300 families all Greek.

§ 2.065  May 22. — This morning, at 5.50, I begin to descend from Dhimitzana, and passing through the vineyards by a steep rugged zigzag path, arrive at 6.10 at the river, which we cross by a bridge just below a place where the water descends fifty feet in a distance of as many yards, tumbling over large masses of rock between lofty precipices hung with shrubs; the hill and town of Dhimitzana appear above this fine foreground in the most picturesque manner. We ascend the opposite hill, which is still more steep and lofty than that of Dhimitzana, and just under the brow arrive at the large village of Zatuna, situated in a climate which is so far behind that of the plain, that the figs and mulberries are only coming into leaf. There are about 150 houses, many of which are large and have gardens of mulberry and walnut mixed with cypress, and lefka, or white poplar. I observe several shops of artisans, and a manufacture for tanning and dyeing leather. We halt ten minutes at the highest part of the village, and then, proceeding under the brow of the mountain, leave to the left, at 7.10, the road to Karitena, which town is distant four hours. At 7.15, on the summit of the pass, we became involved in a thick fog. The western side of the mountain is barren, and little cultivated; at 8 the small village of Zerzova is on the left; here

§ 2.066  the fog clears away and discovers a grand prospect of the opposite mountains of Fanari, and the fine slopes on either side of the lower vale of the Alpheius. Andritzena and Fanari are both hid by the hills in front of them. On the slope of those below Andritzena, across the hollow of the Alpheius, I see the village of Matesh, two miles to the north-westward of Lavdha. The river of Andritzena, which is called Servata, joins the Alpheius a little below Matesh.
At 8.15 we halt ten minutes; on the left I perceive, at a distance of two or three miles to the south-west, an ancient Greek ruin with walls of the third order: it occupies the summit of a woody hill overhanging the right bank of the Alpheius, opposite to and a little below Matesh. It is called the Castle of Leodhoro, or, more vulgarly, Lodhoro, and is said to have been built by a lord of that name who owned all the adjacent country, which from him was called Leodhora. This may be a true account of a part of its history; and a castle of the middle ages may have been added to the Hellenic walls: but these belong, in all probability, to Melaeneae, which Pausanias and the Peutinger Table place hereabouts, on the road from Heraea to Megalopolis. Pausanias says, that in

§ 2.067  his time Melaenes was deserted and inundated with water; it would seem, therefore, that the town was on the river side, and that the remains which I see are those of the citadel only. They are about due north of the Castle of St. Helen at Lavdha, which is also in sight.
The sides of the hills on the right as far as Lalla, are rich, well wooded, and abound in corn. After halting ten minutes, we continue to descend, and at 8.45 cross a stream shaded with planes, and flowing from right to left towards the Alpheius. It is probably the Buphagus, at the sources of which was Buphagium. I am told that it is dry in summer. We continue to descend through fields of corn in ear, intermixed with wild pear trees, and natural copses of a great variety of shrubs, and at 10.05 arrive at the Alpheius just where it emerges from the straits of Karitena and Lavdha into the lower valley or champaign country, of which the chief town was Heraea. Throughout this part of its course, and indeed as far as the sea, there is a narrow level on either bank, inundated in winter, and planted with maize in summer; the river is wide and shallow, and its banks produce a great number of large plane trees. After crossing it, we ascend the

§ 2.068  cultivated slope of Fanari: at 11.20 pass along the side of a mountain overhanging a ravine to the right, which is formed on the opposite side by a hill, crowned by the walls of a Hellenic fortress, now called the Castle of Nerovitza.
From thence we descend into a little plain situated at the foot of the mountain of Fanari, and watered by the stream, which, after having half-encircled the hill of Nerovitza, descends from thence to the Alpheius. Having crossed this plain and stream, we ascend Mount Fanaritiko, and at 12.15 arrive at Fanari. This town, which is almost entirely inhabited by Turks, stands in an elevated situation between two high peaks, on the south-eastern of which, towards Andritzena, are the remains of a castle of the Lower Empire, called Zakkuka. From the two peaks descend two streams, which are conducted in numerous artificial rills to the gardens, houses, mills, and public fountains of the town, which covers a large space of ground. The gardens of fruit trees surrounding the houses, and some fine plane trees in the open spaces near the mosques, as well as along the course of the two brooks, give the whole a beautiful appearance. The air is pure, and is said to be cool even in the midst of summer.
I am visited by the Greek Hodja Bashi of Andritzena, Papa Alexi Ikonomu, who assists the Turkish voivoda of Fanari in transacting the business of the vilayeti, and has, in fact, the principal direction of it. There are five or six mosques in Fanari, and three or four hundred houses.

§ 2.069  May 23. Pass the morning in taking geodaesical observations on the summit of Zakkuka, the highest or south-eastern peak of the Fanaritiko, or mountain of Fanari. Zakkuka, it seems, was the name of a castle which stood upon the peak. It is an hour's ride thither from Fanari, passing through the town from the lower part of it, and then up the hill by a zigzag path. The view may be said to comprehend all the Morea except Achaea, the northeastern part of Arcadia, and the extremities of Argolis and Laconia. To the north is seen the whole range of Olonos, and a little more westward, at the foot of that mountain, the Eleian hills, with the hill of Sandamerio and Kefalonia rising above them. To the right of Olonos, the two other great mountains, Khelmos and Zyria close the view; within which are seen all the secondary Arcadian summits, from the range of Erymanthus to that of Maenalus, both included. Still nearer, are the mountains and hills which inclose the vale of the Alpheius on the north-east, forming a chain from the valley of the Ladon to Mount Tzimbaru, in face of Londari.

§ 2.070  Still more distant than the Maenalian summits are seen Turniki and Partheni, Mount Malevo of St. Peter's (Parnon), and then two other remarkable peaks in the same great ridge which occupies all the eastern side of Laconia; over its southern extremity I can clearly recognize the pointed hill of Beziane, near the head of the Laconic Gulf.
Mount Taygetum forms a noble object in the south-east, overlooking the lower summits near Mistra and in Mani. The plain and gulf of Messene, Koroni, Mounts Lykodhemo and Kondovuni, and the paralia between Navarin and Arkadhia, fill up the prospect to the right of Taygetum, in which direction the nearer objects are the Lycaean mountains, with their valleys and cultivated slopes. The latter range forms, together with the Triphylian mountains, one distinct body, bounded by the paralia of Triphylia on the west, by the pass of Kokhla and the plain of Messene on the south, by the plain of Megalopolis and the valleys of the lower Alpheius on the east and north. Of the summits of this division of the Peloponnesian mountains, Tetrazi has the appearance, perhaps from its pointed shape, of being the highest; that upon which I stand seems nearly equal in height with the others, namely, Karyatiko, Dhioiftrti, and the mountains of Alvena and

§ 2.071  Smerna, anciently called Minthe and Lapithus. The Fanaritiko forms the connecting link between Lycaeum and those two summits, and Lapithus terminates the range at Khaiaffa, and towards the mouth of the Alpheius. To the right of the latter mountain are seen the plain of Pyrgo, Cape Katakolo, and all the sea shore of the JEleia between that cape and Kastro Tornese, with Zakytho in the distance. The most beautiful part of this extensive prospect is to the northward, where the fine champaign slope presents itself to view, which extends five or six miles on both sides of the Alpheius, and in the middle of which stands the town of Lalla, in the highest part of the elevated country to the north-east of Olympia. The large houses of the three brothers, Seid, Mustafa, and Hassan, and of the son-in-law of one of them, Ali Fermaki, are very conspicuous objects.
The castle of Zakkuka is probably of Frank construction: there are remains of a round tower on the summit of the peak, and of a few houses on the slope. Stunted oaks are scattered over the highest parts of the hill, and among them are some shepherds tending their flocks.
This afternoon I visit the Hellenic remains called the Castle of Nerovitza, which lay on

§ 2.072  our right yesterday as we approached Fanari. At two-thirds of the distance thither I observe the foundations of an ancient wall, but too distant from Nerovitza to have been a part of the city which stood there. The hill of Nerovitza is surrounded on the eastern and partly on the northern and southern sides by the torrent of Fanari. It has a tabular summit about 300 yards [sketch] long in the direction of east and west, 100 yards broad, and surrounded by remains of Hellenic walls. At the south-eastern angle, a part rather higher than the rest formed a keep to this fortress; it was about seventy yards

§ 2.073  long, and half as much broad. The entrance appears to have been in the middle of the eastern wall, between two square towers, of which that to the left only now remains. Beyond this tower, in the same direction and just below the eastern wall of the keep, [sketch map] a lower terrace still retains some foundations of a temple, together with portions of the shafts of columns not fluted, two feet two inches in diameter. There are remains of another temple, with some fragments of columns of the same dimensions, towards the western extremity of the outer fortress near the brow of the height. The whole summit is carpeted with a fine close turf, as usual on the Arcadian hills, where the atmosphere is generally sufficiently moist, even in summer, to maintain the verdure and to furnish an excellent pasture for sheep. I descend from the hill on the northern side through some fields of wheat full grown, but quite green; in the midst of which I find some large flat stones accurately cut, which apparently formed part of a ceiling. A little farther on is a source of water. From thence, after winding round the eastern side of

§ 2.074  the hill to regain the road to Fanari, I find the foundations of one of the gates of the lower city. This part of the fortification was flanked with towers, of which there are the remains of two or three, together with considerable pieces of the intermediate walls on the western side, where the ground is very rocky and overgrown with bushes. The masonry is in general of the second order, and has suffered much from time and the exposed situation.
Pausanias and Polybius accord in proving that these are the ruins of Aliphera. The place is so well described by Polybius, and the topography of the surrounding country so well illustrated by a comparison of the two authors, that I shall here subjoin extracts both from the description of the Greek traveller, and the narrative of the historian. “The river Tuthoa”, says Pausanias, “flows into the Ladon at the boundary of the Thelpusii and Heraeenses, which the Arcadians call Pedium. The Ladon joins the Alpheius at the island of Crows. The founder of the Heraeenses was Heraeeus, son of Lycaon. The city lies on the right bank of the Alpheius, the greater part on a gently-rising ground, the remainder on the bank of the river,

§ 2.075  where are baths and walks of myrtle and other cultivated trees. Here are two temples of Bacchus, one surnamed Polites, the other Axites: attached to them is a building in which the orgies of Bacchus are celebrated. In Heraea there is likewise a temple of Pan, who, to the Arcadians, is a native deity. Of the temple of Juno some columns and other ruins only are left. Proceeding into the Eleia from Heraea, at the end of about fifteen stades you will cross the Ladon, from whence to the Erymanthus there are twenty stades. According to the Arcadians, the Erymanthus is the boundary of Heraea towards the Eleia; but the Eleians say that their limits are at the tomb of Coroebus, upon which there is an epigram, attesting that he was the first who conquered at Olympia, and that he was buried on the confines of the Eleia.”
“Aliphera is a small city; many of the inhabitants of which abandoned it when the Arcadians collected together in Megalopolis. In proceeding from Heraea to Aliphera, you will cross the Alpheius, pass over a plain ten stades in width, and then ascend thirty stades through a mountain. The city was named from Alipherus, son of Lycaon. Here are temples of Aesculapius and Minerva: the latter deity is particularly revered among the Alipherenses, because, as they say, she was born and nourished among them.

§ 2.076  They have dedicated an altar to Jupiter Lecheatas, as having here brought forth Minerva, and they have given the name of Tritonis to a fountain, to which they apply that which is generally reported concerning the river Triton. The statue of Minerva is made of brass; it is the work of Hypatodorus, and is worthy of admiration both for its magnitude and its workmanship. The Alipherenses celebrate a public festival to one of their deities, I think to Minerva.”
The narrative of Polybius is to the following effect: — It was in the Social War, BC 219, that Philip, after having taken Psophis and plundered the Eleia, marched from Olympia to Thelpusa, and thence to Heraea, where he repaired the bridge over the Alpheius for the purpose of passing over into Triphylia. It happened at the same time that Philidas, who had been sent from Aetolia with 600 men to assist the Eleians, entered Triphylia at the head of those troops, reinforced by 1000 men of Elis and nearly as many mercenaries in the service of that state. Triphylia (remarks the historian) took its name from Triphylus, one of the sons of Arcas; it was situated in the maritime part of Peloponnesus, between Eleia and Messenia, and contained nine cities, namely, Samicum, Lepreum, Hypana, Typaneae, Pyrgus, Aepium,

§ 2.077  Bolax, Styllangium, and Phrixa. These the Eleians had not long before gained possession of; they had also, by an exchange with Lydiades, a tyrant of Megalopolis, obtained Aliphera, which had before been attributed to Arcadia. Philidas having sent the Eleians to Lepreum and the mercenaries to Aliphera, waited at Typaneae to observe the movements of Philip, who speedily crossed the bridge over the Alpheius at Heraea, and moved to Aliphera. “This city”, adds Polybius, “stands upon a hill precipitous on every side, to which there is an ascent of more than ten stades. The citadel is on the summit of the hill, and contains a statue of Minerva remarkable for its beauty and magnitude. It is not known by whom or upon what occasion this statue was dedicated, but all agree that it was made by Hypatodorus and Sostratus, and that it is one of their choicest works.” On the morning after his arrival, the weather being serene and clear, Philip ordered ladder bearers to proceed to various parts of the town walls, escorted by mercenaries, who were followed by parties of Macedonians; while he led in person a chosen body of men through some difficult and rocky places, to the citadel. The assault was made at sunrise. The Alipherenses, intent on resisting the attack of the

§ 2.078  Macedonians on the town walls, left the citadel undefended, so that Philip easily gained the outer inclosure, and set fire to it. The Alipherenses, seeing the flames, and alarmed for the safety of the acropolis, retired into it, and thus allowed the Macedonians to enter the town on all sides: soon afterwards they sent proposals of capitulation to Philip. Philidas having quitted Typaneae and marched to Lepreum, the Typaneatae surrendered their city to Philip, and their example was followed by Hypana and Phigaleia. The Lepreatae, whose city was occupied by some Lacedaemonians and Cretans, as well as by the Eleians and Aetolians brought thither by Philidas, required these troops to leave the place; but it was not until Philip approached the town that their demand was complied with, when the Cretans marched towards Messenia on their way home, and Philidas, with the Spartans and Eleians, retired to Samicum. Lepreum then submitted to the king: as soon as he approached Samicum, the Aetolians and Eleians requested and obtained his permission to march unmolested homeward; Samicum was then also taken, all the other towns surrendered, and the whole of Triphylia was thus reduced in six days.

§ 2.079  It appears from the remains of the outer walls of Aliphera, on the western side of the hill of Nerovitza, that here stood the main body of the lower town. On this side, therefore, it should seem that the escalade took place while Philip made his way through the rocks and bushes on the eastern side, and under that cover surprised the προάστειον or outer citadel, which probably occupied the lower and larger portion of the tabular summit. The small fortress at the north-eastern angle I take to have been that which Polybius called the Acra or acropolis, and into which the garrison retired. The temple which stood on the terrace, under the eastern side of the upper citadel, I conceive to have been that which contained the celebrated colossal Minerva, the situation being such as is likely to have been dedicated to that deity as the protector of fortresses; it will follow that the temple in the lower level, or proasteium, was that of Aesculapius. The fountain which I have mentioned towards the north-eastern side of the city, seems to have been the Tritonis of Pausanias.
The summit of the hill of Nerovitza is higher, I think, than Fanari; it is more pervious to the breezes, and more conveniently situated, with respect to the valley of the Alpheius, than that place, but wants its fine streams and plentiful supply of water.

§ 2.080  I return after sunset to Fanari by the same road I came, along the valley of the torrent which flows to Nerovitza: here the murmuring of the rivulet, the songs of the nightingales, and the aromatic perfume of the shrubs on the hills, brought by a gentle zephyr, contribute to form the perfection of a Grecian evening in May.
Ι purchase from a Turk of Fanari an intaglio on an onyx, about an inch in length, representing a Minerva armed with spear and shield, and clothed in a short tunic hanging in graceful folds over a χιτων ποδήρης, or loose robe reaching to the feet. The design is of the best times, but the preservation is not good. Around the figure is the word ΑΓΗΣΙΠΟΛΙΑΣ, which leaves no doubt on my mind that the figure represents the colossal and much admired statue of Minerva, by Hypatodorus, which stood in the temple of the goddess at Aliphera; for the Greeks often represented their most celebrated or revered statues upon gems and coins, or copied them in miniatures of brass or clay; and I have observed that it is not uncommon to find such representations of them near the places where they were worshipped.

§ 2.081  May 24. — At 6.15 I set out for Platiana. After winding round the hill of Fanari to the westward, descend at 6.48 into a small plain crossed by a rivulet, which rises behind the western peak of the Fanaritiko. In its passage through the hills, below the plain, it makes a bend so as to approach Nerovitza; on issuing from the hills, it crosses the valley of the Alpheius, and joins that river nearly opposite to Aianni. These hills, of which Nerovitza is one of the most remarkable, are an advanced lower chain parallel to the Fanaritiko. At 6.56 we cross the small stream above mentioned, and at the end of the plain pass over a low ridge into another vale, which is separated from the lower Alpheian valley by a lofty summit ranging in a line with that of Nerovitza. The heights on both sides of the valley which we pass through are covered, but not very thickly, with trees: on the slope of that upon the right are two small villages. Several torrents rush down on either side from the hills, and unite in the vale, which is diversified with woods and cultivated ground. At 7.30 we cross a bridge at the junction of two of the streams flowing to the right; then proceed along the left bank of the united river, among planes and other trees, and occasionally over the foot of the hills which bound the valley to our left: at 7.45 cross another stream flowing from a steep shady ravine on the same side. At 8.30 again cross a rivulet of the same kind, descending directly from the mountain of Alvena.

§ 2.082  The name Vunuka, which is also given to this mountain, is derived from a castle which formerly stood on the summit, and which was probably of the same date as that of Zakkuka on the Fanaritiko.
The river formed from the several streams which we have passed, now takes its course to the right to the Alpheius, through an opening between the heights. We ascend the hill of Platiana, which rises from the left bank of the river, and arrive at a Paleokastro on the summit at 9.15. This is the ruin of a small Hellenic πόλις, similar to those of Arcadia. A narrow level on a long summit surrounded with precipices formed an acropolis; a space on the face of the hill, a little shorter, and of about thrice the breadth was the inclosure of the town. All the walls are of the third order; some of the towers have the flanks considerably longer than the face, as in the ruins at Pavlitza. The citadel is narrower in proportion to its length than any other I have seen, being nearly 700 yards long, with a breadth in no part of more than twenty or thirty. There are cross walls dividing this long space into several inclosures, one of which is eighty-five yards in length, and on a higher level than the others; it is divided from the main lower citadel by a curved wall, and is separated on the opposite side by another wall,

§ 2.083  [sketch plan] from a narrow rocky promontory, which forms the termination of the summit to the westward. In the lower citadel, just below the curved wall eastward, I find the emplacement, and a few of the seats of a small theatre, fifteen or twenty yards in diameter, so situated immediately behind one of the walls of the citadel, as not to command any prospect of the country. Though it is not to be supposed that the spectators in Greek theatres could always command a view of the external objects, as the scene must have prevented it, it may be suspected that they did in some instances, especially where the theatre was chiefly used for sacred or political assemblies; for it is observable that the theatres of Greece are generally placed in the most beautiful and commanding situations. In the present instance, the wall in front of the theatre is so near that it might itself have served for the scene.

§ 2.084  About one hundred yards beyond the theatre, in the lower inclosure eastward, is a quadrangular excavation in the rocks, probably a cistern, and then the foundations of another wall crossing the acropolis; one hundred yards farther are the remains of some public edifice, and another wall of separation: from thence the hill descends towards the east-north-east, which is the general direction of the height; and terminates at about 240 yards beyond the last-mentioned transverse wall. I conceive, from the narrative of Polybius already cited, that these must be the ruins of Typaneae; for the situation was perfectly adapted to the object of Philidas, after he had sent forward the greater part of his forces to Lepreum and Aliphera, namely, that of observing the motions of Philip at Heraea.
From the summit of the Paleokastro the sea-coast about the Khan of Ai Sidhoro is seen; — a vale which separates the mountain of Smerna, or Lapithus, from Vunuka, or Minthe, leaves the prospect open. The latter mountain rises directly opposite to the Paleokastro to the southward, and Alvena is seen immediately under the summit. This village may possibly stand on the position of Hypana, for this name seems to indicate a lofty situation; and as Aliphera, according to Pausanias, was the frontier town

§ 2.085  of Arcadia on this side, and was even included in Triphylia at the time of the Social War, we may conclude that Mount Vunuka was also a part of Triphylia, to which district it has been seen that Polybius ascribes Hypana. From Strabo, as well as Polybius Hypana clearly appears to have been at no great distance from Typaneae, and to have been in the hills above the maritime plain of Lepreum. A low transverse ridge in the vale above mentioned, which separates the two mountains, divides the course of the waters. Eastward flows the stream which I crossed at 8.30; in the opposite direction, through a deep ravine between the two mountains, runs that which crosses the maritime plain below Zakari, and falls into the sea a little southward of the Khan of Ai Sidhoro, where I crossed it February 28th. This river appears to be the Pamisus, or Mamaus, or Arcadicus, or Amathus of Strabo, and that which runs eastward is perhaps the Diagon of Pausanias.
Proceeding from the eastern termination of the acropolis, I arrive, after a descent of 250 yards to the eastward, at a small height in a hollow between the hill of Platiana and another toward the Alpheius. Here, on a rising ground in a corn-field, are the foundations of a small temple or other public edifice.

§ 2.086  From thence I descend to the village of Platiana, which stands under the Paleokastro hill, on the northern side. The most agreeable lodging I can find here is under a fig tree, and the best dinner, some new cheese and milk from a mandhra on the hill, with a loaf of maize flour from one of the cottages. Platiana contains about thirty families divided into two hamlets, and is beautifully situated on the slope of the hill amidst gardens, woods, and fountains. Below it, to the northward, there is a great hollow space with a most uneven surface, surrounded by hills and intersected with torrents: its declivities are adorned with copses of firs mixed with a great variety of shrubs, and its ravines are shaded with planes. The ground, as at Olympia and in many parts of the circumjacent country, is broken into little abrupt precipices, where the white argillaceous soil forms a striking contrast with the verdure of the turf and forests. A ridge separates this irregular vale of Platiana from the lower valley of the Alpheius. The woody and diversified country which begins here extends westward as far as the maritime plains of the Eleia, and northward as far as the steep acclivities of Mount Olonos. It was in the midst of this sylvan region, so well adapted to a sportsman, that Scillus, the residence of Xenophon, was situated,

§ 2.087  at a distance of only two miles and a half from Olympia. Wild boars, one of the great objects of the ancient chase, are common in this woody district, though not generally found in the lower open country near the Alpheius, nor indeed in any other part of the Morea, except in the higher and more woody mountains.
Sending orders to my Tartar and Agoyates, whom I had left at Fanari, to meet me at Aianni, I proceed with a Turkish guide to a ruin called the Palati, or Palace, near the bank of the Alpheius. Leaving Platiana at 2 PM, I cross the valley in an eastern direction, and then passing over the height which separates it from the vale of the Alpheius, and which is covered with large firs and pines, descend on the other side by a rugged, steep, and winding road, and arrive, at 3.30, at the Palati [Isova]. The ruin stands not far above the river, in the midst of a fertile corn country near the side of a woody hill, at the foot of which are many fine planes and terebinths, with a shady fountain constructed in the Turkish style, which stands on the side of the road from Lalla to Fanari. I am not a little surprised to find that the palace is the ruin of a Gothic church or hall, of which one end is entire, terminating above in a high acute angle: the low side walls

§ 2.088  which supported the high shelving roof still remain with a row of windows in them. The centre of the high end-wall is pierced with a great window of the annexed form. [sketch] On one side of this building stands a square church of the same kind of architecture, with a Greek cross over one of the windows, thus; [sketch] on the opposite side there are some remains of other buildings belonging to the monastery, for such these ruins seem to have been. The whole has the appearance of a ruined abbey in England, and the scenery around is well adapted to increase the illusion. I have already remarked that there is a Gothic ruin at Karitena of a similar style: it cannot be doubted that they are works of the same age, that is to say, of the

§ 2.089  thirteenth or fourteenth century, when, after the conquest of Constantinople, there were several Frank principalities in the Morea. In all the dry places about the Palati I observe great numbers of the formica leo in its inverted conical habitation. These animals are here called ζουζούνια.
At 4 P.M. Ι descend obliquely towards the Alpheius: at 4.35 cross a bridge over the river; of which I passed several of the tributaries towards their sources in Mount Vunuka and the adjacent hills, and its westernmost branch just before ascending the hill of Platiana. As the junction of the Erymanthus and Alpheius is in sight at the bridge, about half a mile to the left, it seems evident that the river is the Diagon, which Pausanias describes as falling into the Alpheius nearly opposite to the mouth of the Erymanthus; and as forming the line of separation (southward of the Alpheius) between Pisaea and Arcadia. The Diagon is probably the same as the Dalion of Strabo, whose Acheron may possibly be the next stream to the eastward, which I crossed towards the upper part of its course this morning at 6.56.
There is a narrow level on either side of the Alpheius shaded with planes, sown with

§ 2.090  kalambokki, and subject to inundations. Our road passes over a height rising from this valley, through shrubs among which the Paliuri predominates. The small village of Bizbardhi stands on the hill to our right: — at 5.05 arrive on a bank immediately overhanging the Alpheius, and opposite to the mouth of the Ladon, which at its junction forms a delta. This delta is the Coraconnasus, or Island of Crows, mentioned by Pausanias, whose observation, that there is no island in the Ladon as large as a ferry-boat, was assuredly not meant to be applied to the Coraconnasus, which is nearly a quarter of a mile in circumference, and contains a fine grove of planes. The Ladon enters the Alpheius with a narrow, but rapid, deep, and turbid stream: having passed opposite to the junction of the rivers, we soon enter upon the narrow level which borders the Alpheius.
A Lalliote soldier, in the Albanian dress, who meets us, asks my Turkish guide, the only person accompanying me: “Who is that infidel you have got with you? Is he a physician?” “No”, says my guide in the same contemptuous tone, “he is one of those Mylords that

§ 2.091  look for old castles, and has been to see the Palace.” At 5.48 we cross the Alpheius, which is wide and reaches to the horse's belly, the water white and turbid; just below the ford there is a fall of several feet in a short space. Arrive at Aianni at 6: find a servant arrived, but no Tartar, horses, or baggage. Aianni and Anemodhuri are two small villages 500 yards asunder, standing on a height which overlooks the low level on the banks of the Alpheius, which is here called the river of Karitena. In each hamlet there is one stone house; the remaining habitations are thatched huts shaped like a great oval tent; a large post in the middle supports the roof, which slopes to within three or four feet of the ground, where a wall of that height, made of pliant wicker branches interwoven with upright sticks, forms the rest of the structure. I procure a lodging in one of these huts.
In the fields between the village and the brow which looks down upon the level of the Alpheius, I find the remains of a small Roman building, near which are several squared blocks of stone. Many coins are found in ploughing or in digging the surrounding fields. These vestiges, inconsiderable as they are, are sufficient, I think, when combined with the descriptions of Polybius and Pausanias, to fix this spot for the site of Heraea.

§ 2.092  The fifteen stades of Pausanias from Heraea to the Ladon, his twenty stades from the Ladon to the Erymanthus, his ten stades across the level of the Alpheius, and his thirty stades of ascent to Aliphera are all found to be perfectly accurate on the supposition of Aianni and Nerovitza having been respectively the sites of Heraea and Aliphera.
Near the summit of the mountain to the eastward of Aianni, some remains of a Hellenic fortress are described to me at the ruined village of Papadha; here are the sources of a torrent, dry in summer, which flows to the Alpheius, and seems to be the same which I crossed in the descent from Zatuna to the Alpheius on the 22d. The position of Papadha answers to that of Buphagium, for Pausanias says: “that Buphagium stands above Melaeneae at the sources of the river Buphagus, which descends to the Alpheius.”
Pliny, Theophrastus, and Aelian, concur in reporting that the wine of Heraea had the property of making men mad and women fruitful. A sweetish red wine is still made here, and it has more flavour and body than almost any wine I have met with in the Morea.

§ 2.093  In sufficient quantities, therefore, it might produce for a time one of the effects anciently attributed to the wine of Heraea: as to the other, its reputation at least is gone: and certainly the poor women of modern Arcadia never drink of it for the sake of the virtues ascribed to it by the ancients. There were some fables of the same kind related of the wine of Troezen and of Ceryneia in Achaea.
I find the unfortunate inhabitants in expectation of the arrival, tomorrow, of eighty Lalliotes, for whom they are preparing ten or twelve sheep, with wine and bread. These men are making a tour of the country under pretence of keeping it clear of robbers.

§ 2.094  CHAPTER XIV: ARCADIA. ACHAIA.
MAY 25. — Having hired two horses from the village, and left orders for the Tartar and baggage to follow, I set out, at 5.45, on the road to Vyzitza and Kalavryta, passing through woods of oak beautifully intermixed with corn-fields, vineyards, and copses of shrubs. At 5.55, Loti, a small village, is on the right. At 6.25, ascending the hills in the direction of a new built pyrgo belonging to Arnaut Oglu, of Tripolitza, I halt for 10 minutes at a ruined church to which the Aianniotes had directed my attention, but where I find nothing remarkable. Belesh is situated on the right bank of the Ladon, half an hour from its mouth. Having passed the tower of Arnaut-Oglu, which stands on the summit of a ridge sloping towards the junction of the Alpheius and Ladon, we descend through a forest of oaks, and at 7.04 enter a pleasant

§ 2.095  valley watered by the river of Langadha, the ancient Tuthoa, which receives its modern name from a town on a mountain six or seven miles to the right in the direction of Dhimitzana. Though now shallow, this river is rapid and large in winter, as its wide and stony bed indicates. A little above the place where I crossed it at 7.12, it is joined on the left side by a small torrent descending through a deep gorge from Zulatika, a village on the side of a hill three or four miles distant, where the Lalliotes burnt a house the other day under the pretence that it belonged to a thief.
The Tuthoa joins the Ladon one mile and a half to the left, opposite to the small village of Renesi, which stands on a high bank. I find that the Ladon throughout this country is called Rufea, Rufia, or Rofia, and that the Alpheius bears that name only below its junction with the Ladon; above which it is usually called the River of Karitena. Higher up however the Ladon is more commonly called the Foniatiko, or river of Fonia: here it flows, for the most part, between high, steep, woody banks, which inclose a narrow level on either side of the stream. We proceed along the summit of a ridge included between the Tuthoa and Ladon,

§ 2.096  and halt, at 8.15, for a quarter of an hour at a commanding eminence, from whence there is a gradual slope of two miles to the banks of the Ladon, where is a conical height like a great tumulus. On a projection of the opposite or right bank of the river, stand Tumbiki and a khan which is in the road from Tripolitza to Lalla.
A little above Tumbiki, on the left bank, there are said to be some remains of a Hellenic city, at a ruined village called Vanena. Below us, to the right, at a small distance, is the village of Kokhla. Our direction is now towards the mountain of Vretembuga, upon reaching which we ascend the foot of it, and pass round it, with the summit on the left; at 9.20, leave the Tripolitza road on the right and descend into a little vale, where, at 9.35, the village of Alvanitza remains close on the right; from thence, after passing up another small valley under the mountain of Vretembuga we arrive, at 10, at Vyzitza, a village with a large church and several good houses, some of which, however, are in ruins. Another village, called Vervitza, somewhat larger, is on the side of the same hill, half a mile distant. Both enjoy a fine air and a plentiful supply of good water. The people of Vyzitza stoutly assert that their water is the better and lighter of the two, and the Vervitziotes probably say the same. The merchants of Tripolitza come to these villages to buy butter and cheese. Of the former alone 1000 kantars are yearly brought for sale from the neighbouring country. I lodge in the bouse of Kyr Niko, the tailor, shoemaker, and archon of the village. His dwelling is one long chamber, with a fireplace for a kitchen at one end; he and his sons' families all live together. My baggage, &c. arrive at 2.30: the computed distance for loaded horses from Fanari is eight hours and a half.

§ 2.097  May 26. — This morning I visit the ruins at Vanena, setting out at 5.45, and arriving at the ruins at 7.15, From Vyzitza the road leads through the vale under Vervitza, and then through a narrow valley included between a hill which overhangs that village and the mountain of Vretembuga; it then descends upon Vanena along the side of the latter mountain, which is covered with wood, chiefly oaks and wild pears. Some tents on one of the heights near the Ladon now shelter all the remaining inhabitants of what once was the village of Vanena. A brook from Vretembuga joins the Ladon, which is here called Rufia, Another brook, which joins the former, comes from behind a height which has two conical summits.

§ 2.098  Here probably stood the acropolis of the ancient city which occupied this position, and which seems clearly to have been Thelpusa. No remains of walls now exist on the height; but on its slope towards the Ladon I find some Hellenic foundations, and the lower parts of six columns, one foot nine inches in diameter, standing in their original places. Towards the rivulet are the remains of a Roman building about twelve yards long and six wide, with the ruins of an arched roof. One of the corners of the building has a stone with an ornament upon it, to which I find a corresponding fragment in a ruined church of St. John not far from the brook. [sketch] Here likewise are several other wrought stones; and among the shrubs around the ruined church are some Hellenic foundations, a small portal in its place, and many fragments of plain columns two feet in diameter. On the opposite bank, lying in the water, I find a small fluted Doric column with twenty shallow flutings, the diameter one foot, the length four feet five inches.

§ 2.099  The ruined church stands in a fine grove of oaks and kotrives, as the Moreites call the terebinth, which grows plentifully, and sometimes to a considerable size, in the moist and shady situations of Arcadia.
By the guidance of a man of Vanena I ford the Ladon, which is deep and rapid, and here embraces a large island bearing some planetrees, and covered with fennel; by the side of which is a smaller one, so that I have three streams to pass. The water comes up to the horse's shoulder: my guide boasts of sometimes passing it in winter up to his neck. The only danger to the inexperienced, he says, is from giddiness, arising from the rapidity of the current. In the ruined church of St. Athanasius the Miraculous, on the right bank, I find a plain column one foot three inches in diameter, another with twenty Doric flutings, one foot nine inches in diameter, and a Doric capital of the same diameter, three feet square at the plinth. Two large plain columns, one foot three inches in diameter, form the door-posts of the church, and a great Roman tile serves for the holy table. The saint, as his epithet imports, has the reputation of performing miracles.

§ 2.100  Not long ago, according to my guide, he half strangled one night a Turk of Lalla, who had begun to plunder the saint's church to complete his pyrgo. The cultivated land about the church is called Zamba, perhaps from a village which once existed here. The hills beyond it are woody, steep, and very picturesque.
It is not surprising that the modern Peloponnesians should consider the Ladon the main stream of the Alpheius, or that they should have given it the name of Rufea, which is a corruption of Alpheius, in preference to the Karitena branch for it is the handsomest river in the Peninsula, by its depth, its rapid, even, unfailing course, and its beautiful banks; compared to it the others are rocky or sandy torrents. [The process of change in this instance illustrates what I conceive to have taken place at Troy. Seven or eight centuries after the time of Homer, the name Scamander was applied not only to the united river, but to the branch also, which in the time of the poet was called Simoeis. The examples of such changes in the names of rivers are by no means rare. See Journal of a Tour in Asia Minor, c. 6.] As high as Spathari, a bridge and village three or four miles above Vanena, it produces the κέφαλος, or gray mullet, the λαμβράκι, or perch, and the χέλι, or eel; all which, observes my Thelpusian guide, are fish of the sea: in every other part of its course are found the πέστροβα,

§ 2.101  or trout, the τριχιο, and the μουστάκί. I know not exactly to what fish he applies the last two names; but considering the etymology of the words μουστάκι and barbel, it may be conjectured that they are the same fish; τριχιο would seem to imply a fish with hair upon it, or perhaps of a form extremely slender. Half a mile below the church of St. Athanasius stands the village of Tumbiki, where a promontory projects into the bed of the river; on the summit of it there is a mound apparently artificial. Just above this position a torrent joins the Ladon.
Of Thelpusa, and the course of the Ladon below that city, as far as its junction with the Alpheius, Pausanias thus writes: “Below the temple of Ceres Eleusinia, the Ladon passes the city Thelpusa, which is situated on its left bank, on (or at) a lofty hill, but the greater part is now deserted, so that the agora, which was formerly in the middle of the city, is now at the end of it. In Thelpusa there is a temple of Aesculapius, and another of the Twelve Gods, the greater part of which is now levelled with the soil. Beyond Thelpusa the Ladon descends to the temple of Ceres in Onceium: the Thelpusii call the goddess Erinnys.

§ 2.102  According to report, Oncus was son of Apollo, and reigned over the place named Onceium in the Thelpusia. The statues in the temple are of wood, except the faces, hands, and feet, which are of Parian marble. That of Erinnys bears the box called Ciste in the left hand, and a torch in the right, and is about nine feet high. The statue of Ceres Lusia is about six feet high. The Ladon, leaving the temple of Erinnys, passes that of Apollo Onciates on the left, and on the right that of the Boy Aesculapius, where is the sepulchre of Trygon, who is said to have been the nurse of Aesculapius. The river Tuthoa falls into the Ladon at the place called by the Arcadians Pedium, which is the boundary of the Thelpusii and Heraeenses. At the junction of the Ladon with the Alpheius is the Island of Crows. Some think that Enispe, Stratie, and Rhipe, places mentioned by Homer, were inhabited islands in the Ladon; but those who hold this opinion must be mistaken, for the Ladon

§ 2.103  contains not any islands equal even in magnitude to a ferry-boat, and though second to none of the rivers, either of the Barbarians or Greeks, in beauty, is not of such a magnitude that islands can exist in it like those of the Ister and Eridanus.”
The mountain of Vretembuga answers to the λόφος μέγας, or great hill, of Pausanias; he seems therefore to have intended to say that the town was situated at or near, and not upon, a high hill. Above Vanena, on the same bank of the river, some vestiges of the temple of Ceres Eleusinia might perhaps be found; and if Tumbiki, the only remarkable site on the right bank between Thelpusa and the Tuthoa, be the site of the temple of Aesculapius, and the tumulus on that promontory the tomb of Trygon, as I suspect, the temple of Apollo Onciates was nearly opposite to it on the left bank, and between the latter and Thelpusa stood the temple of Erinnys at Onceium. I cannot, however, hear of any remains at those places to tempt me to explore farther. There is an island in the Ladon nearly opposite Tumbiki, which appears to me not less than three or four hundred yards in length, and that which I crossed is as much. They bear plane-trees and shrubs, and are inundated in winter. Either,

§ 2.104  therefore, Pausanias was deficient in his usual accuracy, when he said that the Ladon contained no island larger than a ferry-boat, or the islands must have been formed since his time. I return by the same road to Vyzitza.
Vyzitza and Vervitza contain together about 150 families. All persons above twelve years of age pay twenty-five piastres a year, and those above fifteen, fifty, to the χρέη, or share of the contributions to government. A learned Vyzitziote tries to persuade me that the river at Vanena is the ancient Alpheius, and the ruins those of a city which he calls Βοιηαν πόλις, and of which name he supposes Vanena to be a corruption. Where he got this idea I cannot discover.
At 3 P. M. I proceed towards Kalavryta. At 3.30 on the descent, after crossing the heights behind Vyzitza, the castle of Galata and a place with four houses so called, is half a mile on the right. The castle, which is a structure of the middle ages, has several high round towers, and stands on a precipitous hill; it is reckoned three and a half hours from Dhimitzana. Soon afterwards we pass a church situated in a grove of gigantic prinaria, or holly-oaks, and at 8.35 pass through the little village of Katzulia.
From thence we descend through a forest of

§ 2.105  small but lofty oaks, and at 4.10 leave the village of Syriamu Kurtaghi, otherwise called Syriamaki, half a mile on the right There is another Siriamu on the opposite side of the Ladon, where a plain of no great extent branches out of that of the Ladon, which is here narrow and subject to inundations. Having descended into the vale of the river, we cross, at 4.35, a small tributary of the Ladon flowing from a gorge on the right, beyond which is Kerpeni. We cross it just above its junction with the Ladon, and then pass a small level grown with kalambokki, beyond which the Ladon flows between steep cliffs, under which a little slope on the riverside is shaded with plane, oak, cornel, and arbutus, the river running rapidly through the grove; it is said to be ten feet deep in some parts, the breadth is from fifty to eighty yards: the waters are turbid, and there are little cataracts at intervals. The road continues to follow the left bank of the river through this woody pass till 5, when, at a small level opening, we cross the river by the Lady's Bridge as it is called. A road to the right here leads to Kerpeni and Valtesiniko, from whence the distance is nine hours to Karitena by Dhimitzana, or Zygovisti, and the like to Tripolitza by Maguliana.
After a halt of ten minutes at the bridge, we cross a little plain of kalambokki, and following up the river at a quick pace, arrive, at 5.30, in a plain, beyond which the river comes through a gorge to the north, in the direction of Mount Zyria. We here quit the Ladon, and passing up a plain which branches to the north-west, arrive, at the end of a mile, at the foot of the hills which border it to the north-eastward; here stands the village of Podhogora. — Ascend these woody heights, and arrive at Strezova, a town of 100 or 150 houses in a lofty situation. The baggage was four hours and a half from Vyzitza. Strezova belongs to the vilayeti of Kalavryta. A Turkish aga possesses a pyrgo, and there is a Greek captain of Armatoli named Makri Vasili, who resides here with twenty-five men, maintained by the district. This mode of keeping the roads safe from robbers seems to shew that the state of society in this country is something similar to what it was in England in the reign of Alfred, who is said to have thrown upon the villages the expense and responsibility of keeping the country clear of robbers.

§ 2.106  May 27. At 5.50 descend from Strezova into a plain belonging to it, called Palea Katuna; the descent is over a woody hill; the plain is watered by a stream, of which the sources are said to be an hour distant; it enters the plain from a gorge on the left, and to the right joins the Ladon: we cross it at 6.21. Near the bank there is a wood of oaks and other trees, which is not a very common occurrence in the valleys of Greece. Ten minutes beyond the river we pass through another cultivated tract belonging to Strezova, called Kuvelo. Behind us I see the monastery and village of Khassia on the side of the mountain, to the west of Strezova. The vale now runs nearly north: the greater part of it is uncultivated and covered with a fine long thick grass, interspersed with oak trees. At 7 the village of Tjarnali is half a mile to the left, at the foot of the mountain. At 7.12, at the end of the plain, we begin to cross a ridge which connects a high mountain on the left with a lower on the right, at the foot of which stands the little village of Mamaluka. At 7.30 halt ten minutes on the summit of the ridge, and then descend through a forest of oaks into a vale, watered by a rivulet running from left to right. Halt from 8 to 9 on the bank of this stream, then crossing it, ascend the hills on the opposite side, and arrive, in half an hour from our last halt, at Karnesi. The plain below this place is about three miles long,

§ 2.108  surrounded by high mountains, and watered by several small rivers. On a little insulated height, in the middle of the plain, stands a hamlet called the Kalyvia of Mazi, which is a village on Mount Khelmos: beyond this the streams flow in one body southward instead of eastward, which was their former course, and at length join the Ladon. From the north-eastern side of the plain rises a great mountain which adjoins Khelmos on the couth, and is named Turtovana. The river we crossed is called the river of Klitoras, as flowing from a village of that name. Clitor, therefore, is probably at no great distance.
Leaving, however, the exploring of this site for the present, I prosecute the route to Kalavryta, and descend from Karnesi through a forest of oaks: at 10.07 cross a torrent, then pass over another ridge covered with a similar forest, and at 10.20 descend into a plain, which at first is half a mile wide, lying in a north and south direction, but which afterwards branches up to the right, to the foot of Mount Khelmos, where stand two large villages, Sudhena and Pera Sudhena, situated under the mountain, upon the higher parts of which are seen extensive woods of firs, and large patches of snow. The ordinary road from Tripolitza to Kalavryta passes through Sudhena, and from thence

§ 2.109  crosses a root of Khelmos, and descends upon Kalavryta. Instead of falling into this road, we continue to the left of it, and pass three copious fountains, the sources of the stream which runs through the gorge of Karnesi into the valley of Clitor; at the middle fountain of the three I observe some ancient foundations; at the third source, at 10.48, we leave to the right the branch of the plain towards Sudhena, and, mounting the hill which closes the plain, arrive at 11.20 on the summit of a high ridge which commands a view of the plain of Kalavryta, and of the village of Visoka, the latter near the summit of an opposite range of mountains, over which is seen Mount Voidhia.
On the descent the large monastery of St. Laura remains half a mile on the left, in which direction appears also the whole range of Mount Olonos. The road now descends obliquely to the right, as far as the town of Kalavryta, where we arrive at 12.20; a quarter of an hour short of the town are some copious fountains, the streams from which fall down the steep declivity, and water some cultivated grounds in their passage; a part also is diverted into the town by an aqueduct. If Kalavryta be Cynaetha, this spring must be the Alysson, which was so called from its reputation of being a

§ 2.110  cure for the bite of a mad dog. It will follow also that the plain of Sudhena is the territory of Lusi, situated between Clitor and Cynaethae, which was plundered by the Aetolians at the beginning of the Social War, and where, in the time of Pausanias, remained the temple of Diana Hemeresia. The ancient remains at the fountains of the river of Karnesi, indicate perhaps the site of that building.
Kalavryta evidently takes its name from the “fine sources” which I have mentioned. The town stands just above the edge of the plain, on either side of the bed of a wide torrent, descending directly from Mount Khelmos, the western summit of which, covered with snow, is seen over the back of the town. A mountain attached to it on the west is called Kiniu [probably Kynigou, the “hunter's mountain”]. Kalavryta contains scarcely 100 Turkish families: the rest, to the number of 500, are Greek. Both Turks and Greeks possess farms, cultivated by Greek metayers on the usual terms, but the greater part of the 114 villages of the district are Kefalokhoria, inhabited by Greeks cultivating their own lands, or by a still greater number who subsist by the produce of their

§ 2.111  flocks, or by tending those belonging to Turkish or Greek proprietors; the export productions of the district being principally butter and cheese. The number of kharatjes is upwards of 6000; and as the vilayeti has maintained its population better than any other in the Morea, except Mani, the capitation to each person is not heavy.
Two hours from hence under a precipice overhanging the right bank of the river, on the road to Vostitza, stands the convent of Megaspilio the largest in Greece, and so called from its being formed out of a great cavern. It possesses many Metokhia, some of which are entire villages. The valley of Kalavryta lies in the direction of east and west; a deep stream, which issues from the lower heights of Olonos, flows through it, and then follows the gorges of Megaspilio to the sea, which it joins at Dhiakofto to the east of Vostitza. The valley is marshy, particularly opposite to the town, and the mountains being too high and too near to allow a good ventilation, the situation is one of the most unhealthy in the Morea. In the two afternoons which I passed at Kalavryta I found the air more close and disagreeable than I have yet experienced since the warm weather began, though the elevation above the sea must be considerable, and though the sky was covered as it generally has been after mid-day, since I entered Arcadia. Polybius describes the climate and situation of Cynaetha as the most disagreeable in Arcadia. The plain is said to have become more productive as well as less pernicious to health, since the practice of draining the land has prevailed, though it is still done very imperfectly.
The only remains of antiquity I can discover are on the edge of the valley, immediately opposite to the town. Here are two catacombs excavated in the rock, containing each a single chamber with ledges in the sides for coffins. One of the catacombs has been converted into the sanctuary of a church, of which there are still some traces of constructed walls on the outside of the cavern, together with two pieces of a small plain column with a Doric capital.

§ 2.112  May 28. — There is a high rocky hill with a flat summit a mile eastward of the town, which I thought from its appearance might have been the site of the acropolis of Cynaetha, but the only remains upon it are those of a modern castle called Tremola, the walls of which follow the crest of a precipice forming a natural defence to the tabular summit. I ride up there this morning and from thence to a higher summit half a mile farther, which is covered with a forest of firs: I could not discover the smallest remains of Hellenic antiquity on either hill, but the pure air, the cool temperature, and the extensive prospect, fully compensated for the ride while the greater height gave me some bearings which I could not obtain on the lower hill.
Several points of Aetolia, Locris, and Phocis known to me, were distinguishable on the opposite side of the Corinthiac gulph: the whole of Khelmos, with its glaciers, and forests, and precipices, appeared close at hand: and to the right of them the mountains near Lykuria, Vitina, and Langadha, then the whole range of Olono, and in front, on the opposite side of the vale of Kalavryta, the mountain called Tjefteri, upon which Visoka and Kerpeni are situated, and behind it Mount Voidhia. Kerpeni contains many large Greek houses with gardens, and is almost as large as Kalavryta.
Beyond Mount Tremola, towards Megaspilio, there is a cultivated hollow from which a rivulet descends to the river of Kalavryta; it contains the village of Vrakhni.

§ 2.113  May 29. — At 3 this morning I felt two earthquakes, with an interval of two minutes between them; the first was slight, and might not have been observable except in the stillness of such an early hour, but the second rattled the wooden framework of the house of Kyr Ianni Papadhopulo, in which I was lodged, in such a manner as would have been alarming at any time. I think it is a remark of Aristotle, that earthquakes in Greece occur frequently at day-break.
At 5.30 I quit Kalavryta and begin to pass along the foot of the mountain, leaving the fountain Alysson on the left, and at 6 the monastery of St. Laura, situated over against Visoka; from this village there is a regular slope descending into the valley, on the border of which stands a small village, one of the Metokhia of Megaspilio. At 6.08, having crossed a bridge over the river of Kalavryta, which issues from a vale and woody mountain on the left, we proceed to the extremity of the valley in the direction of the north-eastern summit of the range of Olono, which here terminates in three separate rocky peaks called Tris Ghynekes, or the Three Women. At 6.45, enter at the end of the plain a pass which leads to Kuvelo; this is a small village situated in a narrow valley watered by a stream which rises near

§ 2.115  Kuteli; it is a branch of the river which flows into the sea at Tjapes to the east of Vostitza, hence commonly called the river of Vostitza. Our road follows up the vale of Kuvelo, and, at 7.25 enters a picturesque pass, in which, at 7.35, Kuteli remains in a woody situation on the mountain's side to the left.
From thence we pass through a wood of oaks and descend into a hollow, where is some cultivation at the foot of one of the peaks of Tria Ghynekes, This mountain is clothed with fir above and oaks below; beyond it I perceive a bare rocky summit covered with snow. At 8.30, we descend towards a valley in which there is a village called Manesi, some cultivated ground, and a small tributary of the Aivlasitiko, or river of Ai Vlasi. Besides the high mountain on the south, this valley is surrounded with woody hills, on one of which stands Triklistra three quarters of an hour from Manesi. Halt a quarter of an hour at a mandhra; at 8.53, arrive at the extremity of the vale of Manesi which reaches to the last falls of Mount Olono. At 9 cross another stream from that mountain flowing in the same direction as the former, and then pass along the foot of the mountain. At 9.23, the Kalyvia of Ai Vlasi are a quarter

§ 2.116  of an hour on the left — at 9.53 we cross the Aivlasitiko by a bridge.
This river descends from a deep ravine included between two high summits; in the upper part of the ravine are seen the two large villages, Ai Vlasi, or Aio Vasili and Lower Ai Vlasi, encircled by trees and verdure. A high snowy peak rises immediately above the villages to the south-eastward, called Krya Vrysi. Not far beyond the sources of the river of Ai Vlasi, are those of the principal branch of the Peneius, which follows in the opposite direction a narrow valley, similar to the gorge of Ai Vlasi. Thus the ravines of the two streams form a continued opening, which separates the great summits to the westward, known generally by the name of Olono, from those of Krya Vrysi, Tris Ghynekes, and another farther southward, called Astra, which is near the town of Dhivri. There are some extensive forests of firs upon these mountains. In the valley of the Upper Peneius just mentioned, stand a village and monastery called Ghermotzana, or Ghermotzani. A road from Ai Vlasi to Lalla passes along the left side of the valley near Ghermotzani, and for the most part through woods of fir. The slope of the mountain below Ai Vlasi to the

§ 2.1117  northward is covered with vineyards and cornfields. The two villages produce good butter and small cheeses, which are considered better than those of Parnassus. The mountains at the back of the villages are covered with firs.
At 10.05 we arrive at Kastritza, as the vestiges of a Hellenic fortress are called. The place is about two miles in a direct line to the northward of Ai Vlasi, on a height along the western side of which flows a brook to join the Aivlasitiko. So little of the walls remains that neither the form nor the size of the inclosure can be exactly traced, nor could I find any remains of an acropolis on the upper part of the hill. But though the remains are not extensive, I think it probable that they mark the position of Tritaea, that having been one of the inland cities of Achaea, and the nearest to Arcadia, to which province it was once considered as belonging. The distance of Kastritza from the sea seems to accord also with the data of Pausanias, who places Pharae on the river Peirus, at the distance of seventy stades from the mouth of that river, and Tritaea 120 stades inland from Pharae.
According to Polybius, Tritaea lay in a direction from Rhium towards Arcadia; its territory bordered upon the Patraea and Pharaea.

§ 2.118  Like Pharae, it was made a dependency of Patrae, by Augustus. In the time of Pausanias it preserved a temple of the gods called the Greatest, with their statues made of clay; and a temple of Minerva, from which the ancient statue (probably made of brass) had been removed to Rome, and its place supplied by one of marble. Before the entrance into the town from Pharae, there was a sepulchre of a young man and his wife, constructed of white marble and adorned with a painting by Nicias, which represented the woman seated on an ivory chair, her female servant holding an umbrella over her head; the young man was standing before her clothed in a shirt, with a purple cloak oyer it, and was attended by a servant holding javelins in one hand, and leading dogs by the other.
We quit Kastritza at 10.30, and enter the pass of Nezera at 10.50. Here a large and rapid torrent, I presume the ancient Petrus, descending from the summit of Mount Olono in a northerly direction, suddenly turns westward through a deep rocky ravine, inclosed between Olono and a lower mountain, which is separated from Mount Voidhia only by the pass of Makheleria, on the direct road from Kalavryta to Patra. The highest summit of Olono slopes with a rapid descent into the ravine

§ 2.119  of Nezera, and admits only of a scanty cultivation around a few small villages on its sides. The mountain which bounds the pass on the northern side is rather more cultivable. We proceed along the side of the latter, and at 11.17, pass through the village of Vendra, which is opposite to that of Kombigadhi on the slope of Olono.
From Kombigadhi, which contains about twenty houses, there is an ascent of three hours to the summit of Olono, where, between the two highest tops, there is a small plain not yet free from snow, but which in summer affords both corn and pasture. The season for conducting the flocks thither does not begin until June, or a little sooner or later, according to the weather. A too early pasture there is said to be fatal; this the shepherds attribute to a poisonous plant which dies in June, but it is more probably owing to the damp ground and watery food. About the beginning of that month they sow barley in the same plain, while it is yet moist with the melted snow: the harvest is in August.
As we approach Nezera, I observe on the opposite side of the river, at the foot of Olono, a monastery, with a pretty garden formed in terraces under a projection of rock. It is dedicated to the Panaghia, and inhabited only by three or four monks. Opposite to it, on the

§ 2.120  right bank, are the remains of a castle of the time of the lower empire, built undoubtedly for the purpose of commanding this strong pass, which, like all passes, is rendered more strong and important by the general want of roads in the country. The peasantry alone might here arrest a large force by merely rolling down stones upon them.
At 11.45 we arrive at Nezera, sometimes called Great Nezera as being the principal village of a subordinate division of the Kalavryta Kazasi, but belonging to the ecclesiastical province of Patra. Besides Nezera, the district contains two considerable villages, Kalanistro and Kalano; six smaller, Lopesi, Platano, Spodhiana, Lefkomata, Kombigadhi, Vendra; and three convents, the Panaghia, Kalogrio, and Kakolangadhi. The village of Nezera is situated about half way up the mountain, above the right bank of the river, in a spot where are some good springs and a few fruit trees: it contains about fifty houses. It suffered much from the Albanians in the Russian war; before that time the accommodations were so good, that the consuls at Patra were often in the habit of retiring here during the hot months, when the elevated situation, and the free current of the maestrale through the Aulon must make it a very agreeable and healthy residence. The village stands about the middle of the Stena of the river, which below these straits receives several other streams, winds over the plains in a north-westerly direction, and joins the sea at Aliki, a salt work, near two villages called the Akhaies where, if this be the Peirus as I cannot doubt, I should expect to find Olenus. I am told that the villages from whence the ascent to the summit of Mount Olono is most easy, are Kompigadhi, in the district of Kalavryta, Alupokhori, in that of Patra, and Ghermotzani, in Gastuni.

§ 2.121  May 30. — I quit my lodging in a lofty new pyrgo belonging to the hodja-bashi of Nezera at 5.10, and, crossing over the heights adjacent to the ravine of the Petrus, leave it to the left and descend into a valley, watered by a branch of the same river. At 6.25 arrive at Lopesi, a village of twenty houses, where is a derveni, or guard-house, and some fine fountains from which a stream descends into the Peirus. We halt fifteen minutes, and at the end of another hour along the foot of the mountain, begin at 7.40 to mount the hills which are connected northward with Voidhia. I look down to the left upon Khalandritza, a village a mile distant, at the foot of the mountain, divided into two parts.

§ 2.122  Though it now only contains thirty or forty families, there are several churches, more or less ruined, which shew that it was once a place of greater importance. A small stream descends through it, and joins the Peirus a mile below the village. Lalusi, or Lalusia is two miles farther in the same direction over the plain; a little behind Lalusi is Zoga, and a bridge over the Peirus called Polykhronia This river, in the upper part of its course, is now commonly called the Olono, or the river of Nezera; in the lower it is usually known by the name of Kamenitza, from a village upon its banks which ib situated towards the sea.
At 8, having passed the ridge, we traverse a small elevated plain about a mile in length, which contains some cultivated land but no village, and begin to descend the north-western slope of the ridge, with the Gulf of Patra and Mount Paleovuni in Aetolia before us — leave a ruined castle of the lower empire called Sidherokastro, on a height to the left. The descent into the plain of Patra is stony and rugged: we enter it at 9.20 The land is prepared for kalambokki, and is watered by derivations from a torrent which is first collected from the southern face of Mount Voidhia, and afterwards turns westward along a narrow ravine which separates Voidhia from the ridge which we have

§ 2.123  crossed: the ravine is called the Pass of Makellaria, the direct road from Patra to Kalavryta by Guzumistra leads through it. [This word, derived from the Italian, and analogous to the Greek Sphacteria, is said to have been derived from the frequent murders committed in the pass by the robbers, who often infest the surrounding mountains.] In the mountain to the southward of the pass is situated the monastery of Babioti, half an hour northward of which is another called Omblos; the latter is reckoned three hours from Patra. Our road now crosses the torrent-bed, which is not less than half a mile wide; it is strewed with large stones and shaded in many places by oleanders, myricae, Agnus-castus, and other philocharadrous shrubs. At in the midst of this stony little desert we pass the stream itself, which, though now scanty, is sometimes very formidable: it is certainly the ancient Glaucus, being still called by the corrupted form of Lefka, or Lafka. At 9.47 begin the currant plantations of Patra: at 10 we enter the town, and at 10.15 arrive at the house of Mr. Consul Strane.
It would seem, from the present name of this city in use among the Franks, that the Hellenic Πάτραι first passed into the usual Romaic form of the accusative στας Πάτρας, and that from the word in that shape was derived the Italian Patrasso, and the English and French Patras: it

§ 2.124  has now, however, become a neuter instead of a feminine plural, and is called Patra. It still preserves that pre-eminence over all the places of Achaea and the Peloponnesian coast, which it acquired after the battle of Actium, when the victorious Augustus, having resolved to establish two Roman colonies on the western coast of Greece, made choice of Nicopolis and Patrae for that purpose, granting lands in their vicinity to some of his followers, endowing the cities with the valuable privileges of Roman colonies, and augmenting their importance at the expense of the territory and population of all the declining townships in the neighbourhood. Nicopolis has again become the same desert place which it was before the time of Augustus; the changes which have occurred in navigation and ship-building, since that age, have rendered the situation unadapted to the maritime commerce of the present day: but Patrae still justifies the choice of Augustus.
Its advantages consist in the great fertility of the plain and surrounding hills, but still more in the convenience of the situation for communication by sea with the adjacent islands, with the whole western coast of Greece, with Italy and the Adriatic, as well as with eastern Greece and the Aegaean Sea, by the Gulf of Corinth.

§ 2.125  Of late years its prosperity has been, in great measure, the result of the cultivation of a fruit unknown to, or, at least, unnoticed by the ancients, and of its sale to nations who were then in a state of barbarism. The demand in Great Britain and other northern countries for the dwarf grapes, commonly called currants, has brought the greater part of the plain of Patra into a state of cultivation not exceeded in any part of Europe, while Corinth, from whence the fruit originally derived its name, has ceased to possess any of the vineyards which produce it.
When Pausanias visited Patrae it was noted for its manufacture of cotton, which was abundantly grown in the Eleia, and was woven at Patrae into cloth and women's caps. The persons employed in the manufactures of Patrae were chiefly women, and so great was the number of them attracted to the place by this employment, that Pausanias states the female population to have been double that of the men, a circumstance which seems not to have been very favourable to the morals of the city. Before the time of Augustus the place had so much declined, having particularly suffered in the first invasion of Greece by the Gauls, when the Patrenses joined their old allies the

§ 2.126  Aetolians, that the greater part of the residue had quitted Patrae and had resumed their ancient dwellings in Messatis and Antheia, occupying also the neighbouring villages of Boline, Argyra, and Arba. Messatis and Antheia were two very ancient places, the inhabitants of which had been withdrawn from thence into Patrae, when Patreus, soon after the Ionic migration into Asia, increased the circuit of Aroe and gave to the city the new name, which it still bears. We can hardly doubt, as well from this circumstance as from the name of Aroe having been often used by the ancients as synonymous with Patrae, that Aroe occupied the site of the acropolis of the city of Patreus. The objects described by Pausanias were in four different quarters. 1. The acropolis. — 2. The agora — 3. A quarter into which there was a gate from the agora.- 4. The quarter near the sea.

§ 2.127  The chief object of veneration in the acropolis was the temple of Diana Laphria, containing a statue of the goddess, which had been, removed with the spoils of Calydon to Patras by Augustus, at the same time that he withdrew the population of the declining places of Aetolia and Acarnania to people Nicopolis, and conveyed thither the greater part of the statuea from the temples in those provinces. The statue of Diana Laphria was a very ancient work of ivory and gold, by two artists of Naupactos named Menoechrous and Soidas: it represented the goddess as a huntress. At her annual festival there was a magnificent procession, closed by the priestess in a chariot drawn by s&aga, The following day was devoted to a sacrifice, which was distinguished by a degree of cruelty very rare in the religious practices of the Greeks: wild hogs, stags, roebucks, and the cubs of wolves and bears were collected together, as well as fowls of those kinds which were the food of human, and every sort of cultivated fruit, and they were all burnt with dry wood upon th altar of the goddess, which had been previously surrounded with a strong inclosure of timber Pausanias tells us that he witnessed some of the animals, when endeavouring to escape, forcibly driven back, and thus roasted alive. Between the altar and the temple of Diana stood the

§ 2.128  monument of Eurypylus Within the same peribolus which inclosed the temple of Diana, there was a temple of Minerva Panachais, of which the statue was chryselephantine, like the Laphria. Above the acropolis, near the gate leading to Messatis, stood a temple of Aesculapius; and on the descent from the citadel into the city, the temple of Dindymene and Attes, containing a statue of the former made of stone. In the agora there were temples of Jupiter Olympius and of Apollo: the statue of Jupiter Olympius was seated, Minerva standing by him; the Apollo was of brass, naked, with the exception of sandals on the feet, one foot rested on the skull of an ox, in allusion to his protection of cattle. Between this temple and that of Jupiter stood a statue of Juno. In the open part of the agora there was a statue of Minerva, and before it the sepulchre of Patreus.
The Odeium adjoined the agora: it was the most magnificent of any in Greece, except the Odeium of Herodes at Athens, and it contained a very remarkable statue of Apollo, dedicated from the spoils of the Gauls, when the Patrenses alone of the Achaeans aided the Aetolians. On a gate which, near the temple of Apollo, led out of the agora, stood gilded statues of Patreus, Preugenes, and Atherion, represented as boys.

§ 2.129  Not far beyond the gate there was a temenus of Diana, containing a temple of Diana Limnatis, and sanctuaries of Aesculapius and of Minerva, to which there were approaches through a stoa. The statue of Aesculapius was made of stone, except the drapery (of wood). The statue of Minerva was of ivory and gold. Before the sanctuary of Minerva was the monument of Preugenes, father of Patreus. In this quarter stood the theatre, and near it temples of Nemesis and Venus, containing statues of those deities in white marble, of colossal magnitude; — also a temple of Bacchus, surnamed Calydonius, because the statue was brought from Calydon; and the temenus of a native woman, containing three statues of Bacchus, with the surnames of Mesateus, Antheus, and Aroeus. These in the Dionysiac festival were carried to the temple of Bacchus Aesymnetes, which was situated on the right-hand side of the road leading from the agora to the maritime quarter of the city. Below the temple of Aesymnetes there was a temple and statue in stone of Soteria, (Safety) said to have been dedicated by Eurypylus. At the harbour stood an upright statue of Neptune, in stone, and near it two sanctuaries of Venus, each containing a statue of the goddess. Close to the harbour

§ 2.130  were brazen statues of Mars and Apollo, and a temenus of Venus, in which there was an aerolithic statue of the goddess. [The words “acrolithic” and “chryselephantine”, which I have often used, are not employed by Pausanias, nor the latter by any of the ancient Greek writers; but they are convenient to describe in a single word two kinds of draped statues which were common among the Greeks: in the former, the naked part of the statue was in marble, the drapery, or other attributes, in painted or gilded wood: in the chryselephantine, the flesh was in ivory, the remaining part in the same material, coloured, and inlaid with gold in various parts of the dress.]
On the sea-side there was a grove, containing places of exercise and shady walks, as well as temples of Apollo and Venus, in which were statues of those deities in stone Near the grove were two temples of Sarapis, one of which contained the monument of Aegyptus, son of Belus, and contiguous to the grove a temple of Ceres, containing upright statues of Ceres and Proserpine, and a sitting statue of Earth. In front of this temple there was a source of water, which was inclosed by a wall on the side towards the building, and had a descent to it on the opposite side. The well was consulted, as an oracle, which foretold the fate of sick persons; a mirror was suspended, so that the circumference touched the water; prayers were

§ 2.131  then offered to Ceres and incense was burnt, after which there were certain appearances in the mirror indicating whether the sick person would live or die.
The modern Patra occupies the same site as the Roman city. It stands upon a ridge about a mile long, which projects from the falls of Mount Voidhia in a southerly direction, and to the westward is separated from the sea by a level, increasing in breadth from north to south, from a quarter to more than half a mile. The height at the northern end of the ridge, now occupied by the castle of Patra, was the ancient acropolis, of which some pieces of the walls are intermixed with the modern masonry on the north-eastern side. In this direction the castle is strengthened by a hollow lying between it and the other heights, which form the connection with Mount Voidhia. Both these and the castle hill are of the most irregular forms, being cut into deep ravines by torrents, and broken into white precipices, like those which are seen in many parts of the northern coast of the Morea, as well as about Olympia, Elis, and in the Island of Zakytho. It is observable that all these

§ 2.132  places, like Patra itself, are peculiarly subject to earthquakes. According to all I have experienced or can learn, Laconia is by no means so well shaken a country.
The ancient town, like the modern, covered the slopes of the ridge which branches from the citadel to the south. The old Achaean city seems, like the modern town, not to have extended nearer to the sea than the foot of this ridge: for we learn from Plutarch, that Alcibiades recommended to the Patrenses to connect the town with the port by means of long walls: — on the contrary it may be inferred, as well from Pausanias as from many existing vestiges of Roman fabrics, that the Augustan colony spread over the plain towards the sea. It may easily be supposed, indeed, that Patrae has at no period been so large as under the Roman Emperors; and all the existing remains which I have seen bear the character of that time.
Masses of masonry constructed of brick and mortar are found among the houses, gardens, ruined walls, and vacant intervals which occupy the ancient position: but none of them are in sufficient continuity or preservation to be ascribed to any particular building among those which Pausanias has described, although the situation of each of the quarters being evident,

§ 2.133  and the general distribution of the buildings thus known, the position of each monument can be more nearly presumed than in most of the Greek traveller's descriptions.
The agora seems to have been about the middle of the present town. Here I observed the remains of a small construction of brick upon a foundation of stone near a fountain; and in the house of the Imperial consul, there is part of a circular building of brick, which may possibly have belonged to the Odeium.
As the maritime quarter of the city was towards the west, and as Pausanias descends from the acropolis to the agora, afterwards describing the quarter of the theatre which was entered from the agora by the Gate of the Heroes, and lastly descending from the agora to the Χΐμην, or harbour, it may be inferred that the quarter of the theatre was towards the southern end of the modern town. In order to search for the monuments on the road from the agora to the ancient harbour, and those around the port, it would be necessary to determine the exact position of the latter. This appears to me to be indicated by the form of the coast, and by some foundations of moles to the southward of the street of magazines, which now borders the sea-beach of the roadsted: indeed it is very possible that all the low marshy plain adjacent

§ 2.134  to the magazines on the south, and which extends from thence towards the southern extremity of the ridge of the town, was anciently the harbour. I cannot conceive, however, that the modern Patrenses are correct in supposing that the port ever reached as far as a Roman wall which supports a terrace at that extremity, notwithstanding there are some holes in the wall, in which, as Mr. Strane tells me, he remembers to have seen rings and staples, supposed to have been those to which the Roman galleys were once attached. I suspect, however, that his memory deceives him; for upon looking into Wheler and Spon, I find that they describe the wall just as it is now, and that Wheler adds, that the consul, Sir Clement Harby, told him, “that many in the town remembered when there was an iron ring fastened to the wall, which they supposed was to tie vessels to;” whence it would seem that the story of the ring is nothing more than a fable, which has been repeated from one generation to another for several centuries. Wheler thought the wall in question had been part of the inclosure of the ancient city. “Under it,” he adds, “is a place that seemeth to have been a circus, or a stadium, or perhaps a naumachia, and not far from thence, near a ruined church of the Holy Apostles, a round temple of brick masoned together with a very hard cement.

§ 2.135  ” I cannot find any remains of these monuments.
The only position of the ancient Patrae, besides the acropolis, which seems to be perfectly identified, is that of the temple of Ceres, described by Pausanias as having adjoined a grove on the sea-side, serving as a public walk to the Patrenses; and as having had below it, in front, a source of water, to which there was a descent on the side opposite to the temple. It is evident from the latter circumstance, as well as from what Pausanias says of the oracle, that the source was a perennial well, the surface of which was below that of the adjacent ground; by which description the spring is easily recognized about three quarters of a mile from the town, near the sea-shore, to the southward of the magazines. And hence also it appears that the space between that spot and the magazines, was the situation of the grove which contained the public walks and the temples of Venus and Apollo. There is still a descent of four steps to the well, which is under a vault belonging to the remains of a church of St. Andrew, the patron saint of Patra, who, according to the Greeks, suffered martyrdom at this place, and to whom Ceres appears to have resigned her dwelling on the abolition of paganism. The

§ 2.136  church was already a ruin in the time of Spon and Wheler, but there are still some remains of it, in which prayers are said and incense burnt, as formerly to Ceres; it is particularly resorted to by all the good Christians of Patra on the festival of St. Andrew, when they drink of the fountain which is an αγιασμα or holy water, of the Saint.
According to Ducange, the metropolitan church of Patrae stood formerly in the citadel, and was destroyed by Guillaume de Villehardouin, when he obtained possession of Achaea after the Frank conquest of Constantinople in 1204. About 250 years afterwards the patron saint of Patrae suffered another indignity. Thomas, the Greek despot, finding himself under the necessity of retiring to Italy before the conquering arms of Mahomet the Second, could devise no more effectual mode of recommending himself to the Pope, than to carry off the head of St. Andrew from Patrae as a present to his holiness. The greater part of the existing castle of Patra is probably the work of Villehardouin, and he seems to have made liberal use of the remains of the ancient buildings of the acropolis in constructing it; for besides the pieces of Hellenic wall which I have

§ 2.137  mentioned as remaining in their original position, there are several portions of Doric and Ionic fluted columns forming part of the modern masonry, as well as some pieces of architraves with triglyphs and metopes, one of which is adorned with a patera.
As Pausanias says that the temple of Aesculapius stood above the acropolis near the gates leading to Messatis, it seems evident that Messatis occupied a situation on the ridge northward, or north-eastward of the citadel, and as Pausanias also tells us that Messatis was between Aroe, or the site of the acropolis, and Antheia, the latter must have been situated still further in the same direction. It is in fact very natural that such strong and lofty positions should have been the places of retirement of the inhabitants in those times of insecurity which preceded the foundation of Patreus, as well as when they again dispersed after the Gallic invasion of Greece.
The ruins of the Roman aqueduct of brick, which supplied the town from the heights to the eastward, are still extant on that side of the castle hill. Wheler met with this aqueduct returning into town from the monastery of Ierokomio, which is situated on those heights

§ 2.138  at a mile and a half to the eastward of Patra. He describes the aqueduct as a very high and stately structure, having two arches one above another, and pilasters propped on both sides with buttresses. He adds, that higher up the stream were two other (arches) better preserved, and that they all united two hills between which flowed a small stream. From the same source which filled the Roman aqueduct, the modern town is now furnished: but the aqueduct itself has suffered very much since the time of Wheler, only a few of the lower arches now remaining. Wheler supposed the stream in the ravine, which is crossed by the aqueduct, to have been the Meilichus; but in this he was mistaken, for it passes along the eastern side of the town, and thence into the sea to the southward, whereas the Meilichus joined the sea between Patrae and Rhium. I observed in the convent of Ierokomio a white marble, eight feet long and two feet and a half broad, upon which there is a Latin inscription in large characters in seven lines, but so much worn in consequence of the stone having served as a step to the church, that I was only able to copy a few of the letters.
Mount Voidhia, one of the most conspicuous hills in Greece, and inferior in height only to a

§ 2.139  few of the great summits, has been little noticed by ancient authors. It seems evidently, however, to be that Mount Panachaicum where, in the winter of the second year of the Social War BC. 219, 220, Pyrrhias the Aetolian established himself at the head of 3000 Aetolians and Eleians, after having made incursions upon the lands of Patrae, Dyme, and Pharae, and from whence he continued his devastations throughout the Patraea, as well as towards Aegium and Rhium. This mountain is, in fact, most conveniently placed, as the modern kleftes have discovered, for commanding all the western part of Achaea; being surrounded by the Achaean districts of Patrae, Aegium, and Tritaea, and being the only great mountain which belonged entirely to that province, it was very properly called ΠαναχαΧκον. The maritime cities of Achaea, to the eastward of Aegium, possessed only the northern slopes of mountains, the summits of which were in Arcadia.
The Castle of Patra commands a most beautiful and interesting prospect. Nothing can be more perfect in its kind than the great sweep of the coast, forming that vast bay to the south-westward which is separated by the rich plain of Patra from Mount Panachaicum

§ 2.140  and its branches, and which is backed in the view from the castle by the distant summits of Zacynthus and Cephallenia. Castle Tornese is seen in this direction, a little to the right of the summit of Mount Skopo in Zakytho. To the northward the great lake, for such is its appearance, which forms the outer division of the Corinthian gulf, is bounded by the mountains of Acarnania and Aetolia, and immediately in face of Patra by the two rocky hills which rise abruptly from the shore, between the lagunes of Mesolonghi and the straits of Rhium. In the latter direction the prospect is terminated by the town of 'Epakto and the mountains above it, which to the right become blended with the slopes of Panachaicum.
Patra is the most populous town in Greece southward of Ioannina. It contains about 10,000 inhabitants, of whom a third are Turks, the rest Greeks with a few Jews. There are some good Greek and Turkish houses in the town, but those of the European consuls are the most respectable in appearance. Every considerable house is surrounded with a garden of the orange tribe, mixed with pomegranates, figs, almonds, and pot-herbs, which give the place a very agreeable aspect, when seen at such a distance as does not betray the misery of the greater part of the habitations. The

§ 2.141  convenience of the situation for European trade, the advantages arising from the residence of the consuls, and the export of currants, which are produced in the plain of Patra in greater quantity than in any part of continental Greece, have attracted to this point almost all the European commerce of the Morea, and of the western coast of Greece. The rising price of currants during the last three years, has led to an increased cultivation of them in the plain of Patra, which, beyond the gardens and olive plantations surrounding the outer houses, consists, for the distance of two or three miles from the town, of a continued vineyard of those dwarf grapes: they are now in blossom, and when the wind blows across the plain, their perfume is almost too powerful to be agreeable.
The average production of currants at Zante, is stated to me by the consul to be eleven millions of pounds, of Kefalonia seven millions, of Patra five millions, of the southern shore of the Gulf of Corinth, together with Mesolonghi and Vrakhori, in which last place they have been introduced only of late, four millions. In the time of Wheler, 1675, they were grown at Mesolonghi, and not at Patra. There is a bedaat, or extraordinary duty, of exportation of two paras the oke, which is commuted by Patra for 100 purses. Silk, the production of Patra,

§ 2.142  next in importance to currants, pays a bedaat of nine piastres the oke, according to the last firmahn. The other articles exported from this district are wool, wax, leather, and κεδροκούκι, or juniper berries, which last are sent to England. The plain produces also cotton and tobacco.
The increased cultivation of the plain of Patra is said to have improved the salubrity of the climate, but the excessive heat and the marshy tract to the southward and westward of the town, still create dangerous fevers and dysenteries in summer and autumn, so that with the exception perhaps of Anapli and Corinth, Patra is still the most unhealthy town in the Morea. It is the prevailing opinion that the fevers are chiefly owing to the wind from Mount Voidhia, which, say the people of Patra, is unwholesome, because it is heavy. A Corfiote practitioner of physic expressed to me the same opinion. The mountain may, perhaps, be partly in fault, though not, I suspect, as the Patrini and their doctor suppose. The land wind, which blows regularly all the summer in this climate, during the night and early morning, and which at Patra descends immediately from Mount Voidhia, forms by its coldness a dangerous contrast to the air of the town, still

§ 2.143  heated by the effects of the preceding day: and hence it happens that a person exposing himself in summer to the night or morning air, without being well clothed, undergoes the greatest risk of laying the foundation of a fever. The violence and heat of the wind from the gulf, in July and August, is extremely disagreeable also; and it is a common custom to keep the shutters closed all the day to avoid its blast. Patra has proved fatal to a great number of new settlers, particularly to the French, who, about forty years ago, had several mercantile houses here: since the revolution they have not had any.
The English consul's house is a large wooden building without much comfort, but well adapted by its timber framing to the frequent earthquakes which occur here. The extremes of lightness or solidity seem to be the best modes of construction in such a country. The ancients I believe adopted both, the former for their private, the latter for their public edifices. I had not been many hours at, Patra before I had the opportunity of hearing and feeling the effects of an earthquake in such a house as the consul's. The noise was tremendous, but there cannot be much danger in a structure of this kind, at least in any such concussions as usually occur in Greece. The house was built by a French merchant named Rosa.

§ 2.144  By a miracle it escaped the plunder and destruction of the Albanians at the end of the Russian insurrection in 1770. General Rosa, who was made prisoner by Aly Pasha, and sent to Constantinople, where he died, was nephew of the merchant.
The rugged hills behind the castle produce a red wine, which is very good when made with care; Mr. Strane gave me some which was not inferior to port. The Greeks chiefly employ it to give body to that which is made from the watery grapes produced in low and moist situations, after which, by adding a little resin from the pine-tree, the mixture will keep sound about a year.
There are 130 villages in the district of Patra, which extends to the south-westward as far as the ancient boundaries of the Eleia. The plain of Patra and of the Peirus contains threefourths, of the villages, which, with the exception of about forty kefalo-khoria of from twenty to fifty houses, and three or four others of larger size, are all tjiftliks, containing from ten to twenty families, some of them even still smaller. The whole population of the district probably is not equal to that of the town.
The terms of cultivation in corn-lands are the same as those in other parts of the Morea; the farmer is a metayer, and takes his portion

§ 2.145  of the crop which is a third or a half, according to the portion of stock or instruments supplied by the proprietor. This mode of farming was very common anciently, both among the Greeks and Romans, as appears from the word μ0ρτίτη9, which was in use in the time of Solon, and from the Latin medietarius, from which metayer is derived. But Patra furnishes an example of the most expensive as well as of the poorest mode of agriculture. The currant vineyards are all cultivated by the owners by means of hired labourers, who receive sixty paras a day, without provisions. There are two principal operations, one in February, when the soil is hoed for the purpose of laying open the roots of the plants to the moisture of the spring, at which time the earth is raised into little conical heaps between the vines; and the second in May, when it is levelled again. In other kinds of field-work, the price of day-labour is forty paras, with wine. The labourers in the plain of Patra come chiefly from the district of Kalavryta, but in harvest there are many islanders employed, as well here as in other parts of Western Greece.

§ 2.146  When a part of the English army of Egypt was ordered to Corfu and the other islands, in September, 1801, two thousand men were destined for Patra, and barracks were ordered to be built for them. The Consul had constructed one and Mehmet Aga, upon whose ground the temporary building was erected, built a kiosk, which still remains in a field near the Roman walls to the southward. In this field Mehmet's labourers found lately in digging, six ancient bottle-shaped cisterns of excellent workmanship, constructed of tiles; the Aga ordered stones to be placed over the mouths of them, and then covered them with earth.
A large quantity of silver coins have been brought to me for sale, which have recently been found by a Zevgalates of Gastuni, I believe at Paleopoli (Elis). As the person who brought them wished to sell them all, and the greater part were either of the commonest sort, Chalcis, Sicyon, Boeotia, &c. or such as I already possessed in duplicate, I refused them, without reflecting that many persons would have been glad to give triple the price for which they were offered to me.
There are three ancient statues in the walls of the castle. The largest is that of a female, complete from the chin downwards; half as large again as life. Its attitude was such that the left shoulder is much higher than the right.

§ 2.147  The waist is bound with a thong tied in a bow: the drapery of the finest execution. This fragment stands in a tower which is already cracked, and will probably fall with the first strong earthquake. The two other statues are very inferior in merit: one is of a female and below the human size; the face is destroyed, but in other respects the statue is perfect. The third is of a man, wanting the head and shoulders and feet; it is naked except a fold of garment just under the neck. Besides these there is a colossal head and shoulders of a female, at a fountain just below the castle on the north-eastern side. It is double the human size; the face quite demolished: locks of hair hang down on either shoulder, and each breast is pierced with a round hole. It forms part of a ruined wall belonging to some building of Roman or Byzantine times.
At a mile or two to the southward of the town stands the great cypress tree mentioned by Wheler, who states its girth to have been twenty-one feet, at the height of a foot from the ground: it is now more than twenty-three in the same place.
I rode one afternoon to the castle of the Morea, as the Turkish fortress on Cape Rhium is called.

§ 2.148  Like the castles of the Dardanelles, it contains an interior work which overlooks the outer. The inner is a circular fort with embrasures in the parapet, and appears much older than the exterior inclosure, which is quadrangular and fortified with ravelins on the two land fronts. If the inner castle originally stood on the shore, the sea has retired about 250 yards since it was built; at present there is a broad level between the shore and the outer wall, where boats might land and escalade the fortress. The reality of a gradual retreat of the sea is affirmed by the natives, and appears very probable, if we admit the testimony of the ancient authors as to that great accumulation of soil at the mouths of the Evenus and Achelous, which is so strongly confirmed by the appearance of the coast near Mesolonghi and by the shallows opposite to Cape Papa. At the strait of the castles the alluvial increase may have been further assisted by the numerous streams descending from Mount Voidhia, as well as by the great river Morno to the eastward of 'Epakto. At the opposite point of Antirrhium I am told that the retreat of the sea is not so rapid. The breadth of the strait appears to me to be little, if at all, short of a mile and a half, a distance which it becomes still more difficult to reconcile with

§ 2.149  the seven stades of Thucydides if we admit the reality of the progressive narrowing of the strait. Strabo, in stating the width at five stades, is more at variance with the present dimensions than Thucydides. Pliny who says that the opening was nearly a mile, appears to have taken his distance from the Greek historian. One cannot but conclude, that here, as at Navarin, there is some error either in the text or in the information of the accurate Athenian.
The castle of the Morea is surrounded by marshes intermixed with a few plantations of currants, and the land-front is protected by a wet ditch communicating from sea to sea. The Yenitjeir Aga, who commands the fortress, assures me that the air is not unhealthy, but the complexion of the inhabitants seems to declare the contrary. He chiefly complains of the violent winds which blow through the strait in winter, and which make it necessary to build the houses very low and sheltered under the walls. Very few of the inhabitants have the appearance of soldiers. In short, it is a little Turkish fortified town, with a Greek suburb, situated, as usual, on the outside of the walls; I observed in the fortress several good English

§ 2.150  brass ordnance of the time of the Stuarts — others of Venetian origin. Anciently each cape was occupied by a temple of Neptune and within land, at the foot of the nearest heights, there was on either side a small town of which the temple was a dependency. The town on the Aetolian side was named Molycria, whence Antirrhium was also called Rhium Molycricum. On the Peloponnesian side stood Argyra, situated on the river Selemnus, which joins the sea a little to the eastward of the castle.

§ 2.151  CHAPTER XV, SECOND JOURNEY. ACHAIA. ELEIA.
Feb. 16, 1806. I embark at Epakto on the outside of the town; one boat carries myself and horse, another my baggage: the wind being contrary, we consume several hours in working up to the Morea Castle — disembark at the village behind the castle, and, having procured some horses there, arrive at Patra about 2 p. m.

§ 2.152  Feb. 17 Ahmet Aga, brother of the Valide Kiayassy, and long time voivoda of Patra, but absent for the last two years, returns here today, having, contrary to the expectation or wish of the Patrini, been reinstated in the government. The Valide died last summer, but Yusuf still continues in the superintendence of her property, which devolves to the Sultan, her son. Patra was one of the best of her appanages, and for this reason Yusuf appointed his brother to the government; for though it does not produce much in direct profit to the administrator on the spot, there is a good deal to be gained in the way of plunder, in which Ahmet has always shewn himself expert, by engrossing all the lucrative part of the several powers of Kadi, Dizdar, Bolukbashi, and Hodja-bashi. During his absence the place was governed by a servant of Yusuf. Ahmet is received on the sea-side by all the principal inhabitants, and is saluted with the cannon of the fort, and with discharges of musketry, while the consuls hoist their colours.
A new Musellim of Karlili comes in company with Ahmet Aga. As soon as the former Musellim had been dismissed, the robbers again made their appearance in Aetolia, or were said to have done so, whence Aly Pasha had an excuse for sending his negro minister Yusuf, with a body of Albanians, to overrun the country, and lay the villages under contribution. Repeated oppressions of this kind have very much diminished the population of Kravari and Apokuro, whole families and even the entire population of some of the villages having passed over into the Morea, particularly to Patra and the vicinity.

§ 2.153  Feb. 18. The Pasha of the Morea has succeeded in taking many of the robbers who have long infested the Peninsula, and who have been increasing in numbers for the last year. He has killed one of the Kolotronis.
Feb. 22. A strong north-easterly wind set in, four days ago, and still continues blowing out of the gulf with such fury, as to prevent all arrivals from the westward. I set out this forenoon at 10 for Gastuni, and follow the seashore of that noble curve, which forms so beautiful an object from Patra, trending seven or eight miles to the south-west, before it turns westward, towards Dyme and Cape Araxus. The shore consists of a shingle, abounding in round pebbles; it was by practising with these that the slingers of Patrae and Dyme acquired the skill in slinging, for which they were renowned, and by means of which Livy adds, that they performed notable service to the Romans, under the Consul Fulvius, at the siege of Samos, in Cephallenia. The left of our road is bordered by currant plantations. This plant succeeds better in a plain than upon hills, whence it happens that the wine made at Patra is better than in many other places, where the hills are equally well adapted to the growth of the vine, but where its cultivators, more anxious about the quantity than the quality of their produce, have preferred the plains for their vineyards: at Patra, on the contrary, the greater part of the plain being occupied by currants, the Greeks have been contented to plant their vines on the rugged hills behind the castle. A stremma of currant plantation, (i.e. a square of 114 Greek feet the side) when the plants are in their prime, or from ten to twenty years old, is worth 800 or 900 piastres. According to this valuation, even supposing half the currant grounds in the plain to be new, and not worth more than 500 piastres the stremma, the value of the plain will not be less than half a million sterling.
At 10.54 I cross the mouth of the Lefka, anciently Glaucus, a torrent which descends directly from the highest parts of Mount Voidhia, crosses the plain in a broad gravelly bed, and retains little or no water in the summer.
At 11.30 arrive at the end of the plain, where low hills, the continuation of the range of Panachaicum, meet the sea. These hills are not rocky, but, like those at the back of Patra, they are rugged and precipitous; and they would probably produce good wine, but cultivation ends with the plain of Patra, and a desert begins, which comprehends all Western Achaea and the northern part of the Eleia; throughout which tract, with the exception of the banks of the Peirus, and the vicinity of a few villages, all is forest or pasture. Our

§ 2.155  road leads along a narrow level, between the low hills and the sea, until we approach the Peirus. This river is now called Kamenitza, in the lower part of its course, from a village, of that name on its bank, which Wheler erroneously writes Mammenitza, and which he describes as situated on both banks of the river, at a distance of two or three miles from the sea. After emerging from the ravine of Nezera, the river bends towards Mount Movri, which is a great root of Mount Olono, projecting from the central summit of the mountain into the Eletan plain. After having skirted the foot of the mountain, the river turns towards the sea, which it joins at the Akhaies, two villages belonging to Seid Aga, chief Ayan of Patra, and the greatest territorial proprietor there. The lands of these two villages lying on the banks of the Kamenitza, and which are irrigated by its waters, produce rice, cotton, arabostari, and small kalambokki; the remainder of the arable bears wheat and barley. The river is wide and deep, although no rain has fallen for some weeks. I cross it at 1.25, and soon afterwards, turning out of the straight road to the left, ascend a small height, on which is the village of Kato, or Palea, Akhaia, containing twenty or thirty families. The word Kato distinguishes it from

§ 2.156  another village, higher up the river; the Palea it derives from some remains of antiquity, which exist in the surrounding fields.
In the village I find a fragment of inscription, containing the name of Pharae, a most puzzling document, as it formed part of a monument raised by that city, in commemoration of the merits of some individual, and was not likely therefore to have been erected anywhere but in the city itself. On the other hand, we have the strongest testimony of Strabo and Pausanias that this was the situation, not of Pharae, but of Olenus; Pausanias adding, that Pharae was seventy stades distant from the sea. We must suppose, therefore, that the stone, which is not large, and forms part of a modern building, has, upon some occasion, been transported hither from the site of Pharae. Five or six yards behind the village there is a ridge in the plain, which seems to have been formed by the ruins of Olenus. There are traces also of its walls in the adjacent fields, and two or three pieces of Roman masonry. The vestiges extend over a considerable space of ground, and are the more remarkable, as Pausanias tells us that Olenus was never a large city, and as neither he nor Strabo speak of it but as a ruin.
The temple of Aesculapius, which is

§ 2.157  mentioned by Strabo, seems, by the silence of Pausanias, no longer to have existed in his time. The abandonment of the site may be dated from the time of the Roman wars in Greece; for when the Achaic league was revived after its temporary dissolution by the power of the Macedonian kings, the Olenii refused to join it, whence it may be inferred, that Olenus was still at that, time a place of some importance. On deserting their city, the Olenii settled in the neighbouring towns of Dyme, Peirae, and Euryteiae.
Peirae, it may be presumed from the name, stood upon the river Peirus, in the plain between Olenus and Pharae; this position below Pharae is probable, as well from the vicinity to Olenus, implied in the fact of the emigration of the Olenii thither, as from the name having been written Πεῖραι, for Pausanias tells us, that the river which at the sea was named Πεῖρος was at Pharae called Πίερος. Whence it would seem that Peirae was nearer to the sea than Pharae. The main stream is joined in the plain by another from the southward, which answers to the Teutheas of Strabo. Apano Akhaia, which stands on the right bank of this tributary, one hour distant from the lower Akhaia, may be

§ 2.158  the site of the town called Teuthea, near which there was a temple of Diana Nemidia. [Mr. Pouqueville seems, without knowing it, to have discovered some remains of this temple one mile to the south-east of Apano Akhaia at the foot of Mount Movri, where is a tjiftlik which receives its name Kolonnes, from the ruins of a temple.] The river Teutheas is stated by Strabo to have been joined by another called Caucon.
I am informed that some vestiges of an ancient site are found on or near the left bank of the Kamenitza, between Preveso and Ysari: as this position corresponds tolerably well with the distance of Pharae from Patrae, and from the mouth of the Peirus, namely 150 stades from the former and seventy stades from the latter, one can hardly doubt that the vestiges are those of Pharae. Pharae, like Tritaea and Dyme, was made a dependency of Patrae by Augustus. In the time of Pausanias there remained a spacious agora of the ancient fashion, containing a bearded Hermes Agoraeus in marble, of no great size, which was oracular, and a fountain called Hama, which, as well as the fish contained in it, was sacred to the same deity. Near the statue there were thirty quadrangular stones, to each of which the name of a deity was attached, according to the most ancient practice of the Greeks. Near the river Pierus there was

§ 2.159  a grove of plane trees, some of which were hollow, and so large that persons dined and slept in them. Fifteen stades from the city there was a grove of bay trees sacred to the Dioscuri, whose statues had been carried to Rome.
From the village of Lower Akhaia there is an interval of 8 minutes to the khan of Seid Aga, which stands in the direct road at a small distance from the sea-side. It was lately built by the proprietor of the two Akhaies to save the inhabitants from the expense of Konaks. Here begins a forest of oaks, which extends to the Mavra Vuna, or Black Hills, and nearly to Cape Papa. I leave the khan at 3, and immediately enter the forest. The oaks are crooked, and none of them are handsome trees, though some are of a considerable size. The sea is at a small distance to the right, to the left is the great level which extends as far as the hills near Cape Katakolo. The soil is excellent but quite uncultivated; there are large flocks of sheep, but, from the khan of Seid Aga to Karavostasi, where we arrive at 4.35, I see no signs of inhabitants, except a few huts made of mud and wicker for the shepherds. Karavostasi is a metokhi

§ 2.160  belonging to one of the convents of Nezera. It is situated between a woody cape and the Mavra Vuna, which are similarly clothed, but it is nearer to the former. The Mavra Vuna terminate to the northward in Cape Papa, between which and Karavostasi there is a large lagoon: a mile beyond the village a narrow opening in the hills leads from the village to the lake. The fishery is worth seven or eight purses a year; boats enter it from the sea through a boghaz, or opening. Papa, pronounced by the Turks Baba, is a low round peninsular height crowned with a chapel, separated from the Mavra Vuna by the lake and by the adjacent low ground.
Near Karavostasi, on the eastern side, I find several remains of Hellenic masonry, others below the village towards the lagoon; and in all the fields around the village fragments of wrought stones and broken pottery, enough, in short, to shew that some Hellenic town occupied this site. Both Strabo and Pausanias place Dyme at forty stades from Olenus, and Olenus at eighty stades from Patrae. My time distance to the Peirus from Patra was 3 hours 25 minutes, and 1 hour 43 minutes from thence to Karavostasi — the proportion between these

§ 2.161  numbers is precisely the same as that between the eighty stades and forty; but the time distance, compared with the stades, would indicate a slower movement than usual, which I was not sensible of. I have little doubt that Strabo and Pausanias have underrated the distances, as my construction will not give less than sixteen geographical miles in direct distance from Patra to Cape Papa.
The distance of Karavostasi from Cape Papa agrees with Strabo's sixty stades between Dyme and Cape Araxus; nor is his remark as to Dyme having been harbourless opposed to the inference which might be drawn from the modern name Karavostasi, signifying a station for ships, for the latter has a reference only to modern navigation, for the purposes of which Cape Papa furnishes a very convenient shelter, when a southerly wind prevents vessels from proceeding in that direction; to the ancients, on the contrary, the lagoon, the ridge which separates it from the sea, and the long sandy beach were not favourable to the construction of those artificial moles or of the cothons, or basins, which were customary among them. The decline of Dyme is to be dated, like that of so many other Grecian cities, from the first Roman

§ 2.162  wars in Greece; in consequence of its having been favoured by Philip, son of Demetrius, it was plundered by the Romans; and was already in a half deserted state when a colony of the Cilician pirates, who had been subdued by Pompey, was sent here. Augustus attached Dyme, together with Pharae and Tritaea, to the Roman colony of Patrae: in the time of the Antonines it preserved little more than a temple and very ancient statue of Minerva; a sanctuary of Dindymene and Attes, and monuments of its ancient heroes Sostratus and Oibotas; the former of these was a companion of Hercules; the latter was the first of the Achaeans who gained a victory at Olympia': the distich upon his statue in the Altis, which Pausanias has preserved, shews that before the Ionic migration the city was called Paleia. The name of Dyme, it is natural to suppose, was derived from its westerly position with respect to the rest of Achaea, though Pausanias, following as usual local tradition, which generally preferred a heroic etymon, ascribed it to a woman Dyme, or to Dymes, son of Aegimius. What connexion the Phrygian Dindymene and her priest Attes had with Dyme, Pausanias could not discover.
Karavostasi commands a fine view of the coast and mountains of Aetolia, as well as of the roadstead of Mesolonghi, with the coast as far as Oxia and Kurtzolari, two conspicuous rocky peaks, anciently called the Oxeiae, a name which is correctly descriptive of them. Strabo, however, was mistaken in supposing them both to be islands, unless we imagine the sea to have retreated from this coast more rapidly than I think possible. Kurtzolari is a mountain of the main land opposite to the island still called Oxia or Oxia. In the opposite direction, or inland from Karavostasi, is seen the whole ridge of Olono. In a lofty situation, upon Mount Movri, stands the monastery of Filokali, and at the foot of the same mountain, towards the south-western end, the village of Oriolos.

§ 2.163  Feb. 23. — I leave Karavostasi this morning at 8, and in forty minutes arrive at the Castle of Kallogria, situated on the last height of the Mavra Vuna towards the south, at the northern extremity of a chain of lagoons similar to that of Cape Papa, which extend almost as far as Glarentza, the ancient Cyllene. Kallogria occupies a rocky hill about 100 yards in length, the entire summit of which is enclosed by a massy wall faced with large shapeless masses of stone, put together without cement, but filled within with small fragments and mortar. There exist also some remains of walls and towers constructed entirely of small stones, the repairs apparently of a later age. Although the masonry of the more ancient part of these ruins is not in the usual Hellenic style, the thickness of the walls, and the massy facing, are of a kind which has not been employed in this country since the time of the Roman Empire. I cannot hesitate therefore in believing that they are the ruins of Teichus, a castle of the Dymoei, which was taken from them in the Social War, B.C. 219, by Euripidas, the Aetolian who commanded the Eleians, and which was retaken in the following year by Philip for Teichus is described by Polybius as a fortress only a stade and a half in circuit, with walls thirty cubits high, and as having been situated towards the frontier of the Dymaea. That the frontier on which Teichus stood was towards Elis, may be inferred as well from the general position of the Dymaea, as from the tradition noticed by the same historian, that the castle had been first built by Hercules, when he made war on the Eleians.

§ 2.165  It is true that Polybius further remarks, that Teichus was near Araxus, whereas, in fact, Kallogria is nearer to Karavostasi, the site of Dyme, than to Cape Papa; but perhaps all the hills which form so conspicuous a geographical feature in the western extremity of Achaea were called Araxus, as well as the cape itself. No other name at least is to be found for them in ancient history.
The lake below Kallogria has an opening to the sea, and a fishery, which lets for 600 piastres a year. It is separated from the sea by a sandy strip of land which is covered with a thick forest of strofilia, the species of pine which produces the esculent seed eaten like almonds, and often used as a substitute for them in Greek cookery. The greater part of the pine nuts of this forest is sent to the opposite islands. The wood is much esteemed for ship building, but that of the common πεύκος, or pinus maritima, is more in use for that purpose, the tree being more common.
We quit the castle at 9.07, and in little more than half an hour have a metokhi of Megaspilio on the right, on the edge of the lake. At 10.06 cross a river flowing from Mount Movri in the neighbourhood of Oriolos. It does not

§ 2.166  fail in summer, and after rains in winter often does mischief: it is now of considerable width, but not deep. This being the largest stream in the Eleia, north of the Peneius, must, I think, be the ancient Larissus, which divided Achaea from Eleia, though its distance from Dyme is only fifty stades, instead of the 300 or the 400 which are found in the MSS. of Pausanias, and which, it is almost unnecessary to add, must be erroneous, as the Alpheius itself is not so far from Dyme. In another place Pausanias states the distance from the city Elis to the Larissus at 157 stades, which, as it gives a correct rate to the stade measured on the map, confirms the identity of the Larissus with the river of Oriolos. At the river we regain the great road from Patra to Gastuni, which we had left at Akhaia. From Karavostasi our road has continued to pass among oak-trees as before we arrived at that place, but beyond the Larissus the trees are not so thickly planted except at intervals.
At 10.40 we arrive at Aly Tjeleby, a village so called from a Turk who built a large pyrgo here, and owned the village, but who afterwards disposed of it to the monastery of Megaspilio, of which it is now a metokhi. A considerable quantity of flax is still grown, as in former ages, in the plains of Achaea and Elis, for which the rivers furnish the means of irrigation. At Aly Tjeleby a small rill runs towards a large lagoon which takes

§ 2.167  its name from this village: the lagoon is separated from the lake of Kallogria by a narrow branch of the plain, through which there is a stream of communication, flowing, if I am not misinformed, out of the northern into the southern lake; whence it would seem that the discharge of the Larissus into the sea, is not directly through the lake of Kallogria, but at the place where the lake of Aly Tjeleby opens into the sea. There is some reason to think that all these lagoons are comparatively of recent formation, as I suppose that at Old Navarin to have been; for there is no mention in ancient history of any but that of Letrini, near the modern town of Pyrgo.
The plain now becomes more open, but is still uncultivated, except around the villages, which however are more frequent. At 11.30 arrive at Monoladha, a metokhi of the Convent of St. Taxiarches which is situated three hours above Vostitza. Monoladha is a village of twenty or thirty families, with a large pyrgo, entered by a high flight of steps and a drawbridge like that of Aly Tjeleby. Leaving it at 12.50, we cross, at 12.58, a small stream called Verga (rod), running towards the lakes. The neighbouring lands produce rice, flax, and maize. At 1.42 cross another small stream. The plain is in some places marshy and overgrown with

§ 2.168  mastic bushes and squills, in others, it is clothed only with grass, furnishing pasture for sheep. At 2.25 we have on the right the beginning of another great lagoon, which extends for several miles along the shore towards Lekhena and Glarentza; it is called Kotykhi: its fishery is said to be less valuable than that of Papa, where the largest fish are caught.
Kunupeli is a little rocky height and cape on the coast, nearly in a line with the Spiliotiko metokhi, which we passed at 9.40. There is a ruined tower at Kunupeli, and a magazine, a source of hot salt water, a few vestiges of antiquity, and a port which affords good shelter from easterly winds; a ship is now lying there. The ancient name of the place I cannot discover. At 2.25 we have the small village of Mazi half a mile on the left: at 2.41 Retuni, a large village, is at the same distance on the right; soon afterwards, leaving the straight road to Gastuni to the left, we proceed directly towards Lekhena and Khlemutzi, and halt at the former at 3.42. I observe many broken marbles and other symptoms of ancient buildings in this part of the plain.
Lekhena is the most considerable place in the district of Gastuni. It has a large bazar, a mosque in ruins, and about 200 families. As at Gastuni, the houses are dispersed, and each of

§ 2.169  them surrounded with a mulberry ground or fruit garden. In a large church I find many ancient squared blocks: others also in the wall surrounding the churchyard. The gallery or portico of the church is supported by four columns of gray granite, which, according to the tradition of the place, were brought many years ago from Kionia, a place near Mazi. The name of Kionia seems to shew that it was an ancient site, though I am informed that little, or nothing, is to be seen there at present. Its position corresponds with that of Myrtuntium the Homeric Myrsinus, which Strabo places in the road from Elis to Dyme, at seventy stades from the former. Strabo adds, indeed, that Myrtuntium was upon the sea; but this must either be an error in the text, or in the geographer's information; for it is obvious that no part of the road from Elis to Dyme could have passed near the sea. Entering Lekhena, I found all the shops shut, and the people either ranged on seats before the doors of the houses, or dancing, singing, roaring, and, for the most part, drunk, men, women, and children, this being the last day of Carnival. The road from Lekhena to Gastuni passes by Andravidha, where are said to be many fragments of ancient architecture in the churches and houses; and by Kavasula on the right bank of the Peneius, between which and Gastuni the road crosses the river.

§ 2.170  Feb. 24. Move from Lekhena at 8, and ride direct for the castle of Khlemutzi: at 8.18 Andravidha is one mile and a half on the left, next to Lekhena, the most considerable town in the district: traverse a plain tolerably well cultivated, principally with flax: 8.36 pass through Suliman-aga, a small village. At 9.02 through Neo Khori, belonging to Shemseddin Bey, of Gastuni, who has a handsome pyrgo here: 9.06 the road to Glarentza turns to the right. As we are now nearly opposite to Paleopoli, (Elis) and have travelled about five hours from the river of Oriolo, that stream is evidently the Larissus; for the 157 stades which Pausanias places between Elis and the Larissus will answer exactly to the five hours. We now begin to ascend the long ridge of Khlemutzi, which forms so remarkable a feature of this part of the Peloponnesus, both by sea and land. It consists of rough hills, apparently well adapted to vines, but which are uncultivated except in some little intersecting valleys, which are now green in most parts with corn. At 10.10 we arrive at Khlemutzi, a considerable village situated

§ 2.171  under a round height which crowns the ridge, and upon the western side of which height looking towards Zakytho and Kefalonia, stands the ruined castle called Kastro Tornese. The name of Khlemutzi is evidently derived from the Romaic word χλεμός, or χλομός or χελμός, which we often find attached in Greece to hills of a regular form.
The gardens attached to the cottages of the village have fences made of the American aloe, two or three of which are in blossom. They are much smaller than the same plant in Sicily, and not above half the size of the agave Americana in the West Indies. According to the people of Khlemutzi, the plant bears a flower once in two years, and never dies, whence they call it athanatos. This undoubtedly is an erroneous idea, though it is a very natural one, as the reproduction is from a shoot of the old plant, which dies soon after it has flowered.
Kastro Tornese standing on a height surrounded by plains or by the sea, and hence easily recognized at a great distance, is one of the finest geographical stations in Greece. It commands a magnificent view of Elis, western Achaea, and the coast of Aetolia, with the islands Zacynthus, Cephallenia, Ithaca, the Echinades, and Oxeiae. From its commanding position, with

§ 2.172  regard to the channels of Zakytho and Kefalonia, as well as towards the plains of the Eleia, it would be an important military station in any other hands than those of the Turks. Though in ruins, and neither guarded nor armed with cannon, it is still one of the most respectable fortresses in Greece, and might easily be made defensible, being small with a double inclosure, and in a very repairable state. The keep is a long irregular hexagon without any towers: the long sides of the hexagon are two thick parallel walls, about thirty feet asunder, between which there were two stories of apartments built upon arches. There are large windows looking towards the interior of the castle, and smaller looking outwards. The fortress, which was probably built in the thirteenth century, seems afterwards to have been converted into a monastery; for I perceive the remains of the paintings of a Greek church in one part, and such is the tradition of the inhabitants of the village. We are told by Phranza that Khlomutza was taken by Mahomet the Second, in 1460, after he had reduced Arcadia, Laconia, and Messenia; the Beglerbegs, as he calls those who had possessed the place, having previously retreated to Corfu. It seems clear that by Khlomutza he meant this fortress, and that the

§ 2.173  Beglerbegs were Albanian chieftains; for Chalcocondylas relates, that the Turks took Sandamerio and other places in this part of the Morea, from the Albanians, though he does not name Khlomutza. Coronelli has given a view of the fortress, which I think could never have had any resemblance to the reality. We may infer, however, from the minaret which he represents in one angle, that before the Venetians took the place in the year 1685, the Turks had converted some part of the castle into a mosque. At Gastuni I was told that the name of Tornese was derived from the Lire Tornesi, or livres Tournois, which were coined here by the Frank princes of the country before the Turkish conquest; and that the castle was built by Count Τζεντεφρές (so my informant wrote the name), who possessed the country soon after the conquest of Constantinople by the French.
At the foot of the hill of Khlemutzi, two miles in direct distance, and bearing N 14° E. by compass from Castle Tornese, is the port of Glarentza, or Glarantza, and the remains of a ruined castle apparently of the same date as Tornese. Glarentza, softened by the Italians into Chiarenza, once gave name to a Venetian duchy, but it appears from Coronelli to have retained nothing, in the time of the last Venetian conquest of the Morea, 1685, but

§ 2.174  ditches and other slight traces of its former importance: it is now only a desert harbour, where some rocks furnish a retreat for boats. There can be no doubt that Glarentza is the ancient Cyllene, as there is no other harbour on this coast, except that of Kunupeli, which is too far to the north to have been the port of Elis; whereas Glarentza, in its distance from Paleopoli, agrees exactly to the 120 stades which Strabo and Pausanias agree in stating to have been the interval between Elis and Cyllene. In the time of Pausanias, Cyllene still possessed temples of Aesculapius and Venus; but the deity held in the greatest veneration among them was Hermes, who was represented by his symbol, upon a basis. Pausanias is silent as to the ivory statue of Aesculapius, by Colotae, of which Strabo speaks in terms of admiration. We may suppose, therefore, that it had been removed, in the long interval which elapsed between the times of the two authors, having perhaps, by its proximity to the sea, proved too tempting a prize to some Roman collector. The convenient harbour which

§ 2.175  Pausanias describes, must have been chiefly indebted to art for its advantages.
Below Kastro Tornese, to the left of the village, there are the remains of a wall similar, in its construction, to that of the castle. It is called the Englishman's Wall, and is said to be the remains of the palace of an English governor. The most projecting point of the heights of Khlemutzi towards the sea, is to the S.W. of Castle Tornese: this point is opposite to Cape Vasiliko, in Zakytho, and here the channel is narrowest. A little on the right of the projection, a rivulet called Linzi joins the sea: It rises at the foot of the castle-hill, and flows through a little cultivated vale, in which it is joined by two or three other rivulets from similar smaller, valleys.
Below Khlemutzi, and not far from the Cape of Glarentza there is a small island called Kavkalidha, and some rocky shoals, which, together, correspond exactly to the νησίον και βραχέα mentioned by Strabo, as having been near Cape Chelonatas, which promontory he places to the southward of Cyllene.

§ 2.176  According to Pliny, Chelonatas was two miles distant from Cyllene, which, as it agrees with the statement of Strabo, identifies the cape as that now called Cape Glarentza. It appears from Strabo, that the name of Ormina, or Hyrmina, was applied, at the time he wrote, to the whole hill or peninsula of Khlemutzi, for he describes it as a hilly promontory near Cyllene. I conceive the fact to have been, that originally the name Chelonatas was given to the whole peninsula, now called Khlemutzi, from its supposed resemblance to a tortoise, and that the Homeric Hyrmine occupied the central and commanding position of Kastro Tornese; that, in process of time, the name of the town, which had ceased to exist, was applied to the whole promontory, and that of Chelonatas to the particular cape, on the western side of the bay of Cyllene.
At 1.45 I begin to descend through the hills along a narrow cultivated valley, and at 2.45 re-enter the plain at the little hamlet of Makho. At 3.30 cross the Peneius, which is here some what larger and deeper than the Peirus at its

§ 2.177  mouth, and, after crossing a peninsular level, again arrive upon its margin, where it makes a great turn eastward, just below Gastuni: we follow the left bank for a short space, and enter Gastuni at 3.55, where I again lodge in the house of Dr.S. S. complains to me, that in the Morea it is becoming daily more rare among the rich Greeks to give their children any education, and this want of encouragement to schoolmasters makes it difficult to find any good ones. The proesti, he observes, are the ruin of the nation in this, as in every thing else. In the Morea, where so many Greeks have authority, they naturally become, under the Ottoman system, a sort of Christian Turks, with the usual ill qualities of slaves who have obtained power. The chief proofs among them of a good birth and genteel education, are dissimulation and the art of lying with a good grace; which they seem often to exercise rather with a view of shewing their ability in this way, than with any settled design. When I have taxed a Greek with falsehood on some occasion, the answer has been — “Why you know I must say something.” The other day, at St. Luke's, I complained to the Igumenos of the false account of the distance which his brother abbot at Dobo had given

§ 2.178  me: “That was nothing,” he replied, “he knew very well your Excellency was determined to go to that village, and therefore told you the distance was shorter than the reality, not to alarm you.” In other words, he wished to get rid of me, which was natural enough, as he had found, by experience, that such casual guests were both troublesome and costly, and had never before seen any travellers who are in the habit of defraying their expenses. Though it is impossible not to be disgusted with these things, one can hardly blame the Greeks for them; for what other arms have they against their oppressors? Under such a cruel tyranny, deceitfulness unavoidably becomes a national characteristic: a Greek will often answer the simplest question by a falsehood, for the mere purpose of gaining time to reflect on the most advantageous mode of answering it, or to unriddle the inquirer's motive for asking. They will afterwards, perhaps, speak the truth, if, as it appears to them, there is nothing to be lost in so doing; and thus it is only by cross questioning and by repeating inquiries to different people, that any certain information can be obtained in this country. I believe the want of this caution leads travellers into many errors.

§ 2.179  CHAPTER XVI: ELEIA.
The ancient geography of the Eleia is more obscure and difficult to trace than that of any other part of the Peloponnesus: the following are the causes of this difficulty. The city of Elis after it had obtained the entire management of the Olympian festival, rapidly absorbed the wealth and population of the ancient cities Eleia and Triphylia, so that the chief monuments of the province were collected at Olympia and Elis, and few of those remains of antiquity which elsewhere constitute the evidence of an ancient site are here to be found.
Secondly, the soil of Eleia being either sandy, or argillaceous, or a rich mould, and stone being found only in the mountains, the public works

§ 2.180  were seldom of so solid a construction as in other parts of Greece, where the ancient walls are almost as lasting as the rocks on which they are so often found to stand. The scarcity of stone rendering the remains of such of the ancient buildings as were formed of that material so much the more valuable for the use of modern constructions, has caused them to be more frequently removed for that purpose, than in any other part of Greece. They are also more readily hidden under a soil which is extremely subject to alluvial changes.
A third cause of the deficiency of Hellenic remains in the Eleia arises from the ancient sanctity of the Eleian territory, which, with a few remarkable exceptions, was respected throughout the history both of independent and Roman Greece; the people therefore were negligent of military architecture, which furnishes so large a proportion of the proofs of ancient locality in other parts of the country. Instead of inhabiting fortified places, like the Greeks in general, and like the Eleians themselves before the sanctity and security of their territory were established, they were attached to a country life, and had but one city of any great note and importance, which was itself unfortified.

§ 2.181  In consequence of these peculiarities, our faithful guide Pausanias finding little to gratify his favourite pursuit of mythology, except at Elis and Olympia, bestows his attention almost exclusively upon those two places, especially the latter; making mention only of two or three others, and treating even these haud secus ac notas, or as if their situation was well known to his reader. Strabo, on the contrary, being throughout Greece a commentator on the Homeric geography, which in this province furnished matter in abundance for research and controversy, has been more ample on the Eleia than any other part of the Peloponnesus; and as under the Roman empire, the Eleia comprehended all the maritime country, lying between the Larissus and Neda, and extended inland as far as the Azanes and Parrhasii of Arcadia, the extent of the country to which his enquiries were here directed was very considerable.
In the time of the Trojan war, the territory bordering upon the western shore of the Peloponnesus, from Cape Araxus inclusive to the foot of Mount Taygetum, was divided between the Epeii and the Pylii; their line of separation towards the sea appears to have been the cape

§ 2.182  opposite to the southern extremity of Zakytho, now called Katakolo, the ancient Icthys; thus including to the north of the Alpheius the Pisatis, and the district of the modern Pyrgo. That such was the extent of 380225PPel, or the dominion of Nestor northward, is shewn, as I have before had occasion to remark by Homer having described the Alpheius as flowing through the land of the Pylii, and it is confirmed by the definition given by the poet of the country of the Epeii in the catalogue, as well as by the proportion between the ships of the Pylii and Epeii in the Trojan expedition. None of the towns of the Epeii were near the Alpheius, and the ninety ships of the Pylii, compared with the forty of the Epeii, shew that the former people possessed by much the larger territory of the two, especially on the seacoast.
The towns of the Epeii, according to Homer, were, Elis their capital, Buprasium their ancient capital, where King Amarynceus was buried, Hyrmine, Myrsinus, 380225PPel Olenia, and Aleisium. Among these Homeric towns of the Epeii, occupying the country which was

§ 2.183  afterwards the Eleia, exclusive of the Pisatis, I have already alluded to the position of Hyrmine and Myrsinus. Buprasium no longer existed in the time of Strabo, though its name was still attached to a district on the Larissus, which river appears from Stephanus to have been hence known by the name of Buprasius. Pausanias tells us, that the Larissus was 157 stades from the city of Elis. The road from Elis to Dyme, therefore, seems to have led as follows: to Myrtuntium, seventy stades, to Buprasium, on the Larissus, eighty-seven stades, to Dyme, about fifty stades. As to the 380225PPel Olenia, Strabo thought it was the same rocky hill, called Scollis in his time; — “the river Larissus”, he says, “has its sources in Scollis, which is a rocky mountain, common to the Dymaei, Tritaeenses, and Eleians; contiguous to the Arcadian mountain Lampeia, distant 130 stades from Elis, and 100 from each of the Achaean cities, Tritaea and Dyme.” In another place, he adds, that 380225PPel of Elis, which we know from Pausanias to have been at no great distance eastward from Elis, was towards Scollis.
It happens, unfortunately, that no other

§ 2.184  author mentions Scollis, except Stephanus who calls it a town of Achaea; but this testimony is not at variance with that of Strabo, since it is not improbable that there was a town Scollis, homonymous with the mountain, and as Strabo places the mountain partly within the Achaean districts of Dyme and Tritaea. The circumstance of Mount Scollis having confined on Lampeia, which was a part of Erymanthus, added to that of its having been only 100 stades distant from Tritaea, to which it partly belonged, tends to place it considerably to the eastward of the Eleian plain; while its distance of 100 stades from Dyme would oblige us to include the summit now called Movri within the denomination of Scollis. It would seem therefore that Strabo, whose knowledge of the places was evidently but slight, comprehended, in his idea of Mount Scollis, all the northern parts of Mount Olonos, including the summit now called Movri, and Sandameriotiko. We cannot doubt that these ridges, though appendages of the great mass of Olonos, had specific names, or at least one specific name; and hence it becomes highly probable, that the hill of Sandameri was the summit particularly called Scollis, being in form and position the most remarkable of the minor summits on this side of the Peloponnesus.

§ 2.185  I cannot however conceive that Strabo is right in his opinion, that Scollis was the same as the Πέτρη Ωλενίη of Homer. Hesiod, who from his antiquity must have understood by the Petra Olenia the same place as Homer, adds that it was on the bank of the Peirus, and he seems clearly, like Homer himself, to have had a town in view, not a mere rock, as Strabo describes the Scollis. Petra therefore seems to have been a town on the bank of the Peirus, distinguished by the epithet of Olenia, because it was situated at the foot of the mountain Olenus; for I cannot but regard those two very early authorities, coupled with the modern name Ώλονος, varying from the ancient only in what is a common dialectic difference both in the ancient and modern language of Greece, as a proof that the name Olenus, or Olonus, has in all ages been attached to this great mountain collectively, and perhaps specifically in ancient times to its north-western part, while other summits were distinguished by the names of Scollis, Pholoe, Erymanthus, Lampeia.
Aleisium, which in the time of the geographer was called Alesiaeum, stood upon a height in the road across the hills from Elis to Olympia,

§ 2.186  but in what part of that road does not appear from the geographer.
Artemisium and Dioscurium were two unfortified places in the plains of Coele Elis. These and other similar names, which often occur in ancient history, such as Heraeum, Aphrodisium, Dionysium, &c., were undoubtedly common names of villages in every part of the Peloponnesus, in the time of its greatest populousness, receiving those appellations from their place of worship, like the St. Johns, St. Thomases, and St. Marys, of Christendom.
I shall now proceed to offer a few remarks upon the ancient geography of the two other divisions of the Eleia, as it was defined in the time of the Romans, namely, Pisatis and Triphylia.
Had Strabo been better acquainted with Greece, he would hardly have hesitated in preferring the opinion which fixed the northern boundary of the coast of Pisatis at the Cape Ichthys, now Katakolo, to that which placed it at or near Chelonatas. Southward, the Pisatis was considered to extend to the Macistia, or northern district of Triphylia, and eastward, to the Erymanthus. Letrini, the nearest place to the western extremity of Pisatis, seems to

§ 2.187  have been almost deserted in the time of the Roman Empire. Strabo does not name it: Pausanias says that only a few habitations remained there. It stood on the road from Olympia to Elis, through the plains, at a distance of 120 stades from Olympia, and 180 from Elis. It is evident that the road by the plains must have descended the vale of the Alpheius, into the plain of Pyrgo, and from thence have led along the foot of the hills to Elis. The distance is three or four miles greater than across the hills, which agrees tolerably with Strabo, inasmuch as, speaking of the same hi 11-road from Olympia to Elis, he says that it was under 300 stades, and 300 stades is exactly the sum of the two distances on the road by the plain, as stated by Pausanias.
It seems manifest, therefore, that the plain of Pyrgo was the Letrinaea, and this is confirmed by the mention of Letrini, which occurs in the narrative by Xenophon of the march of Agis and the Lacedaemonians into the Eleia (BC 400); the respective distances of ISO stades from Olympia, and of 180 stades from Elis, shew moreover that Letrini was not far from Pyrgo itself; and we may with some confidence

§ 2.188  therefore place it at the village and monastery of St. John, between Pyrgo and the port of Katakolo, where, among many fragments of antiquity, a part of a large statue was found some years ago. The remark of Pausanias that there was a permanent lake of three stades in diameter, at a distance of six stades from Letrini, does not I think invalidate the conclusion; for, though, instead of a small lake of perennial water, there is now a long salt water lagoon, extending from near Katakolo to the mouth of the river of Pyrgo, this lagoon is very probably of recent formation, like several others on the western coast of the Peloponnesus. The permanent fresh water lake may now be enveloped in the lagoon.
Strabo states the distance between the port of Pheia and Olympia to have been 120 stades, τω εγγυτάτω. If we suppose these words to mean direct distance, it accords very well with the 120 stades of road distance given by Pausanias between Letrini and Olympia, Letrini lying in the road from Pheia to Olympia. In the time of Pausanias there were only a few houses left at Letrini, with a temple of Diana Alpheiaea containing a statue of the goddess.

§ 2.189  It is not impossible that this may have been the same statue which stood in the temple of Diana Alpheiusa, or Alpheionia, mentioned by Demetrius Scepsius and Strabo, and that it may have been removed to Letrini in consequence of the ruin of the temple which stood on the borders of the Letrinaea, near the mouth of the Alpheius, at a distance of eighty stades from Olympia. In the time of Strabo, there was an annual festival of the goddess at Olympia; and the temple was celebrated for its pictures by Cleanthes and Aregon of Corinth, in one of which Neptune was offering a tunny to Jupiter when in the pains of bringing forth Minerva; in two others were represented the taking of Troy, and Diana mounted upon a griffin. It is difficult to believe that Pausanias would have omitted to describe such a temple, had it existed in his time.
Pausanias is equally silent on the subject of Pheia, which was a place of very ancient date, if the received version of Homer is correct, for it is there mentioned as one of the scenes of the youthful exploits of Nestor.

§ 2.190  Strabo, however, states some reasonable doubts as to the accuracy of the poet's text in this place, and suggests that the words Pheia and Celadon should be Chaa and Acidon, thus placing them with the river Jardanus in Lepreatis. That the Jardanus was in that part of the country, and that it was held to be the same as the Acidas, we learn from Pausanias; thereabouts, consequently, the battle was fought between Nestor and the Arcadians. It is indeed much more probable that the parties should have met on the frontiers of Pylia and Arcadia, than on the sea-shore of Pisatis.
Near Pheia was the cape called Ichthys, the southernmost of the three great promontories on the north-western coast of Peloponnesus. This description of Ichthys, derived from the concurring testimonies of Thucydides, Xenophon, Agathemerus, Mela, and Ptolemy, leave no doubt of its identity with the remarkable promontory now called the Cape of Katakolo. Nevertheless Strabo, whose inaccuracy, or that of his text, is in this instance at once shewn by the map, speaks of two capes upon this part of

§ 2.191  the coast; of which the northern was called Pheia from the name of the neighbouring town; of the southern he has not given the name. The small river near Pheia of which he speaks, and which was supposed to be the Jardanus by those who thought that Homer spoke of Pheia and not of Chaa, may possibly be the river of Tzoia.
Ichthys is a long rocky promontory, or peninsula, united to the main land by an isthmus from which rises a very conspicuous peaked height, crowned by the ruins of a castle of the middle ages, raised upon some remains of Hellenic walls. These walls are undoubtedly those of Pheia. The ruined castle is called Pondikokastro. Below it, to the south-east, is a harbour well sheltered by Cape Katakolo, and much frequented: this, however, was too open and extensive for ancient navigation. The port of Pheia was a small creek at the foot of the hill of Pondikokastro, on the western side; a position clearly indicated by Thucydides who tells us that in the first year of the

§ 2.192  Peloponnesian war the Athenian fleet sailing from Methone attacked and took Pheia, but that rough weather coming on, they sailed round the promontory Ichthys into the port of Pheia. Opposite to its entrance there is a small island, which is mentioned by Polybius under the name of Pheias.
The other towns of Pisatis mentioned by Strabo are Marganeae, Salmone, Heracleia, Harpinna, Cycesium, Dyspontium, Oenoe, or Boenoa, and Epitalium. Of these Pausanias names only Harpinna and Heracleia, the only two perhaps which existed in his time. Of the position of Harpinna I have already spoken.
Heracleia was situated on the river Cytherus at a distance of fifty stades or forty according to Strabo, from Olympia. Salmone stood not far from Heracleia at the sources of another branch of the Alpheius called Enipeus, or Barnichius. Two tributaries of the Alpheius, rising in the woody heights to the northward of Olympia, join the right bank of the Alpheius in the plain where now stand the little villages of Strefi and Floka. The river of Strefi I take to be the ancient Cytherus, that nearer to Floka the Enipeus. Strefi, which stands on a height on the

§ 2.193  edge of the plain, corresponds, by its distance from Olympia, with the site of Heracleia.
In the time of Strabo, the greater part of the inhabitants of Dyspontium had emigrated to Apollonia and Dyrrhachium. The town appears, from the words of the geographer, to have been, as well as Cycesium, in the northern part of Pisatis, towards Elis. As it lay on the road by the plain from Elis to Olympia, its situation seems to have been at the foot of the hills between Paleopoli (Elis) and the ridge (ending in Cape Ichthys) which separates the plain of Gastuni from that of Pyrgo.
If the text of Strabo is correct where he adverts to the position of Oenoe, that place, as I have already remarked, must have been very near the mouth of the Peneius, or river of Gastuni.
Regarding Marganeae, Xenophon relates, that in the second year of the war between the Arcadians and Eleians, the latter having marched out of their city against Pylus, which was then in the hands of the Arcadians, and of a party of fugitives from Elis, met the Pylii returning from an unsuccessful expedition against Thalamae, a town in a lofty situation in the adjacent mountains, and that the Eleians having completely defeated their opponents,

§ 2.194  followed up their victory by taking both Pylus and Marganeae. The latter, therefore, seems to have been the nearest city of the Pisatis to Pylus of Elis, which is known to have been near the Peneius about ten miles above Elis. Strabo places Marganeae in the Amphidolia, and describes it as a place not strong by natural position. From Xenophon and Stephanus, Amphidolia appears to have received its name from a town named Amphidoli. This place probably stood about the middle of that broad stripe of land which lies between the Erymanthus and the plain of Elis. I say the middle, because we have seen that near Olympia were Heracleia and Salmone, and towards Elis, Pylus, Cycesium, and Dyspontium. Along the tract of land just mentioned, there is a longitudinal ridge, beginning near the bank of the Erymanthus above Lalla, following a course parallel to the Alpheius as far as Pyrgo, and then trending northward towards Paleopoli (Elis). It separates the course of the tributaries of the Alpheius from those of the Peneius. We have the positive testimony of Pausanias, that these heights were the ancient Pholoe, so celebrated in Grecian poetry and mythology, for he says that the

§ 2.195  Leucyanias, one of the feeders, just alluded to, of the Alpheius, had its sources in Mount Pholoethus agreeing with Xenophon, who testifies to the proximity of Pholoe to Scillus, though they were on opposite sides of the Alpheius. Pholoe, however, must sometimes have had a much more extensive signification than this ridge, for Strabo, though he strongly confirms the proximity of a part of Pholoe to Olympia, also informs us that the Peneius, and another river which flowed into the Eleia, and which he calls the Scarthon, had their rise in Mount Pholoe, shewing, as well in this as in other places, that he considered Pholoe to have formed a considerable part of those great summits which are now conjointly known by the name of Olono. He even describes Pholoe, in one of the passages just referred to, as an Arcadian mountain, of which the lower parts were in Pisatis.
I conceive, therefore, that all the southwestern part of the summits of Mount Olono were comprised under the name of Pholoe, and that in common estimation it comprehended likewise all the slopes in that direction as far as the plain of Elis, including the secondary ridge extending from Elis to Lalla.

§ 2.196  The remark of Pausanias, that the river Erymanthus rising in Mount Lampeia, which was a part of Mount Erymanthus, passed through Arcadia, leaving Mount Pholoe on the right, and the Thelpusia on the left, will agree with both these suppositions. According to Pliny, there was a town of Pholoe, but his testimony is not confirmed by any other author.
Epitalium was situated on the left bank of the Alpheius, as may be deduced from a comparison of the words of Strabo, relative to this place, with those of Xenophon, in describing the events of the war between the Lacedaemonians and Eleians. Agis, king of Sparta, entered the Eleia, at the river Larissus; but an earthquake happening, he regarded it as a divine omen, and retreated. The next year (400) he entered from the southward through the Aulon of Messenia and the Lepreatis. Immediately the Lepreatae, revolting from the Eleians, joined him, and forthwith the Macistii also, and their neighbours the Epitalii. When he had crossed the Alpheius, the people of Letrini, Amphidoli, and Marganeae came over to him. Proceeding to Olympia, he there sacrificed to Jupiter Olympius, nobody attempting to hinder him.

§ 2.197  Thence he marched to the city of Elis, destroying and burning the country and carrying away cattle and prisoners in great numbers. Many of the Arcadians and Achaeans came willingly to join his army for the sake of partaking in the plunder, so that the expedition became a foraging party for all Peloponnesus. When he arrived at Elis he destroyed the suburbs and the beautiful Gymnasia; as to the city itself, which was unfortified, it was thought that he was more unwilling than unable to take it.” Agis then encamped near Cyllene, when an insurrection of the partizans of Sparta in Elis against the popular party having failed of success, he marched back by the same route, by which he came. When he had repassed the Alpheius, he left a garrison in Epitalium near the river, under Lysippus, the leader of those of the Spartan faction who had fled from Elis, after which, having dismissed his allies, he returned home. During the remainder of the summer and the ensuing winter, the country of the Eleians was exposed to the ravages of Lysippus and his men. In the next summer Thrasidaeus, who was leader of the popular party in Elis, sent agents to Sparta, who, for the sake of relieving the Eleia from the annoyance caused by the fugitives at Epitalium, were authorized to agree to the destruction of the fortifications of that place, and

§ 2.198  to promise liberty as well to that as to some other cities which had been in subjection to Elis, namely, Letrini, Amphidoli, Marganeae, and Phrixa — also to Cyllene, to the Acroreii, and to Lasion, which was claimed by the Arcadians. The Eleians endeavoured to retain Epeiura, which lay between Heraea and Macistus, affirming they had bought the district from the owners for thirty talents, and had paid the money. “But the Lacedaemonians, who considered a compulsory purchase from a weaker party as equivalent to a deprivation by violence, obliged them also to set Epeium at liberty. They did not, however, expel the Eleians from the guardianship of the temple of Jupiter Olympius, conceiving those who claimed it to be peasants, and unfit for so important a charge. These things having been agreed upon, there ensued peace and alliance between the Eleians and Lacedaemonians.”
Epitalium, according to Strabo, stood on the site of the Homeric “Thryon at the ford of the Alpheius:” which the poet in another place calls Thryoessa, and describes as a city upon a lofty hill near the Alpheius. The latter description of the place occurs in the narrative by

§ 2.199  Nestor, of the contest between the Pylii and Epeii, when his father Neleus ruled over the former, and Augeias over the latter, and when Nestor performed the earliest of his youthful exploits in arms. The Pylii having been reduced to a state of great weakness by Hercules, the Epeii took a neighbourly advantage of it; among other injuries, their king Augeias detained a chariot and four horses belonging to Neleus, which had been sent to contend for the prize of the tripod in the Epeian games, in return for which Neleus made a most successful βοηλασία in the enemy's territory, as I have had occasion more particularly to remark in a former chapter. The Epeii then collected an army, and invested Thryoessa, a frontier town of the Pylii, situated at the passage of the Alpheius. The Pylii moved to its relief, and having assembled their forces at the river Minyeius, halted the cavalry all night, while the infantry marched forward, so that all the army arrived at the Alpheius the following noon. They employed the remainder of the day in repose, or in sacrificing to Neptune, Minerva, and Alpheius. On the ensuing morning they attacked and routed the Epeii, whom they pursued with their cavalry as far as Buprasium, Petra Olenia, and Alesium, the

§ 2.200  infantry apparently not having crossed the river.
Thus it appears that Thryoessa, like Epitalium, was on the left bank of the Alpheius, near the usual passage of the river, and therefore in all probability upon the identical site of Epitalium; since the same local conveniences would in all ages cause the river to be crossed nearly in the same place, and the same strong position in the neighbourhood to be occupied by a fortress the more so, as the road from the southward must always have led along the narrow level included between the shore and the woody hills, which, beginning at Khaiaffa, end at the height of Agulenitza, below which to this day is the usual ferry of the Alpheius, not far from its mouth. We may conclude therefore that Thryum, or Thryoessa, afterwards Epitalium, occupied the hill of Agulenitza. It may be thought perhaps that this hill hardly corresponds by its height to the αιπεία κολωνη of the Iliad, or to θρύον αϊπύ of the Hymn to Apollo, but being surrounded for a considerable distance by much lower ground, it is very conspicuous, and sufficiently in agreement therefore with the words of the poet.
Lasion was a city of considerable strength and importance in or very near the Pisatis;

§ 2.201  Diodorus ascribes it in one place to Eleia, and in another to Triphylia: but as it is not included among the Triphylian cities by Herodotus or Polybius, both of whom evidently confined Triphylia to the southern side of the Alpheius, it was probably to the northward of that river. Xenophon distinguishes the people of Lasion from those of Triphylia and Acroreia; and we learn from him that, as well at the time of the invasion of Agis, as at the beginning of the quarrel between the Arcadians and the Eleians, Lasion was an Arcadian city, though anciently it had belonged to the Eleia. One hundred and forty-five years after the latter event, Lasion, as we are informed by Polybius, was again a fortress of the Eleians. The natural inference from these several authorities seems to be, that Lasion was situated to the westward of the Erymanthus, the natural boundary of the two provinces, but not very far from that river. Lasion appears also to have been not far from the district of Psophis, for Polybius relates in the place just referred to, that the Eleian garrison deserted Lasion in great haste, upon hearing of the capture of Psophis by Philip. These premises suit no place so well as Lalla, of which the

§ 2.202  commanding position, at the head of a fine slope falling to the Alpheius and Erymanthus, insured to it such a degree of importance as Lasion appears to have possessed. It will be found also, that the situation accords exactly with the circumstance of Lasion having been taken by the Lacedaemonians marching from Arcadia, previously to their occupying the towns of the Acroreii, in their way to Elis.
This expedition occurred in the third year of the ninety-fourth Olympiad. Pausanias, king of Sparta, after having taken Lasion, and the four towns of the Acroreii, named Thraustus, Alium, Eupagium, and Opus, occupied Pylus, and thence marched to Elis. Having been repulsed at Elis, the king left garrisons in different parts of the country, and moved into winter quarters at Dyme. It is remarkable that Xenophon makes no mention of this incursion of the Lacedaemonians, related by Diodorus, though it accords with their invasion in the following year under the command of Agis, who, it seems, had in the interval superseded Pausanias, and though it explains also how it happened that the Spartans then entered the Eleia from the northward. The war, therefore, if Diodorus is correct, lasted four years, and there were three

§ 2.203  invasions, one from the Heraeitis, the second from the Dymaea, the third through the Aulon of Messenia, and along the coast of Triphylia.
Mention of Acroreia again occurs in Xenophon's account of the beginning of the war between the Eleians and Arcadians, which in the following year interrupted the celebration of the 104th Olympic festival (364). The Arcadians, having beaten the Eleians near Lasion, inarched into Acroreia, and after having taken all the towns of that district except Thraustus, moved to Olympia, and occupied Mount Croneium, which they surrounded with a pallisading. These are the only two occasions, upon which Acroreia is noticed in ancient history, but they are sufficient to place the district between the Erymanthus and Pylus on the slopes of Mount Pholoe. The towns of the Acroreii were probably on the banks of the Upper Peneius, and of its great branch, the Ladon, which runs nearly parallel to the former, and joins it near Pylus. That situation agrees perfectly with the name Acroreii, which implies mountaineers, or, rather, the inhabitants of the skirts of mountains. As to the position of the several towns of Acroreia, the order of names in Diodorus is the only datum. Upon this authority, Thraustus was the nearest to the Arcadian frontier; it appears also from

§ 2.204  Xenophon, in the last passage cited from him, to have been the most capable of resistance. I am inclined therefore to place it at Dhomoko, upon the right bank of the Erymanthus, where exist some remains of Hellenic antiquity, in a strong situation. Opus, which received its name from the same Epeian hero, whose daughter Protogeneia, married to Locrus, caused the name of Opus to be given to the Locrian capital, might perhaps be discovered by means of its river, of which mention is made by the scholiast of Pindar.
Thalamae was another fortress in the mountainous parts of Eleia. When Philip, son of Demetrius, in the second year of the 140th Olympiad, invaded and plundered Eleia, great numbers of the people retired with their property and flocks to Thalamae, which is described by Polybius as a strong fortress in an unfrequented situation, defended by narrow passes. It was, however, under the necessity, at last, of surrendering to Philip. Thalamae is mentioned also in Xenophon's account of an action in the second year of the war between the Arcadians and Eleians, which has already been alluded to in speaking of Marganeae. The Eleians, as I have stated, met the Pylii on this occasion returning home from an unsuccessful attempt upon Thalamae.

§ 2.205  This place seems therefore to have been in the mountains just above Pylus, either in Scollis or in the adjacent part of Pholoe.
I have had occasion, in a former chapter, to advert to the position of some of the Triphylian towns. Herodotus names six towns in Triphylia: — Lepreum, Macistus, Phrixa, Pyrgus, Epeium, and Nudium. Polybius omits Macistus and Nudium, and adds Samicum, Hypana, Typaneae, Bolax, and Styllangium. Macistus was once the rival of Lepreum, for to a late period all the northern part of Triphylia was called Macistia, as the southern was called Lepreatis, though the town of Macistus, mentioned by Xenophon, was deserted before the time of Strabo, which may be the reason why it is not named among the Triphylian towns by Polybius. In the time of Strabo it was partially revived, under the new name of Platanistus which leads, as I have already hinted, to the conjecture, that it was not far from the modern Khaiaffa, for this being the only promontory between Ichthys and Cyparissiae, appears to have been the cape which Pliny calls Platanodes, having probably confounded it by the similarity

§ 2.206  of name with the Platamodes which Strabo places between Cyparissiae and Coryphasium, at a distance of 120 stades from the latter. Another reason, as I have before remarked, for supposing that Macistus was not far from Khaiaffa is the remark of Strabo, that the temple of Neptune Samius, near Samicum, was in the custody of the Macistii. The northern boundary of Macistia, according to Strabo, was a mountain which separated it from the district of Epitalium, (Agulenitza) which he included in Pisatis. According to these data, the site of Macistus might best be sought for near the banks of a stream, possibly the ancient Chalcis, which descends into the maritime level at about three miles to the north of Khaiaffa.
We are told by Xenophon that Epeium, or Aepeium, another Triphylian town, stood between Macistus and Heraea. We can hardly doubt that it was the same as the Homeric Aepy. If Macistus was in the place just de scribed, Epeium was probably on the high peaked mountain which lies between the villages of Vrina and Smerna, about six miles in direct distance from Olympia; from whence it forms a very conspicuous object, for on that hill there are said to be some remains of a Hellenic city,

§ 2.207  and the lofty situation agrees with the name of Aepy. Strabo remarks, that a position justifying the appellation by its nature, was pointed out in his time as the site of Aepy. He perhaps meant the very place I have just indicated; though it is proper to remark that there was another place in the Macistia the name of which indicates a lofty site: it was called Hypsoeis in the time of Strabo, who supposed it to have been the site of the Homeric Amphigeneia.
I have already observed, that some remains of Pyrgi still exist near the right bank of the Neda, not far from its mouth, and I have offered some conjectures also upon the positions of Hypana and Typaneae. If we might be allowed to judge from similarity of name alone, unsupported by any other evidence, Bolaae might be placed at Volantza, a village on the left bank of the Alpheius, about four miles above its mouth. As to Styllangium, I am unable to offer any conjecture.
The exact situation of Phrixa is known from the following passage of Pausanias; where, upon finishing the description of Olympia, he

§ 2.208  most abruptly resumes the route from Heraea to Olympia, which, in his Arcadics, he had carried forward from Heraea as far as the Erymanthus and the boundary of the two provinces. “The frontiers of the land”, he says, “towards the Arcadians, belong at present to the Eleians, but formerly were those of the Pisaei. Having passed the river Erymanthus, as far as the ridge called the hill of Saurus, there is a sepulchre of Saurus and a temple of Hercules, both of which are now in a state of ruin. It is said that Saurus infested both travellers and the natives, before he was punished by Hercules. Near the hill which receives its name from this robber, a river flows from the south into the Alpheius, nearly opposite to the Erymanthus. It separates Pisaea from the Arcadians: its name is Diagon. Forty stades from the hill of Saurus there occurs a ruined temple of Aesculapius, surnamed Damaenetus from the name of the founder; it was built upon a height near the Alpheius. Not far from hence is the temple of Bacchus Leucyanitas, and near it the river Leucyanias, which descends from the mountain Pholoe and falls into the Alpheius. When you have crossed the Alpheius from thence, you will be in the Pisaean land, not far from a hill with a peaked summit. Here are ruins of the city Phrixa, and a temple

§ 2.209  of Minerva Cydonia, which is now only a place of sacrifice. Farther on, at the river Parthenia, is the tomb of the Horses of Marmax. There is also another stream called Harpinnates, and not far from that river some ruins of the city Harpinna, consisting chiefly of altars; it is said that Oenomaus built the city and named it after his mother Harpinna. Proceeding a little further you come to a high mound of earth, the tomb of the Suitors of Hippodameia. They say that Pelops, when he ruled over the Pisaei, performed funeral rites every year at this tomb. One stade further on are vestiges of the temple of Diana, sumamed Cordax. Not far from the temple there is a small building, and in it a brazen chest which preserves the bones of Pelops; nothing remains either of the walls or of any of the other buildings of Pisa, but vineyards are planted over all the place where the city formerly stood.”
In the preceding passage we may observe a material omission of a kind not uncommon with Pausanias. The Leucyanias joined the

§ 2.210  Alpheius on its right bank, and Phrixa stood on the opposite bank. So far he is clear. — But he omits to mention that he re-crosses the Alpheius; for it cannot admit of a question that the Parthenius, and Harpinnates, and Harpinna, and Pisa were all on the right bank of the Alpheius, and that the Scilluntia occupied the country adjacent to the left bank.
The position of Phrixa is determined by a pointed hill, rising from the left bank of the Alpheius, upon the summit of which are the remains of Hellenic walls. It is now called Paleofanaro, and is a conspicuous object, as well from the country around Olympia, as from the side of Heraea. It will follow, that a small stream, which descends from the woody heights of Lalla, nearly opposite to Paleofanaro, was the Leucyanias.
I have said that Harpinna and the Scilluntia were on opposite sides of the Alpheius, the former on the right bank, the latter on the left. That Scillus was to the left of the Alpheius, is manifest from Pausanias, who arrives at Scillus from Samicum, and then crosses the Alpheius to Olympia.

§ 2.211  Lucian informs us that Harpinna was twenty stades from the Hippodrome of Olympia, on the road leading eastward to Heraea, and from Xenophon we learn that Scillus also was twenty stades from Olympia. It is clear, therefore, that the two places were at equal distances from Olympia, on opposite sides of the Alpheius. As Harpinna was on the road along the Alpheius to Heraea, and Lucian measures a distance of twenty stades from the Hippodrome, which was the part of Olympia nearest to the river, it may be presumed that Harpinna was not far from the bank of the Alpheius, on the ridge which stretches from thence to the modern village Miraka. The rivulet which flows on the eastern side of that ridge appears to be the Parthenius, and that to the west the Harpinnates. It might indeed be inferred from Strabo, who says that the Parthenius flowed by Harpinna, that the Parthenius and Harpinnates were one and the same; but they are both so near the hill of Miraka, that it may fairly be said that Harpinna was situated on either of them.
As Pisa appears from Pausanias to have occupied a position between Harpinna and Olympia, which were only twenty stades asunder, its situation could hardly have been any other than

§ 2.212  that of the projecting ridge which terminates the vale of Olympia to the eastward, and between which and the continuation of Mount Cronium is the pass leading from Andilalo to Miraka. This proximity of Pisa to Olympia is confirmed by Herodotus, who, in an accurate statement of distance, refers to Pisa and the temple of Jupiter as one and the same point. Pindar also and other Greek poets employ the words Pisa and Olympia indifferently and with the same meaning. The ruin of Pisa occurred at so remote a period, that the testimony of such ancient authors as Herodotus and Pindar is the more important in shewing its locality.
In the earlier Olympiads the Pisatae had sometimes the honour of presiding at the Olympic contest, to the exclusion of the Eleians; but the alliance of Elis and Sparta, the two richest nations of the Peloponnesus, was too powerful for the Pisatae, with only the Messenians and Triphylii for their natural allies. A tacit agreement of the Lacedaemonians and Eleians to share between them the maritime country which separated their possessions, seems to have cemented the alliance of Spartar with Elis, and to have actuated the policy of the two states. The

§ 2.213  resistance of the Pisatae appears to have ceased as far back as the forty-eighth Olympiad, when an unsuccessful revolt brought destruction upon Pisa, Scillus, Macistus, and Dyspontium, and annexed all Triphylia to Elis, as great part of Messenia had already been annexed to Laconia. The Arcadians did indeed endeavour afterwards to make use of the name of the Pisatae in celebrating the games of the 104th Olympiad, which were interrupted by a battle in the Altis between the contending forces of Elis and Arcadia$ but Pisa did not then exist as a town, for we have already seen, that in the ninety-fifth Olympiad, when the Lacedaemonians under Agis invaded the Eleia and occupied Olympia, they would not take away the charge of the games from the Eleians, because the Pisatae were mere peasants unfit for so great a charge. Such being the antiquity of the ruin of Pisa, it is not surprising that Pausanias found the site converted into a vineyard, or that it should now be impossible to find any evidences of its position except in ancient history.
Nearly opposite to the mouth of the Cladeus the Alpheius is joined by a stream issuing from a woody vale, in which stands a small village called Rasa. It cannot be doubted, upon comparing Xenophon and Pausanias, that this river

§ 2.214  was the Selinus, and that Scillus was situated in its valley. The woody hills, abounding with beasts of chase, still agree with the description of both those authors, though it must be confessed, that without the aid of Xenophon, neither the exact situation of Scillus, nor the road by which Pausanias arrived at it from Samicum and the Anigrus, would have been intelligible.
Scillus seems to have remained desolate from its destruction in the 48th Olympiad, until the 96th, when the Lacedaemonians, who had recently obliged Elis to give liberty to the surrounding cities, colonized Scillus, and bestowed it upon Xenophon, then an exile from Athens. Xenophon describes Scillus as situated at a distance of twenty stades from the Hierum of Olympia, on the road to Sparta, amidst woods and meadows and mountains covered with trees, and he adds that the district, not only afforded an abundant pasture to hogs, goats, sheep, oxen, and horses, but was even capable of supplying sufficient refreshment to the beasts of draught belonging to those who frequented the festival of Diana: for Xenophon had devoted to the goddess a part of his share of the spoil, acquired in the Asiatic

§ 2.215  expedition of the Ten Thousand, and with it had built at Scillus a small temple of Diana, resembling that of Ephesus, ώς μικρος μεγάλω, with an altar and a statue in cypress-wood similar in form to the golden statue at Ephesus. He erected also a pillar near the temple, bearing the following inscription. “This land is sacred to Diana. Whoever possesses it and its fruits, shall consecrate a tenth of them, and from the remainder shall keep the temple in repair. If he neglects to do this, he will be answerable to the Goddess.”
“It happens,” adds Xenophon, “that the river which flows through Scillus is called Selinus, like that which flows by the temple of Diana at Ephesus, and like that, also, it furnishes fish and shell-fish. The country around abounds in beasts of chase of various kinds. Those who attend the festival are supplied at the expense of the goddess with flour, bread, and sweet-meats, with animals for sacrifice from the sacred pastures, and with wild hogs, roebucks and stags, which have been procured in Mount Pholoe, or in the Scilluntia by the sons of Xenophon, and of the other citizens,

§ 2.216  who are accompanied to the chase by all persons disposed to join them.”
Pausanias thus mentions Scillus. “After crossing the river Anigrus, on the direct road to Olympia, there is a high place on the right of the road called Samicum, upon which stood the city Sarnia. Proceeding still further beyond the Anigrus, through a country covered for the most part with sand and wild pine-trees, the traveller will see the ruins of Scillus, behind on the left hand. Scillus was formerly a city of Triphylia, but the Scilluntii having openly assisted the Pisatae against the Eleii, the latter destroyed the place. Afterwards the Lacedaemonians having separated Scillus from the Eleia, gave it to Xenophon, son of Gryllus, who was a fugitive at Sparta, because he had taken part with Cyrus against the king of the Persians, who was a friend of the Athenians. Xenophon resided in Scillus, and built a sanctuary and temple to Diana Ephesia. Scillus affords a chase of wild hogs and stags. Not far from the temple of Diana a tomb is shewn with a statue upon it, made of stone from the quarries of Pentele, which the inhabitants say is the statue of Xenophon. On proceeding from

§ 2.217  Scillus, on the road to Olympia, there occurs, before the crossing of the Alpheius, a mountain precipitous with lofty rocks; it is called Typaeum, and there is a law among the Eleians, that any woman who is present at the Olympian contention, or who even crosses the Alpheius on the forbidden days, shall be thrown headlong from that summit.”
As the Alpheius was not passable when I visited Olympia, I could not explore the valley of Scillus; it is not very probable, however, that any important remains of antiquity should be found there, unless it be some vestiges of the temple of Diana, as Scillus seems never to have attained any great importance after its restoration by Sparta; nor would it probably have been again mentioned in history, had it not been the residence of the illustrious Athenian, and immortalized by his writings.
The route of Pausanias from Samicum appears to have been along the maritime level, for there alone could he have passed through a country which chiefly consisted of sand and pine-trees. Had he moved in the direct line towards Olympia from Samicum, he must very soon have quitted the sand and pine-trees, and have passed to the right of them. It is probable that the lagoons did not then exist. It seems, that after having traversed about half the distance

§ 2.218  from Khaiaffa to Agulenitza, he then crossed the hills to the ferry of the Alpheius opposite to Olympia, leaving the site of Scillus on the left, and Mount Typaeum on the right. This precipitous hill I have already described as being at a small distance from the left bank of the Alpheius, opposite to the eastern end of the site of Olympia, and consequently higher up the stream than the vale of Scillus and the ancient ferry of the Alpheius.
As Xenophon describes Scillus to have been on the road from Olympia to Sparta, it appears that besides the more level route which led along the right bank of the Alpheius to Heraea, there was another more direct, by passing over the ferry of the Alpheius, ascending the valley of Scillus, and then crossing the hills beyond it; this road probably recrossed the Alpheius at the bridge of Heraea, mentioned by Polybius, where it joined the other road, and from thence followed the ordinary route to Sparta by Megalopolis.

§ 2.219  CHAPTER XVII: ELEIA ARCADIA
February 26. Set out, at 11.10, from Gastuni for Paleopoli, by a more direct road than that which I passed last year. A large portion of the plain is uncultivated. At 12.25 the village of Toshki is half a mile on the right, just before which we pass by a large tract of currant grounds in excellent order this is the most perfect kind of agriculture to be found in Greece: 12.36 Bukhioti is on the right. At 1.02 arrive at the village of Paleopoli, which is situated on the slope of the hills. I again visit, in the little plain between the village and the Peneius, the few dispersed and shapeless fragments of brick walls which are now the only visible remains of the great Elis.
If the traveller is disappointed at the little of antiquity that remains either here or at

§ 2.220  Olympia, or indeed upon any of the Hellenic sites of this province, it may be some consolation to him to consider, that a soil, subject like that of the Eleia, to alluvial changes, was the best adapted speedily to conceal, and may still therefore preserve some of the works of art which survived the fury of the persecutors of idolatry, whether Christian or Mahometan, and that if there is less above ground in the Eleia than in any of the provinces of Greece, there may be more below the surface.
Enjoying the same sacred protection as Olympia, Elis retained its respectability as long as the Olympic festival existed, and there was scarcely any city in Greece which Pausanias found in a state of better preservation. It was remarkable for the magnitude of its Gymnasium and agora; that of the former was caused by its being the place of ordination and preparation for the athletae of the Olympic Games, that of the latter by its antiquity; such having been the ancient method, as Pausanias remarks, in speaking of the agora of Pharae. Strabo tells

§ 2.221  us that the Gymnasium stood on the river-side; there seems no doubt, therefore, as to its exact position, and we may suppose that the Gymnasium and agora together occupied the greater part of the space included between the river and the hill of Kallaskopi, upon which stood the acropolis. The Gymnasium was surrounded with a wall within which were walks (δρόμοι) shaded by plane trees, and called collectively the Xystus; one of the dromi was destined to the use of the runners and pentathli, another was named the Sacred. The Gymnasium contained likewise three subdivisions, called Plethrium, Tetragonum, and Malco; the first so named from its dimensions, the second from its shape, the last from the softness of its soil, which was prepared in that manner for the use of the Ephebi, who were admitted into it during the whole period of the Games. The Plethrium contained altars of Hercules Parastatus, of Eros, of Anteros, of Ceres, of Proserpine, and a cenotaph of Achilles. In the Tetragonum, which was contiguous to the Plethrium, but smaller than that inclosure, there was a brazen statue of Jupiter, which, together with another, (in the Altis of Olympia) had been the produce of a fine

§ 2.222  levied upon two men of Elis and Smyrna, for collusion in the Games. On either side of the entrance of the Altis stood a statue of a young pugilist, said to have been Serapion of Alexandria, who, coming to the Games, brought with him corn from Egypt when there was a scarcity in Elis. In one angle of the Malco there was a head and shoulders of Hercules, with a representation, in low relief, of Eros and Anteros, the former holding a palm-branch in his hand, the latter endeavouring to wrest it from him. The Malco contained the Lalichmium, a building so called from its founder: it was adorned within with a range of shields, and served for the meeting of the councils of the Eleians, as well as for the exhibition of literary compositions. There were two passages leading out of the Gymnasium, one by the street of Silence and the temple of Diana Philomeirax to the Baths; the other above the cenotaph of Achilles to the Hellanodicaeon and the agora. The agora, which was called the Hippodrome because it served for the exercise of horses, had several stoae intersected with streets. The southern Stoa consisted of a triple row of Doric columns. Here the Hellanodicae, or prefects of the Games, passed the day. The Hellanodicaeon stood at its extremity, to the left: it was a building

§ 2.223  divided from the agora by a street: here the Hellanodicae dwelt ten months previous to the festival, employed in learning the laws of the Games from the Nomophylaces, and at different hours they marshalled the several kinds of athletae, and conducted them to the Gymnasium. The southern stoa was separated only by a street from the Stoa Corcyraica, so called because it bad been built from the tenth of spoils taken from the Corcyraei. Its construction was remarkable. One side, consisting of a range of Doric columns, was open to the interior of the agora: the opposite side, adorned with a parallel range, opened towards a sanctuary of Venus: the stoa was divided longitudinally into two parts, by a wall parallel to the columns, along which on either side were ranged portrait statues. Pausanias does not mention the number of them, and names only one, that of Pyrrho the Sophist, which was on the side towards the Forum.
The hypaethral, or open part of the agora was so large as to contain, besides the principal temple of Elis, that of Apollo Acesius, those also of the Graces and of Silenus, together with the tomb of Oxylus, which was merely a roof supported by wooden columns: there was also a house in which sixteen women were employed to weave the peplus of Juno.

§ 2.224  The works of statuary at Elis were not very numerous, which is not surprising when we consider the immense collection possessed by the Eleians at Olympia: but some of them were by the first masters. The statues of the Graces were acrolithic, with gilded drapery: one bore a rose in her hand, another an astragalus, the third a sprig of myrtle. Beside them stood a Love. Silenus was represented receiving a cup of wine from Intoxication. There were also statues of the Sun and Moon in the open part of the agora. The sanctuary of Venus on the outside of the Stoa Corcyraica consisted of a vetas, or temple, and a Temenus, or inclosure; in the former stood a Venus Urania, in ivory and gold by Phidias, who had represented the goddess with one foot on a tortoise; in the latter, there was a brazen figure of Venus Pandemus seated on a goat, the work of Scopas. In a ruined temple of the Roman Emperors, which adjoined the agora, there remained no statue, nor does Pausanias describe any in the temple of Hades, which stood apart from the agora, and which was only opened once a year. In the portico of the temple of Fortune, there was a colossal wooden statue of the goddess,

§ 2.225  gilded in every part except the extremities, which were of white marble. To the left of this temple, there was a small building sacred to Sosipolis, a provincial deity who was there represented in a painting as a boy wrapped in a cloak spotted with stars, and bearing in his hand the horn of Amaltheia (Cornucopiae). In a very frequented part of the city there was a statue of heroic size representing a beardless man, with one leg crossing the other, and both hands leaning upon a spear: it was called Satrapes, but was said to have been a statue of Neptune brought from Samicum. The temple of Bacchus, which adjoined the theatre, contained a statue, by Praxiteles, of this deity, who was particularly worshipped by the people of Elis. In the citadel there was a temple of Minerva, containing another of the chryselephantine works of Phidias, who had represented a cock on the helmet of the goddess.
After riding in several directions over the site of Elis in the plain, I ascend to the summit of Kaloskopi, which lies between the village of Paleopoli and the river. Here are the remains of a Frank house or castle, the foundations of which are formed of the large squared blocks of the ancient city.

§ 2.226  The place well deserves its name of Kaloskopi, or Belvedere, and is a most useful geographical station, though neither in this respect, nor in the interest or extent of the prospect, is it to be compared with Kastro Tornese. It commands a view of the whole plain of Elis from the ridge of Pondiko-kastro southward, to about Aly Tjeleby to the north. Zakytho and the range of Olono form the mountainous part of the view.
Having returned to the village, I set out from thence, at 3 PM on the road to Tripolitza, which passes through a narrow vale in the hills behind Elis. At 3.38 cross a brook from the right, which joins the Peneius a little above the ruins of Elis: 4.07 the village of Pozaiti, or Bozaiti, is on the right, pleasantly situated on the slope of a hill amidst pine-trees. At 4.22 pass a small stream, deep and sluggish, running to join the Peneius near the village of Lukavitza, which stands on a height upon our left: 4.50 cross another rivulet shaded with planes, flowing from a narrow vale on the right. The scenery of this vale, in the bosom of rugged hills covered with pines, is as beautiful as any in the neighbourhood of Olympia. In fact the same description of pine-clad hills, intermixed with tracts of cultivated land round the villages, extends all the way from Elis to Pyrgo, Agulenitza,

§ 2.227  and Lalla. At 5.03 Kulogli is on our left half a mile.
All these villages are small; they belong to Turks of Gastuni or Lalla, and each has its Pyrgo, the proprietor's dwelling and place of security. At 5.15 we pass at the foot of a height, on the summit of which are remains of massy walls, built of rough fragments of stone mixed with mortar. A small plain cultivated with maize lies between this hill and a river, much more considerable than any of those we have just passed; we cross it at 5.27. There are many planes growing on either bank, as well as in the bed of the river itself. On the edge of the bank I observe a piece of brick ruin, like those of Paleopoli. After ascending the heights on the opposite side, we ride over an uncultivated space, covered, like all the rest of the country hereabouts, with a beautiful verdure, till at 5.53 we arrive at Lagana, consisting only of a few wicker huts and one house. I intended to halt here for the night, but finding the house already occupied by a Turk on his road from Tripolitza to Gastuni, I am obliged to return half an hour to the river we crossed, on the right bank of which stands a little village called Atzidhes. Here I lodge in a small hut with some oxen, in preference to the pyrgo of

§ 2.228  the Kihaya, a musulman of Lalla, who has purchased the village. Opposite to Atzidhes, on the left bank of the river, is the small village of Kulogli, mentioned above.
Although Diodorus, Pausanias, and Pliny all give different distances between Elis and Pylus of Eleia, namely, Diodorus seventy stades, Pausanias eighty, and Pliny twelve Roman miles, yet the medium is sufficiently near to the two hours and a quarter of road-distance from the site of Elis to the ancient remains which I passed at 5.15 and 5.27, to leave little doubt that these are vestiges of Pylus. Probably the ruins first encountered mark the site of the town, and the fragments at the river are the remains of a bridge over the Ladon, which river, Pausanias tells us, was a branch of the Peneius, flowing by Pylus, and which therefore is not to be confounded with the great Arcadian Ladon, a tributary of the Alpheius. It is no objection to this conclusion, as to Pylus, that its position, as here indicated, is not immediately in a direct line from Elis to Olympia, or that it is not exactly at the junction of the Ladon and Peneius. The hill road, though shorter than that by the plain, may not have been quite direct. Pausanias, besides, only says that Pylus was towards or near the hill

§ 2.229  road, and that the Ladon flowed by Pylus to the Peneius.
Pylus received its name from the same son of Cleson of Megara, who founded Pylus in Messenia, and who, upon being expelled from thence by the Pelasgi under Neleus, settled in this place. The people of Elis not only pretended that this was the Pylus which Homer had in view, when he stated the Alpheius to flow through the land of the Pylii, but that it was the place which Hercules destroyed, and for which Nestor retaliated upon the Eleians. The absurdity of these suppositions, although both of them were credited by Pausanias, but especially that of the latter, is clearly demonstrated by Strabo. It appears that Pylus of Eleia was deserted before the time of the Roman Empire. Pausanias expressly says that it was uninhabited, and the same inference may be drawn from the word ωκειτο, in Strabo.
The Eleian Ladon is formed by many rivulets from the gorges of the woody heights which extend to Lalla and Olympia; its most distant sources are at the foot of Mount Astra, which is the name of the south eastern summit of Mount Olono, above the village of Dhivri.

§ 2.230  This Ladon I think is very probably the same river called Scarthon in our copies of Strabo, which he describes as flowing from Mount Pholoe into the Eleia, and as being crossed twenty-five times in one road.
The main branch of the Peneius, which is considerably larger than the Ladon, issues from a great ravine in Mount Olono, through which passes the road from the country around Lalla and Gastuni to Aio Vlasi, by Ghermotzani. Its chief sources are at a place in that glen called the Derveni; on issuing from the ravine it turns westward, leaving Kakotari on the right bank, then passes round the foot of the extreme southern point of the summits of Olono, receives the Ladon at Agrapidho-khori, and not far below that junction another stream, which flows down a vale, separating the hill of Sandameri from the western parts of Olono; the Peneius then skirts the southern end of the Sandameriotiko, and at the site of Elis enters the plain of Gastuni.
Sandameri is a village situated in the valley just mentioned, and its rocky hill, as I have before remarked, is probably the ancient Scollis. Sandameri was one of the strongest and most important of the positions held by the Albanians in the northern part of the Morea, at the time of the Turkish conquest.

§ 2.231  Feb. 27. — Leaving Atzidhes at 8.20, and proceeding along the heights to the left of the main road by Lagana, we enter the vale of a stream shaded with planes which joins the Ladon a little above Atzidhes, follow up this valley, and at 8.50 pass to the right of the village of Simopulo. Here, on the right of the road in a corn-field, I find a single column of coarse marble standing in its original position, but wanting the capital; around it are some excavations, which have been made for the purpose of carrying away the squared foundation stones of the ancient building, and of which no more than two or three are now left. It was probably one of the temples so numerous in the Eleia. “All the country”, says Strabo, “is full of Artemisia, and Aphrodisia, and Nymphaea, situated for the most part in groves, which are maintained in a state of verdure by the abundance of water; not less frequent are the Hermeia on the roads, and the Poseidia on the promontories and points of land.”
After halting five minutes we proceed up the valley, and soon begin to ascend heights

§ 2.232  covered with birches, large oaks, wild pear trees, planes, and watered by many springs and rivulets. At 9.40 arrive at the summit of this ascent, which is steep and rocky towards the top, and thence called the Skala. Here ends the forest; at 9.45 halt for a quarter of an hour at a fountain; on proceeding, a fine view opens of the country to the left, including the ranges of Olono, Voidhia, and the mountains of Rumili opposite to Patra. I particularly remark the sharp peak of Arakhova, which forms the north-eastern end of the range of Mount Viena in Aetolia. Two or three degrees to the right of this is the snow-capt mountain, I believe Mount Anino, in Apokuro, which is apparently the highest of all those hills, except the peaks of Vardhusi and Sykia in the ancient Doris. Our route continues along the summits which are partly covered with trees, and consist partly of pasture land mixed with a little cultivation. Soon afterwards there is a continued forest extending to the foot of Mount Olono on the left, and to the right as far as the eye can reach, being a part of that long even slope reaching from the steeps of Pholoe to the Alpheius, which is bounded in the other directions by the plains of Gastuni and Pyrgo to the westward, and by the river Erymanthus to the eastward.

§ 2.233  Similar heights occupy the long narrow space inclosed between the Erymanthus and the Arcadian Ladon.
These woody heights, backed by the higher summits, are admirably adapted to shelter the wild animals which made Pholoe and its vicinity so favourite a resort of Diana and her nymphs, and Scillus so delightful a residence for a sportsman like Xenophon. Of the wild animals which afforded chase to Xenophon and his friends at Scillus, deer are now rare in the lower parts of the mountain, but they are found in the higher regions, as well of Pholoe as of the other great summits of the peninsula; the roebuck and the wild hog are frequently seen as low as Scillus and the banks of the Alpheius. The bear would seem, from the silence of Xenophon regarding it, not to have been common in the Peloponnesus in his days, though in more ancient times we may be assured that it existed, from its skin having furnished clothing to the Arcadians, and from the story of Areas and Callisto. It is very possible, that as the wild animals diminish with the increase of the human species, the bear may have been driven out of the peninsula in the most populous and

§ 2.234  civilized ages of Greece, nor have regained its footing in the Peloponnesian mountains, until the Roman wars and their consequences had reduced the country to a state of desertion, which it has never recovered. In the time of Pausanias the bear was common in the woods of Arcadia; it is now seldom seen in any part of the Morea, though the occasional appearance of αρκούδια in the mountains both of Arcadia and Laconia, is generally attested by the inhabitants.
We proceed along a good road through a forest, which consists solely of oaks, many of them very large, but all with very crooked stems. At 10.55 we are opposite to the southern end of the great heights of the mountain, which are a mile distant on the left; on its slope, in a lofty situation, stands the monastery of Notena, above which, on the very summit, there is a chapel in a small grove; the rest of the mountain in sight is naked, but soon after passing the monastery I observe a few firs on a summit seen through the glen of the upper Peneius, in the direction of Aio Vlasi. This is the southern extremity of the same forest which clothes all the north-eastern part of Olono towards Kalavryta; — a quarter of an hour

§ 2.235  beyond the monastery we have Kakotari, on our left at the foot of the mountain, just at the entrance of the glen. Halfway from Kakotari to Aio Vlasi is Ghermotzani; the waters in its neighbourhood flow to the Erymanthus. The trees now become smaller and more thinly planted. At 11.23 we are at the bottom of a deep hollow, along which flows a rivulet, one of the many which hasten from these hills to add their contributions to the Ladon. All the waters, to the eastward of the gorge of the Peneius flow to the Ladone which takes a great sweep before it comes down upon Kulogli, &c. At 11.40 we halt five minutes at Katjarua place where are the remains of some ruined houses in a hollow of one of the tributary rivulets of the Ladon. The road now ascends gradually, passing over the roots of Mount Astra, where are numerous sources of water, particularly a very copious one called Kalimani; it is the reputed source of the Ladon; here formerly stood a khan.
We leave the little villages of Androni and Kumani on the left in the wood, distant one mile and a half, and continue to mount very gradually, still passing over the roots of the mountain, which are covered, not thickly, with

§ 2.236  small oaks: we halt to dine at a rivulet at 1.08, this also runs towards the Ladon. The spot commands a fine view of the whole chain of mountains which extend from Karitena to Khaiaffa, as well as of the opposite range of Dhimitzana and Stemnitza, with their snowy and woody summits. The opening of Karitena is seen between them, and through it the great peaks of Taygetum. Fanari and Andritzena would be clearly seen if the state of the atmosphere were favourable. In the direction of those places, but at the distance only of two miles from us, I perceive a large tract of vineyards with cottages dispersed among them, belonging to Dhivri. Below these, on the right hank of the Erymanthus, which river is not above a mile in direct distance from the easternmost of the branches of the Eleian Ladon, are some ancient remains at a place where once stood a village, called Dhomoko, perhaps the site of Ihrausius. At 2.30 we proceed towards Dhivri, continuing to ascend along the side of the mountain, and then turning to the north-east; below us, on the right, is the deep ravine of the Erymanthus, to which there is a long and steep descent. We have now the woody summits of Mount Khelmos before us, and nearer the lofty mountains which border the Erymanthus. At 2.48, pass some houses, serving to store the

§ 2.237  corn of Dhivri, which is grown on the slope below: soon afterwards, taking a turn to the north and north-west, arrive at Dhivri at 3.20. Dhivri, or Divri, is situated in a theatreshaped slope at the head of a torrent, which flows to the Erymanthus; immediately above it to the northward, is the snow-capt mountain, called Astra: the word is synonymous with the ancient Lampeia; and, like Kandili, which is another name, not uncommonly applied by the moderns to a high mountain, is derived from the glittering of the snow in the sunbeams. I do not think, however, that Astra is exactly the summit which the ancients called Lampeia. On each side of the rivulet, and all round the town, rise steep woody mountains, which shut out all view. On the slopes, where the streams trickle down, and where the sun does not reach, there are now great masses of ice. The town occupies a large space, the houses to the number of 200 being dispersed in clusters over the side of the hills, but a great part of them are uninhabited. This is chiefly owing to the angaria of the Lalliotes, who come here and force the poor Greeks to carry straw, wood, &c. on their horses to Lalla without payment. The town, which belongs to the vilayeti of Gastuni, was the property of Halil Bey of Gastuni, and on his death fell, with the rest of his property, to the Sultan. Its revenue is now for sale. Two persons have hired it temporarily; it is supposed that it will be bought by a cousin of Shemseddin Bey. At Lekhena each head of a house pays 100 piastres a-year for kharatj and other personal taxes, which is much less than in many parts of the Morea. At Dhivri the direct taxation is nearly the same, but the Lalliotes come and live upon them. On the opposite side of the Erymanthus begins the vilayeti of Karitena, and between Dhivri and Tripotamo is the boundary between Kalavryta and Gastuni.

§ 2.238  Feb. 28. — It takes half an hour to descend through the town, the houses being much dispersed, and the rocky paths very difficult. At 8.40 we leave the lowest houses — from thence follow the side of the mountain along a steep paved road above the right side of the torrent, and reach the extremity of the ravine at 9.15. Having crossed the torrent, I perceive on a height by the side of the Erymanthus, just below the vineyards of Dhivri at two or three miles distance, the situation of Dhomoko, near which there is a place called Paleo-kastro, situated in a wood. There remain many heaps of stones and fragments of buildings, among which the Dhivriotes described to me a few large tetragonal stones in the Hellenic style. Though Dhomoko is no longer a village, its former importance is shewn by the Dhivriotes having given its name to the Erymanthus, which they call the river of Dhomoko. Below Dhomoko the river takes a turn to the left, running under the long woody heights which reach to Lalla. At 9.35, Peta, a small village, is on the slope of the mountain opposite to us above the left bank of the Erymanthus; a mile lower down nearly opposite to the mouth of the ravine of Dhivri, there is another called Vidhiaki. In descending we gradually approach the river, and at 9.55 fall into the dhimosia, or public road from Gastuni to Tripotamo, which we had left yesterday a little before arriving at the corn magazines. The path is very bad, ascending and descending over rocks, so that we proceed at a very slow pace, although without the baggage, which I left yesterday morning to follow us. The hills are sparingly covered with ugly oaks, short and crooked, but some of them large. Most of these oaks, as well as the plane-trees, have their dry leaves still hanging on them. 10.05, pass a little rill, the boundary of the districts of Gastuni and Kalavryta: 10.25 cross a bridge over a torrent coming from the mountain on the left near the village of Mostenitza. These mountains are more woody than those on the

§ 2.240  opposite side of the Erymanthus, particularly towards the summits, which are now tipped with snow. At 11.04 arrive at the junction of a rapid stream flowing from the same mountains, with another which has its rise to the north-east near Lekhuri and Sopoto. About 100 yards below the junction, the united stream is joined by a third from the south-eastward flowing from Lopesi, in the direction of Strezova: from these three rivers the place derives the name of Tripotamo. The mountain from whence the western branch descends is seen through the ravine of that river on our left, deeply covered with snow, with a few firs on its slope. Ghermotzani stands near the division of the waters, which flow on one side into the Peneius, and on the other to the western river of Tripotamo.
As soon as I have crossed the latter stream I find myself upon the site of Psophis. Four roads meet at this point; 1. The Gastuni road, by which we came; 2. The continuation of it up the valley of the river of Sopoto to Kalavryta; S. That along the right bank of the third river to Lopesi, Skupi, Strezova, and Tara, being the road from Gastuni to Tripolitza; and 4. That along the western stream to Nussa, Morokhova, Poretjo, and Ghermotzani. The road from Gastuni to Tripolitza crosses the two

§ 2.241  principal streams at Tripotamo by bridges, to avoid the steepness of the banks below their junction, and immediately afterwards, turning the point of mountain which divides the valley of the third river from that of Psophis, it arrives at the Khan of Tripotamo, where are some huts and vineyards belonging to the village of Mostenitza. All the three rivers are clear rapid streams, flowing over a gravelly bed, and are bordered by plane trees. At the present season the rivers of Nussa and Sopoto are nearly equal in size: that of Lopesi is considerably smaller; the united stream is not above half the size of the Arcadian Ladon, near Strezova.
Polybius and Pausanias have left no doubt as to the names of the two larger rivers, for Polybius expressly states, that the Erymanthus flowed along the eastern side of Psophis, and that the river on its western side was an impetuous torrent from the neighbouring mountains, which is perfectly just, both as to its character and origin. From Pausanias we learn that its name was Aroanius.
Among the remarkable positions with which Greece abounds, and which seem to have been intended by Nature for the strong holds of small republics, Psophis is one of the most distinguished for strength and singularity of site.

§ 2.242  A rocky hill, advanced before the main body of the mountains, is defended on the south-eastern, or longest side, by the Erymanthus, on the south-western by the Aroanius; at the southern extremity of the site the streams are united. The banks are precipitous but not very high between them and the steep summit of the hill there is a small space of level, or gently rising ground. The summit is a sharp ridge sending forth two roots, one of which descends nearly to the angle of junction of the two streams, the other almost to the bank of the Erymanthus at the eastern extremity of the ancient city. The town-walls followed the crest of the ridge to the northward and the bank above the two rivers on the opposite side. There was probably a citadel on the summit, but I could not trace the inclosure of it. From the foregoing description, and the accompanying plan, it will clearly appear, that Pausanias is not quite correct in saying that the Erymanthus was more distant from the city than the Aroanius since they both flow under the walls, which are traceable along the crest of the bank of either stream, as well as throughout the entire circuit of the place, or nearly so, though in no part extant to any great height. They are

§ 2.243  irregular specimens of the third order, and are formed of masses not very large. The summit of the hill is separated, by a narrow neck behind it, from a higher summit, which looks down upon it in a manner not so inconvenient in ancient warfare as it would be at the present day. On the slope of the hill there are several parallel walls built of small stones without mortar: on the summit of all stands a small church.
On the north-eastern side of the town, which is the only part not protected by the two rivers, or by the precipices at the back of the hill, there was a double inclosure: the remains of the interior wall are still seen, extending from the upper ridge to the bank of the Erymanthus, and nearly parallel to the outer walls. A part of a theatre, not noticed by Pausanias, is seen on the side of the hill towards the Aroanius, situated just under the ridge of rocks on that side. It seems to have been small; there remains above ground a part of the circumference of four or five rows of seats; and there may very possibly be some more concealed under a field of maize, which now occupies the place of the scene, and extends below the theatre as far as the river. Three hundred yards above the junction of the two rivers, near the walls on the bank of the Erymanthus I find some remains of a public building

§ 2.244  thirty-two yards in length, below which there is a source of water in the bank. In the level part of the site, a little above this ruin, some other foundations are seen, and a great quantity of fragments of wrought stones and ancient pottery dispersed about the level. The only other remains of architecture I could find, were the capital of a Doric column and a fragment of its shaft in a ruined church near the centre of the site, and some other pieces of columns of the same size near the city wall below it. The flutings are two inches and a half: there are also some fragments of plain columns nearly of the same diameter. The town was about two miles in circumference. The situation, though important as commanding the passes of the Etymonthus, and the communication from the northern part of Arcadia into the valley of the Alpheius, and the plains of Elis, is anything but agreeable, being too closely surrounded with mountains, which shut out all view, cause occasionally an extreme of heat and cold, and increase the violence of the winds. The neighbouring hills are sprinkled with oaks like those towards Dhivri.
The buildings of Psophis, remaining in the time of Pausanias, were, a temple of Venus Erycina in ruins, heroa of Promachus and Echephron, sons of Psophis, and the monument of Alcmaeon,

§ 2.245  son of Amphiaraus; the latter was a small building without ornament, standing amidst some very lofty cypresses, which were called by the Psophidii “the Virgins.” Near the Erymanthus stood a temple sacred to that stream; it contained statues of Erymanthus, Nile, and other rivers, all formed of white marble, except that of Nile which was of black stone, in allusion to the origin of the river in Ethiopia. It is not improbable that the foundations which I noticed near the walls above the fountain on the bank of the Erymanthus, are remains of this temple.
The best ancient account of Psophis is by Polybius, in his narrative of its siege by Philip, King of Macedonia, in the Social War 219). He describes Psophis as “an ancient city of the Arcadians of Azanis, situated in the central parts of Peloponnesus, towards the western frontier of Arcadia, bordering upon the western Achaeans, and overhanging the country of the Eleians, with whom the Psophidii were at that time in alliance. Philip having marched hither in three days from Caphyae, stationed his army upon the hills opposite to the city, where, secure from the enemy, he commanded a view of the city and surrounding places. He was so much struck with the strength of the

§ 2.246  place that he was doubtful what to do.” On the western side”, says the historian, there is a rapid torrent, impassable during the greater part of the winter, and which, rushing down from the mountains, makes the city strong and difficult of access by the magnitude of the channel, which in process of time it has formed. On the side towards the east flows the Erymanthus, a large and impetuous river, concerning which there are many well known stories. As the western torrent joins the Erymanthus on the southern side, the city is thus fortified on three sides. On the remaining side towards the north impends a strong hill, defended by a wall, and serving the purpose of a secure and well placed citadel. The town itself also is provided with walls, remarkable both for their large dimensions and their construction.” The place contained a garrison sent by the Eleians; Euripidas the Aetolian, who had just escaped from his defeat at Apelaurus, was also in the city. The king, considering the great danger to which Arcadia and Achaea were exposed, as long as Psophis served as a secure place of arms to the Eleians; and, on the other hand, how convenient it would be to the Arcadians and their allies, as a

§ 2.247  post from whence to undertake expeditions into the Eleia, resolved upon attempting to take it Having ordered his men, therefore, to breakfast at daylight, he crossed the bridge over the Erymanthus without opposition, and prepared for an escalade in three different parts of the town. Euripidas and the garrison, little imagining that Philip would long remain in his position before the town in a winter season of uncommon severity, and still less that he would assault so strong a place, began to suspect some treachery within; finding, however, no evidence of it, they made a gallant defence for some time upon the walk, where many of the Macedonians were thrown down from the ladders, while the Eleian mercenaries sallied from a gate in the upper part of the town. But the garrison having been unprepared, there was a deficiency of javelins and other necessaries: after a short time, the assailants prevailed on all sides, and the Cretans in the king's service having repulsed the sortie of the Eleian mercenaries, and put them to flight, followed them through the upper gate into the town. Euripidas and the whole garrison, as well as the Psophidii, with their wives and children, then retreated into the citadel: the Macedonians took possession of the town, and

§ 2.248  plundered the private houses; and those in the citadel, finding there was a scarcity of provisions, were soon content to accept of the favourable terms which Philip offered. Euripidas was permitted to retire in safety into Aetolia, the city was given up to Aratus and the Achaeans, and the king, after having been detained a few days by the snow, marched to Lasion and Olympia.”
The bridge over the Erymanthus was very probably in the same position occupied by the present bridge, as in general the communications through the country would be the same in all ages. After crossing the bridge, the greater part of the Macedonians seem to have moved to the right, and to have thus occupied all the narrow space between the walls and the river, after which they fixed the ladders in three places. The Cretans we may suppose to have been on the right of Philip's position on the mountain, and the Eleians to have issued from the northeastern extremity of the town, at the double fortification which I have mentioned, where undoubtedly there was a gate; the Cretans, having repulsed the Eleians, entered by the same gate at which the latter issued, and joined the Macedonians in the city. Although Polybius speaks ambiguously of the citadel in the former part of his narrative, favouring the opinion, that there

§ 2.249  was not any regular acropolis, the latter part seems to indicate that there must have been some interior inclosure on the summit of the hill, though I was unable to trace the plan of it.
Pausanias arrives at Psophis from Caphyae, and proceeds from thence to Thelpusa. The former of these two routes I crossed last year, on the 27th of May, near Strezova, in my way from the Thelpusia to the Cleitoria. The road from Psophis to Caphyae may be traced from Tripotamo by the valley of Lopesi to the sources of the south-eastern of the three rivers of Tripotamo, from whence it descends a tributary of the Arcadian Ladon, which I crossed at half an hour to the northward of Strezova in the plain called Palea Katuna and Kuvelo. About midway between Tripotamo and Palea Katuna there are said to be remains of an ancient fortress near the sources of the two streams just mentioned, which flow exactly in opposite directions. These ruins may be those of Paus, for the route from Caphyae to Psophis is described by Pausanias as “having led from Caphyae to the source of the river Tragus at Rheunus, fifty stades beyond which it crossed the Ladon, and then entered a forest of oaks called Soron; from whence, having passed through

§ 2.250  Argeathae, Lycuntes, and Scotane, it arrived at Paus, a ruined town situated at the end of the forest, not far from Seirae, which was the boundary of the Cleitorii and Psophidii, and distant thirty stades from Psophis.” Now this latter distance will carry us exactly to the division of waters between the two rivers of Lopesi and Palea Katuna, a very natural position for a territorial separation, and to which the ancient name Seirae, or the Chains, was allusive. It is to be inferred from the preceding passage, that in the time of Pausanias the valley of Palea Katuna and adjacent hills were covered with the forest Soron, and that it extended nearly, if not quite, to the right bank of the Ladon. The forest Soron”, adds Pausanias, “contains, like the other woods of Arcadia, bears, wild hogs, and tortoises, which last are so large that lyres may be made from them as large as those made from the Indian tortoise.” Some small remains of the forest I remarked on the 27th May last, at Palea Katuna, near the banks of the stream above mentioned, which flows through that valley to the Ladon, and which has not been named by Pausanias.
The road from Psophis to Thelpusa is thus described by Pausanias: “In the way from

§ 2.251  Psophis to Thelpusa there is a place called Tropaea to the left of the Ladon. Adjoining to Tropaea is the grove Artemisium, in which are ancient letters engraved upon a column, marking the boundaries of the Psophidii towards the Thelpusia. Within the latter territory is the river called Arsen, having crossed which, and proceeded twenty-five stades, you will arrive at the ruins of the town Caus, and a temple of Aesculapius Causius, situated on the road-side. About forty stades from this temple is the city, which is said to have received its name from the nymph Thelpusa, daughter of Ladon.”
As it is manifest from this description that the latter part of the road from Psophis to Thelpusa led along the left side of the Ladon, it follows that in the former part it traversed the ridges which separate the Erymanthus from the Ladon, and that it then crossed the Ladon, although Pausanias has not mentioned the latter circumstance. Seventy stades seem to be as little as the words of Pausanias will allow for the road distance between Tropaea and Thelpusa, but it could not well have been much more, since in that case the former part of the road would not have crossed from Psophis to the Ladon by the shortest line, as it may be presumed to have done.

§ 2.252  Leaving the eastern end of the ruins of Psophis at 1.23, I follow up the valley of the Erymanthus; it is chiefly grown with maize: fifteen or twenty minutes beyond Psophis, we have the small village of Khosova in a lofty situation on the left; at 2, cross a stream coming from a valley on the left, in which stands the Akhuria of Livarzi on a height above the right bank of a stream which unites with the Erymanthus immediately below the place where we cross it. Livarzi itself is situated in a ravine in the higher part of the mountain: all the valley hereabout is grown with vines and maize, principally the former. Advancing, we have at 2.15 the Lekhuritika Kalyvia, or Akhuria, at the foot of the hill on the left; the village of Lekhuri is in the upper mountain and not in sight; the Kalyvia is surrounded with large vineyards. At 2.44 cross a small stream coming from the village of Vamighiani [Kameniani], which is situated at the head of a valley on the left, nearly in a line with the part of the mountains in which are the sources of the Aroanius.
We now turn to the right in the direction of Anastasova, another village situated like the last mentioned, and from whence also flows a

§ 2.253  small branch of the Erymanthus, which we cross, at 2.47, at some mills, just above its junction with the main stream. The mountains on our left, from above Psophis, as far as the summit beyond the sources of the river of Anastasova, I conceive to be the true Mount Erymanthus since the river has all its different feeders in that ridge, with the exception of the stream of Sopoto.
According to Pausanias, the Erymanthus originated in Mount Lampeia, which he describes as a part of Mount Erymanthus. From this circumstance, combined with the name Lampeia, which implies a snowy peak, I should judge that it was properly the highest summit of the range of mountains just alluded to, which I have been following in a parallel direction, though it was undoubtedly often confounded with the whole ridge. Such, upon a comparison of several passages in Strabo, already referred to, appears to have been the idea which the geographer had of Lampeia, that is to say, that it was a mountain of Arcadia bordering northward upon Pholoe and eastward upon Scollis, Strabo by the latter name intending all the northwestern part of the mountainous region now

§ 2.254  known collectively by the name Olono. In other words, he applied the name Lampeia to all the north-eastern side of these mountains. Upon the whole, therefore, it would appear, from all I have said regarding their several ancient denominations, that the southern part, or that which gave rise to the Peneius and its branch, the Ladon, was Pholoe; that the northeastern, in which the Erymanthus originated, was Erymanthus or Lampeia; and that the north-western, in which were the sources of the Peirus and Selinus, was Olenus. I conceive, however, that there must also have been some specific name for Astra which has not reached us, as there probably was likewise for some others of the more remarkable peaks.
We now leave the direction of Anastasova, and turning again to the right, follow the right bank of the branch of the Erymanthus, rising at Sopoto, until, turning to the left, we soon afterwards ascend to some mills, and leave the small village of Agridhi on the slope of the tight hand mountain at 3.10. There are other huts belonging to the same village on the slope of the opposite mountain. Continue along the valley, which is grown with arabositi and vines, and arrive at its extremity at 3.30. Here stands Sopoto on the lower slopes of a lofty hill, of which the summit is tipt with snow. A torrent

§ 2.255  runs through the town, and is joined in the plain, a quarter of an hour below, by a copious source from the foot of the mountain to our left. The place consists of about 160 houses, scattered over the slopes like Dhivri, not occupying so large a space as that town, but having the advantage of standing among gardens, in which cherries abound and very large walnut trees: the dhekatia is purchased by Asimaki of Kalavryta, whose worse than Turkish oppression obliges the people to leave the place, so that many houses are empty. We left a large monastery of the Panaghia, pleasantly situated on the side of the right-hand mountain, half a mile before we arrived at the lower extremity of the town.
March 1 — The high ridge above Sopoto is called Tartari. On its northern peak, which is the highest, there is a castle, but I believe not Hellenic. I set out this morning from my konak at the southern end of Sopoto, and having passed through its whole extent, quit the extremity at 9.15, and then ascend the steep ridges at the back of the town, to the left of the great height of Tartari. At 10, arrive at the summit of the ridge in the midst of a violent garbino attended with hail and rain; descend through woods of small oaks and underwood, and arrive, at 10.35, at Mostitza, a small village at the head of a valley watered by a torrent

§ 2.256  which joins another from a village called Klitora similarly situated to the southward; the junction is at an opening which is common to both valleys. Mostitza, like Sopoto, is dispersed amidst gardens and fruit trees. Leaving this place, at 11, we descend the valley and arrive at Kasteli at 11.25: below this place there is a copious spring which flows to the rivulet of Mostitza. At Kasteli are only two families living amidst many ruined houses. The remains of another village of the same name occupy a high situation on the hills on the northern side of the valley! Forming an equilateral triangle with the two, and overlooking the valley which I crossed last year, May 27, in coming from Strezova to Karnesi, there is a lofty peaked hill, on which stand a castle, built of small stones, and some ruined houses. Leaving Kasteli at 12.20, I ride up to this peak, and after remaining there five minutes proceed to Karnesi, where I arrive at 2, the road leading over the hills in a north-eastern direction, parallel with the course of the river, which is formed of the branches from Klitora and Mostitza. Karnesi stands on the right side of the ravine of a third river, which rising in the plain of Sudhena joins the former in the plain below Karnesi, where the most

§ 2.257  conspicuous object, as I remarked on my former visit to Karnesi, is a village upon a small round height, called the Mazeitika Kalyvia, or Huts of Mazi, — Mazi itself is a large village on the side of Mount Khelmos.
March 2. — I send my baggage by the Tripolitza road to the khan of Tara, and visit the ruins of Cleitor, called Paleopoli, which bear s. by compass from Karnesi. Set out from that village at 8.40, and descend the hill, leaving on the right a peaked summit bearing a few holleyoaks, which forms the last fall of the Karnesi mountain. Towards the foot of the hill, at 9, I see some squared stones on the left of the road, and, at 9-7, the lower pieces of some plain columns standing in their places. At 9.11, arrive at a low ridge which rises from the left bank of the river of Klitora, about a quarter of a mile above its junction with the torrent from Karnesi. Along the summit of the hill are some remains of the walls of Cleitor.

§ 2.258  [sketch of Cleitor]
The river was anciently known by the same name as the town, and is properly called by Statius the Rapid Clitor. Vestiges of the fortifications of Cleitor are seen likewise in the plain towards Karnesi; where the direction of the walls seems to have been nearly parallel to that of the hill; it may be judged from what remains, that the entire inclosure was less than a mile in circumference, and of a quadrilateral form, but much longer from east to west than from north to south. Beyond the traceable in closure, however, there appear to have been many buildings, for the whole cultivated plain included between the river of Klitora and the river of Karnesi, and between the ancient site and the peak which I mentioned

§ 2.259  as being on my right, descending from Karnesi, is covered with stones and pottery, mixed with quadrangular blocks and remains of columns. At a ruined church, under a large oak, towards the river of Karnesi, I find some pieces of Doric columns, of which the flutings are two inches and a half; others of the same size are seen also in several parts of the ruins, particularly in the remains of a church at their southern extremity towards the aforesaid hill, on the way to Karnesi. I find also a ruined church between the eastern extremity of the hill of Cleitor and the junction of the two streams, on the left bank of the river of Klitora, which appeared to have been an ancient temple. There are some remains of a small theatre, about the same size as that of Psophis, towards the western end of the hill, fronting westward: many fragments of the seats are scattered on the slope; they have that small ledge in front usually observable on the seats of ancient theatres. The slope has now almost lost its theatric shape. The town walls are chiefly apparent along the crest of the height; here a few courses remain in several parts both of the walls and of the towers, which are all circular; their gorge is about twenty-six feet, the thickness of the curtains thirteen feet and a half. Towards the western end the wall descends from the ridge,

§ 2.260  which is there highest, and at the second tower forms a right angle inclosing the theatre, a little beyond which the inclosure is but just trace able through the remainder of its circuit
All that Pausanias says of Cleitor is as follows: “The city takes its name from a son of Azan. It is situated in a plain surrounded by mountains, not high. The most remarkable temples are those of Ceres, Aesculapius, and Lucina. The Cleitorii have also a temple of the Dioscuri, whom they call the Great Gods: it is four stades distant from the city, and contains brazen statues of the deities. On the summit of a mountain, about thirty stades distant from the city, there is a temple of Minerva Coria containing a statue of the goddess.” If the latter distance be correct, the temple of Coria must have been either on Mount Tzipati, as the summit is called which rises from the left bank of the torrent of Karnesi, north-eastward of that village, or on the peak above Mamaluka and the monastery of St. Athanasius, a little to the left of which I descended last year, coming from Strezova to Karnesi, for neither Mount Karmiri, as the summit is called which rises from the right bank of the river Cleitor opposite to the city, nor the mountain of Karnesi,

§ 2.261  are more than a third of the distance mentioned by Pausanias, at least in a direct line. As Pausanias has given no other indication of the situation of the temple of the Dioscuri, than its distance from the city, there is no clue to a search for its remains. Karnesi sounds like a corruption of Carnasium, as if a temple of Apollo Carneius, a favourite deity in the Peloponnesus, had once given name to a village standing upon this site. I have already shewn that the ancient name Cleitor, although still preserved, is no longer attached to the ruins of the city, which are called Paleopoli, but is now applied in the usual Romaic form, taken from the accusative case, to a village situated three miles from the place to which the name formerly belonged. It would seem, that the river having preserved its name after the city had ceased to exist, at length gave that name to a village built at its sources. At 10.35, leaving the ruins, I cross the river of Karnesi, and a little beyond it observe, in the road, some ancient sepulchres of the simplest kind, that is to say, four slabs of stone set edgewise in the earth. Pausanias has not noticed the river of Karnesi; it may possibly have been called Luseus or Lusiates, as it rises in the district of Lusi, and flows from thence into the Cleitoria.

§ 2.262  On the side of Mount Tzipati, on our left, I perceive the small village of Stukani. At 10.55 arrive at the Mazeitika Kalyvia standing on an insulated height in the plain of Katzana, or Katzanes, as this angle of the valley is called, and which probably once contained a village of that name. It is traversed by a stream called the river of Katzana, descending from the village of Pladiteri but of which the highest sources are in Mount Khelmos, which overtops all the surrounding summits. The cultivable level on the banks of the Katzanes penetrates for an hour's distance between the mountains, almost as far as Pladiteri. Half an hour higher than the latter is Mazi, another large village situated in a gorge just under the highest part of Khelmos, and now surrounded and deeply covered with enow. Mazi owns the greater part of the plain of Katzanes, which is chiefly grown with kalambokki, the marshy nature of the bottom, and the facility of irrigation being well adapted to the cultivation of that grain. There are also some vineyards; the rest of the plain belongs to Emir Aga, a Turk of Kalavryta, and consists of corn-land and pasture. After a halt of five minutes I quit the Kalyvia of Mazi, and

§ 2.263  at 11.09 cross the river Katzanes, which is nearly of the same size as the Cleitor, by a curious bridge, not uncommon over the rapid torrents of Arcadia: a great branch of a plane tree, which happens to stretch itself obliquely more than half across the river, forms the centre, and all the support, of the bridge. From this branch to either bank are laid large logs, and over them branches and boughs, and on the top of all earth and sometimes stones. I saw a bridge of this kind at Psophis, others over the Neda in Messenia. The river of Katzanes joins the Cleitor a little below the Kalyvia of Mazi, at a distance from the ruins of Cleitor, exactly answering to the seven stades which Pausanias places between that city and the junction of the river Cleitor with the Aroanius. It appears, therefore, that the river of Katzanes is the ancient Aroanius; but though I think this point is determined, I was not equally successful in verifying the existence of the musical trout, which, according to my excellent but rather credulous Grecian guide, were particularly found in this part of the Aroanius. “Among other fish found in the Aroanius,” says Pausanias, “are trout, which are said to utter a note not unlike that of the thrush. I have seen”,

§ 2.264  he adds, “this kind of fish after it has been caught, but never heard sounds issue from any, even though I remained (for that purpose) on the banks of the Aroanius until the setting of the sun, when the fish is said to be most vocal.” Soon after passing the Katzana, or Aroanius, we cross another little stream, and reach the foot of the mountain of Arakhova, so called from a village which no longer exists. Its highest peak is called Turtovana, which I take also to have been the name of a village. Here we fall into the road from Tripolitza to Kalavryta, which, after passing from hence up the vale and gorge of the Katzana, then crosses over a deep neck or hollow between Khelmos and Tzipati, follows the side of Khelmos to Sudhena, then crosses the mountain at the back of that village, and thus descends upon Kalavryta. A great fall of rain yesterday evening has made

§ 2.265  the valley of the Aroanius a marsh; on the mountains it was snow as low down as Karnesi. We continue to follow the valley skirting the foot of the hills on the left. At 11.40 a small stream, which we crossed soon after passing the Katzana, joins that river — a monastery is on the side of the opposite mountain. The valley now becomes narrower, and corresponds exactly with the words of Pausanias, who describes the road which led from the sources of the Ladon to Cleitor as passing along the narrow valley of the Aroanius. Hence we derive an additional evidence that the river of Katzana is the Aroanius, as well as a strong presumption that Mount Khelmos, in which this river has its sources, formed, together with the adjacent summits, the mountains called “the Aroanian,” though it certainly seems singular that Khelmos, which is very nearly equal in height to Zyria and Olono, should not have had some individual and more precise denomination.
Arabositi grows in the valley, and the banks of the river are shaded with planes. At 11.46 a road on the left ascends to Krenofyta a village on the side of the mountain. At 1, after having lost half an hour in searching for a road

§ 2.266  through the mud of the valley, and the rocks on the left hand side of it, we cross a bridge over the Lykureiko, or river of Lykuria, which descends through a ravine on the left, into a valley forming a bay on the northern side of the vale of the Aroanius.
The Lykureiko issues in a single body of water at no great distance above the place where we cross it: not far from the summit of the ridge above the sources stands the kefalokhori called Lykuria. A road across the ridge to Fonia leaves Lykuria on the left. The name of Lykuria, and the issue of the river from an inferior part of the same mountain on which Lykuria stands, prove the river to be the ancient Ladon, the sources of which, according to the information received by Pausanias, were the emissory of the river of Pheneus. Here again, therefore, we have another instance of the exactitude of this diligent traveller, and a confirmation of the several geographical points already alluded to, which, I think, are thus ascertained beyond a doubt.
Pausanias expresses himself as follows: “Proceeding about fifty stades from Lycuria, you will arrive at the sources of the Ladon. I have heard that the water of the lake in the Pheneatice, after passing through caverns in the

§ 2.267  mountain here reappears and forms the fountain of the Ladon, but I cannot speak of this positively. The Ladon excels all the rivers of Greece in the beauty of its waters, but it is chiefly celebrated on account of Daphne, and what the poets have sung concerning her. The city of the Cleitorii is sixty stades distant from the sources of the Ladon. The road thither leads along a narrow valley by the river Aroanius, and near the city of the Cleitorii crosses the river Cleitor, which joins the Aroanius seven stades from the city.” The only part of this description which appears to me not to be quite correct, is the distance from Lykuria to the sources of the Ladon, and from the latter to Cleitor, the former of which I think must be less than the fifty stades of Pausanias, and the latter greater. But the other points of conformity are too strong to allow us to attach much importance to a numeral disagreement which may arise either from the miscalculation of an unmeasured distance, or from a textual error Beyond the bridge of the Lykureiko, or Ladon, the valley of the united stream takes the direction of that river for a mile, and then passes through a ravine between a projecting point of the left hand mountain, and the foot of that on the right.

§ 2.268  We cross the neck of this point at 1.17, and descend into a wide valley, in which the river of Vitina joins the Lykureiko; five minutes farther we halt to dine on the bank of the former. In the middle of the valley the united stream is crossed by a bridge, near the village of Tzemota. Our baggage horses, after having crossed over the mountains in front of Strezova, passed over this bridge, and from thence proceeded to Tara. The Ladon, not far below the bridge, turns to the right, and after receiving the river of Katuna, flows to the Bridge of the Lady”, and enters the narrow pass, which I traversed last year on the 26th May, coming from Vyzitza to Strezova. The direction of our route to Tara therefore now quits the course of the Ladon, and follows the vale of the river of Vitina. On the height which we crossed before entering the plain of Tzernota, the ground was covered with small stones and vestiges of buildings, but nothing of decidedly Hellenic antiquity. At the foot of the opposite height are similar remains, just above a mill called Kabato-Mylo; on that side of the river also are the Fileika Kalyvia, belonging to Rlia a village on this side of Strezova. At 1.55, we set out from our halting place, one-third of a mile above the Kabato mill, and immediately enter a

§ 2.269  narrow pass, where the united river from Tara and Vitina, is closely shut in by the mountains on either side: it is called the Derveni. At 2, arrive at the bridge of the Derveni, which my baggage crossed, but which we leave on the right. The single guard who is stationed at the Derveni accompanies us a quarter of an hour to the extremity of the pass, where the valley widens, and from whence it continues to widen to the Khan of Tara, where we arrive at 3. The valley here is upwards of a mile wide; on the foot of the opposite mountain is a pyrgo and tjiftlik of Arnaut-Oglu, a little beyond which the valley branches towards Vitina, and the sources of that branch of the Ladon near the ancient Methydrium. One mile and a half above the Khan, to the north by east, at the foot of a long bare mountain, stands the village of Tara, or Apano Tara, so called to distinguish it from Lower Tara, which is situated near the river. To the right of the mountain of Tara appears Mount Saeta, a high peak covered with firs; it is seen from Tripolitza: to the right of it passes the road from the Khan of Tara to Foma, over a col between two snowy summits. The Khan stands by the right bank of the river of Tara, at a bridge. The road, after crossing the bridge, branches to Vitina on the right, and to Tripolitza by Levidhi on the left. The

§ 2.270  Tareiko, or river of Tara, produces trout and other fish, and is a respectable stream, even in summer, though its sources are not more than two or three miles distant, at the foot of a mountain called Kastania, where it issues at once in a plentiful stream from the mountain, being apparently, like the sources of the Ladon, the emissory of a Katavothra, probably that of the lake of Orchomenus, which cannot be very distant. In this case, it is evident that the Tareiko is the ancient Tragus, which, according to Pausanias, flowed through a mountain of the Caphyatis, and emerged at a place called Nasi, near which was a village named Rheunus. Tara perhaps is a corruption of Tragus. After receiving the river of Vitina a little below the bridge of Tara, the Tareiko flows to the Derveni, and between that pass and the bridge of Tzernota is united with the Lykureiko, or Ladon. The Tareiko being, as Pausanias describes the Tragus, a perennial stream, is very useful in irrigating the kalambokki, which grain, in consequence of this convenience, is the principal produce of the plain of Tara. As to the ancient name of the river of Vitina, Pausanias leaves us in doubt. It has been seen that he mentions

§ 2.271  two rivers as uniting at Methydrium, named the Mylaon and Molottus (or Maloetas), but which of these names prevailed below the junction, or whether there was any other appellation for the united river, he has not informed us.
Having now seen the greater part of the course of the Ladon, I shall here compare with the actual topography the description by Pausanias of that portion of its valley to which I have not already adverted, namely, the part above Thelpusa. Pausanias remarks, that “the water of the Ladon had its origin in the Cleitoria, at the place called Pegae, or the Sources; that it flowed by Leucasium and Mesoboa, and through the Nasi to Oryx, and the place called Alus; and that from thence it descended to Thaliades, and to the temple of Ceres Eleusinia. This temple”, he adds, “is within the bound aries of the Thelpusii: it contains statues, not less than seven feet high, of Ceres, Proserpine, and Bacchus, all made of stone. Below the temple of Ceres Eleusinia the Ladon passes the city Thelpusa, which stands on its left bank on (or at) a lofty hill.”
The first difficulty in this passage is in the name Nasi, which cannot be the same place as the Nasi where the Tragus issued from the

§ 2.272  mountain of Caphyae since there was a distance, as Pausanias remarks, and as my route confirms, of fifty stades between the sources of the Tragus and the Ladon. But in fact the word Nasi was not uncommonly applied by the Greeks to meadows intersected by rivers or channels of water, and the name belonged probably not only to the vicinity of the sources of the Tragus, but also to the valley of Tzernota, as far as the Stena or Straits, through which the Ladon passes from thence to the valley of Podhogora, and “the Lady's Bridge.” It is not improbable that Leucasium and Mesoboa were the two places of which I remarked some vestiges at the upper Stena, or those which are above the plain of Tzernota near Kabato Mylo. As to the three remaining places situated above the limits of the Thelpusia; those boundaries having been about seventy stades above Thelpusa, it will follow, on referring to the distances in my route of the 26th of May last, that the vale of Syriamu on the right of the Ladon is the lowest position on the descent of the river, at which we can place Thaliades. In this case, the valley northward of Syriamaki, in which a stream joins the Ladon, may have been the district of Alus, and Oryx may have occupied the vale of Podhogora. And this arrangement of the places is the more

§ 2.273  probable, as beyond the Stena of the Ladon, which are to the northward of Podhogora, the river was crossed by the road from Caphyae to Psophis or the modern route from Tara to Tripotamo, upon which was the wood Soron, and the places in it named by Pausanias. It happens unfortunately for the geography of this part of Arcadia, that Pausanias has not noticed either the river of Palea Katuna, or that which joins the Ladon near Syriamaki. Nor has he afforded us any assistance in combining his description of the course of the Ladon with his route from Psophis to Thelpusa, not having repeated a single name in the one that he mentions in the other, though the road from Psophis, after crossing the Ladon, could not have been distant from the left bank of the river all the way from that crossing to Thelpusa; whence it follows that the two lines for seven or eight miles must have coincided, or very nearly so. This anxiety to avoid repetition makes it often difficult to follow Pausanias; but though the “brevis esse laboro, obscurus fio” seems often to apply to him, it must be remembered, that his brevity had not the same effect when the names were in use, and the places in existence.
March 3. — A Turk of Arta, who is appointed kadi at Mistra, lodged in the khan last night. He gives me the news of Epirus, of which

§ 2.274  the most remarkable event is, the secession or flight of the metropolitan bishop of Arta, Ignatius, who having been sent by Aly Pasha to Corfu, had not returned from thence, as he was ordered to do, in consequence of which Aly has closed the mitropoli at Arta. At 7.55, leave the khan, and crossing the bridge pursue the direct road to Tripolitza till 8.23, when, turning out of it to the right, I cross the river of Vitina just before arriving at a height, on which are the ruins of a large building of Frank construction, with cisterns and vaulted subterraneous apartments: it is called Anghelo-kastro. A little higher up the river, on the opposite side, there is a high peaked hill, the lower roots of which meet those of the mountain of Agridhi, the river passing between them through a rocky gorge. The snow-capt summit above Maghuliana appears through the opening; Vitina is about half way thither, three hours distant from the khan of Tara. On a summit on this side of the village of Maghuliana there is said to be a castle similar to Anghelo-kastro, and called Arghyro-kastro. Return into the direct road at 9.06, a quarter of an hour's distance beyond the spot where I left it. We now ascend the roots of the mountain called Kastania, and at 9.40 begin to pass between it and the mountain of Alonistena, which is on our right. The latter is much higher

§ 2.275  than Kastania, and, like the other peaked summits of the Maenalian range, is covered with firs, and deeply at present with snow. The snow lies also in our pass. The road is good and level. At 10.05, at a fountain in the road, the small village of Bazeniko is half a mile on the right, standing at the foot of the Maenalian range, and now covered with snow. From hence I look down to the left, through an opening in the hills, upon the plain and lake of Khotusa; the village of that name is seen three miles distant on the northern side of the lake. At Khotusa are some remains which mark the site of Caphyae: on the side of the lake just below Bazeniko, are katavothra, of which the source of the Tareiko is clearly the emissory. At 10.30, arrive at the end of the pass, and enter the plain of Levidhi: the direct road to Tripolitza crosses the plain diagonally, and then passes over low heights at the foot of Mount Armenia into the plain of Mantineia. We turn from this route to the right, and ride along the side of the great mountain of Alonistena, ascending a little.

§ 2.276  At 11.13 arrive at Levidhi, a large village which is situated on the slope of the mountain, overlooking the southern end of the plain, and is crowned with a round height, upon which stands a large church. At the opposite corner of the plain is Kalpaki, a small village at the foot of a detached height, on which are Hellenic foundations, undoubtedly the ruins of Orchomenus. Beyond Kalpaki the waters of the plain find their way into the lake, through a narrow opening between the hill of Orchomenus and a rocky mountain which there closes the plain. A little to the right of the village there is an artificial canal or trench, probably of very ancient date, for the purpose of conveying all the superfluous waters of the plain to the ravine. A small torrent, which descends on the right of the village of Levidhi, as well as another coming from within the pass of Bazeniko, flow to the canal; but, notwithstanding this drainage, the plain is now little better than a marsh in the middle, where it is chiefly occupied by vineyards, from which a wine is made, resembling small beer in colour, strength, and even taste, as far as the aromatic bitter of the hop flower can be imitated by the resin of the pine tree. There are two valleys branching from the plain of Levidhi, and extending quite to the foot of

§ 2.277  Mount Armenia: in the northernmost of these stands the village of Butia. Kandili is situated in a small vale branching eastward from the lower plain, which contains the lake of Orchomenus and the Caphyatice. On the northern side of the vale of Kandili rises Mount Kandili, a lofty summit, between which and Mount Saeta leads the road to Fonia (Pheneus). Saeta is the most lofty of the range of mountains, which are in face of Levidhi, to the northward and eastward; they are all a part of the chain which extends from Mount Khelmos, or the Aroania, and connects that great summit with Artemisium, Parthenium, and Parnon. Mount Saeta is covered with firs. The mountain between the plain of Levidhi and Alonistena, or, to speak by the ancient nomenclature, that part of the Maenalian range which separates the Orchomenia from the valleys of Helisson and Methydrium, is clothed also with large forests of the same trees; the road across this ridge from Levidhi to Alonistena is now impracticable on account of the snow. The Levidhiotes call the mountain of Alonistena Aios Elias, from a ruined church, dedicated to that saint, which stands upon or near the summit.
I am detained all day at Levidhi by a heavy fall of snow, which, before the evening, has covered the ground to half a foot in depth, although

§ 2.278  the village is not much elevated above the plain, nor in a more lofty situation than Tripolitza. It contains about 100 families who complain bitterly of their misery, and the extortions to which they are exposed by their position on one of the chief roads of the Morea, in consequence of which they are obliged to maintain Tartars, soldiers, great Turks with their suites, in short, all persons who travel with the post Their vicinity to the capital is another misfortune. The annual kharti, or acquittance of all direct taxes, to each head of a family is 100 piastres.
In the afternoon I visit an old church twenty minutes below the village on the left bank of the torrent of Levidhi, and find in it two or three pieces of very handsome Doric columns, of which the flutings are three inches and one-sixth in the chord; also some wrought stones, and among them one with two of its sides cut obliquely. In a small ruined chapel close by, there is another fragment of a Doric column, two feet in diameter, with twenty flutings, as usual in that order.

§ 2.279  March 4. — At 8.30 I quit Levidhi, and, instead of descending into the plain, pass between the great Maenalian ridge and an insulated round hill which lies on the south-eastern side of the village; the pass is narrow, but soon becomes wider, and then communicates again with the plain by a passage on the southern side of the insulated hill: we leave this opening to the left, and continue to follow the same direction as before, along a narrow elevated valley included between the Maenalian summits and a subordinate parallel range which separates the valley from the northern end of the plain of Mantineia. At 9.45, in an opening on the left leading into the plain of Mantineia, stands a small village and another called Simiadhes, a little farther down. Kakuri is opposite to it at the foot of Mount Armenia, just above a low height which projects into the extremity of the Maritime plain. Having passed this opening, we continue to follow the valley until we come to another similar branch of the Mantinic plain, through which we descend into the plain nearly opposite to the ruins of Mantineia at Paleopoli. Kapsa, where we arrive at 10.25, is a village of forty houses standing on the left hand side of the descent. All the adjacent part of the plain is covered with vineyards, interspersed with huts and small platforms constructed of stone, with a coating of stucco. The wine, as at Dhesfina in Phocis, is made on the spot by persons who tread the grapes with their

§ 2.280  feet in the upper part of these platforms; the liquor runs through a hole into a cistern below, from whence it is carried in skins to Tripolitza. It is a small light-coloured wine, to which resin is added, and often lime. The labourers in the vineyards have fifty paras a day, with wine and bread.
Yesterday afternoon and during the night the snow fell in such quantities as to cover all the plains and adjacent mountains, and the country exhibited this morning as fine a snow scene as Norway could supply. As the day advanced and the sun appeared, the snow melted rapidly, but the sky was soon overcast again, and the snow began to fall.
At 11.18 we cross a bridge over a small stream flowing from left to right, and terminating in a katavothra at the foot of the hill which borders the vale of Kapsa on the south. This stream I take to be the Ophis, which Agesipolis turned against the walls of Mantineia. It is joined towards Paleopoli by the two united rivulets which now encircle the ancient walls, and which formed a wet ditch to the city. The ruins were on a line with us to the left at the bridge.
It appears, from the description by Pausanias of the road from Mantineia to Methydrium, that the vale of Kapsa is the plain of Alcimedon.

§ 2.281  His words are these: “The road from Mantineia to Methydrium, once an Arcadian city, but now a town of the Megalopolitae, leads, at the end of thirty stades, to a plain named Alcimedon. Above this plain rises the mountain Ostracine, which contains a cavern, once the dwelling of the hero Alcimedon, and a fountain called Cissa. Forty stades beyond the fountain is the place named Petrosaca, on the borders of the Megalopolitae and Mantinenses.” It is evident from the map, that the vale of Kapsa being exactly in a line between Mantineia and Methydrium, the ancient road must have ascended that valley, and then crossed the Maenalian ridge; the distance of Kapsa from Paleopoli accords exactly with the thirty stades of Pausanias. The hill which rises at the back of Kapsa seems therefore to be the Ostracine; it is separated from the Maenalian ridge by the pass which leads to Levidhi, and is therefore an insulated height, which renders it so much the more likely to have had a specific name. Petrosaca we may suppose to have been on the crest of the Maenalium, that being the natural boundary of the two districts.
At 11.40 we reach the end of the vineyards of the plain of Paleopoli, and soon after cross the Scope, which, as I have before remarked, is

§ 2.282  the projecting point of the Maenalian range, separating the plain of Tripolitza from that of Paleopoli; then, turning a little to the right, along the foot of the mountain, arrive at a hamlet of four houses, called Bedeni. There is another larger village of the same name nearer to Tripolitza. Having halted half an hour at Bedeni, I set out for Tripolitza, and arrive there in an hour and ten minutes, without baggage.
The preceding journey from Patra to Tripolitza has been performed with Agoyatic horses of the former place, but must be reckoned, making the necessary deduction in the mountainous roads, at the rate of the walk of my own horse, which I measured repeatedly in the plain of Athens; the last day has been rather slower, on account of the snow and bad roads.
One hundred and twenty heads of thieves taken by the Pasha have been sent to Constantinople. The thieves were dispersed, and taken in detail. The Pasha hopes, by this achievement, to keep himself in place for another year. A boluk-bashi, with a large body of Albanians whom he sent against the robbers, deserted, and retired to Bardhunia, where he was well received by Amus Aga. The Pasha has now sent against him 100 men, who are to be joined by 400 at Mistra.

§ 2.283  Only 500 soldiers remain in Tripolitza. I do not think there are more than 3000 in the whole peninsula, at the disposal of the Pasha, that is to say, exclusive of the people of Lalla, Bardhunia, and Mani. Not long ago the Pasha summoned all the Turkish voivodas and Greek hodja-bashis in the Morea, for the purpose of consulting them on the best mode of proceeding against the robbers. The voivoda of Gastuni, an Albanian, and brother of the voivoda of Mesolonghi, whom I met at Patra, neglected the summons for some time; but at length, after repeated orders, he came, and when the Pasha taxed him with his neglect, answered without shewing any signs of humility. Upon this the Pasha seized a small hatchet, (an instrument often worn by the Turks more for ornament than use) threw the voivoda on the carpet, and beat him unmercifully with the hatchet, then turned him out of the room without kauk or slippers, kept him many days in prison, and finished by obliging him to pay a sum of money. He has driven away Sotiraki and the interpreter, two men who for several years have committed with impunity all kinds of oppression on their countrymen. From Sotiraki, who has retired to Livadhia, the Pasha extorted ten purses before he allowed him to go, and as much more from Asimaki of Kalavryta, by pretending that he had received a firmahn for their heads.

§ 2.284  Papadhopulo has thus gained a triumph over his enemies; the Tripolitziotes ascribe his influence with the Pasha to his eloquence. He has absolute power in Aios Petros and Tzakonia, where the Turkish voivoda is such an acknowledged cypher that he commonly resides at Tripolitza.
March 10. The mode in which Sotiraki procured a beautiful antique intaglio which I have purchased here, I learn today from a Corfiote practitioner of physic, who was the original purchaser of it from a peasant of Langadha. The peasant was carrying it about the streets for sale, suspended by a string, when the Iatros accidentally met him, and bought it for two piastres. He shewed it to the brother of Sotiraki, who is an archdeacon, and who perceiving the stone to be valuable, informed his brother of it. The latter, as ignorant as the peasant who found it, but whose avarice was excited by the prospect of selling the gem again for a high price, communicated his wishes to the kady, a poor Turk, who may at any time be displaced by the influence of the hodja-bashis and other chief Greeks. They soon agreed that a certain baker should swear it was his property, and stolen from him by his servant, who, if necessary, was to confess the fact before the kady. The affair did not proceed, however, to such a length.

§ 2.285  The kady having sent for the Corfiote Iatros, attempted at first to alarm him by representing that he had bought stolen goods, and at length obtained it from him as a present, the physician being, as he confessed to me, ignorant of its real value. Suspecting Sotiraki to be at the bottom of the affair, he had at first offered him the stone as a present, in order to ingratiate himself with such a leading character; but Sotiraki preferred obtaining it through the kady to being under any obligation to the Corfiote. Such are the low intrigues that occupy the time and talents of this naturally gifted people.
Conversing with the same Corfiote on the subject of the wine of this plain, he mentioned that he had boiled a quantity of the unfermented juice of the grape, made from the vines of the plain of Mantineia, and that it was reduced to a twentieth of the bulk before it was formed into the syrup called petmes.

§ 2.286  CHAPTER XVIII: ARCADIA.
The more I see of the Peloponnesus, and the more I read its description by Pausanias, so much the more do I regret the shortness of the time that I have it in my power to bestow upon its geography; for as to the difficulties arising from weather, mountains, torrents, robbers, or, what is worst of all, the want of roads and conveyance, I am persuaded, they may all be surmounted by the man who has time enough at his command, with a sufficiency of perseverance. But these are the more necessary, as the Peloponnesus being a country yet unexplored by the geographer or scholar, every feature, position, and object in it which is described, or more frequently merely alluded to by the ancient authors, is yet to be searched for at an expense of time and labour which will not hereafter be required.

§ 2.287  Of perseverance, it must with gratitude be admitted, that we have an excellent example in our guide Pausanias, even without omitting the consideration, that, instead of exploring unknown and deserted sites, he was travelling in an ordinary manner, over the roads of a civilized country, from one celebrated place to another, in each of which he found an exegete to assist him in all his researches. So complete, however, were these researches, and so ardent his curiosity, that it requires the most detailed inspection of the country to be assured that one has not overlooked some still existing proof of his accuracy; and this is the more necessary as it often happens, that by the effect of his declining Greek style, and of the abrupt manner in which he mentions things allusively, instead of clearly describing them, not unfrequently also in consequence of the corruptions of his text, his meaning is involved in an obscurity which nothing but an exact knowledge of the locality or the discovery of extant remains of antiquity can clear away. I have every day occasion to remark instances in which it is impossible correctly to understand him, or to translate his words, without actually following him through

§ 2.288  the country, and examining the spots described, and it is not always that a single visit to a place is sufficient. In Arcadia, I particularly lament that I have been unable to trace the steps of the curious traveller in all the routes which radiated from its capital of Megalopolis. I shall however here put together his description of them, including, as I have done upon other occasions, a concise enumeration of the monuments and objects of art, which he met with, and adding to it a geographical sketch for the purpose of elucidating his remarks: this, though very far from completing such an inquiry into the comparative geography as I should have wished, may serve at least to give some assistance to future travellers.
The principal object of Pausanias, in the part of his Arcadics relating to Megalopolis and its vicinity, seems to have been that of describing, in a manner admitting of some method and regularity, the position, mythology, and antiquities of all the old Arcadian cities, the remaining inhabitants of which served to people Megalopolis at the time of its foundation, and which, for the most part, were thenceforward quite deserted, or, at least, preserved little more than their sacred edifices and the remains of some of the other public buildings more or less dilapidated. The method he has adopted is that

§ 2.289  of describing separately each of the routes which led from the Great City, with occasional digressions to places in the vicinity of some of the roads. The routes which he describes conducted to Messene, to Carnasium, to Sparta, to Methydrium, to Maenalus, to Phigaleia, to Tegea; — to these may be added, in order to complete the radiation of roads, that by which the Greek traveller arrived at Megalopolis, being the same also by which I approached the site of the Arcadian capital — namely, the road from Heraea. I shall begin with the last, which, of course, is described by Pausanias, in an inverse direction to that of the others.
1. “In the road”, he says, “leading from Heraea to Megalopolis occurs Melaeneae, now deserted and overflowed with water. Forty stades above Melaeneae is Buphagium, at the sources of the river Buphagus, near which are the boundaries of the Megalopolitae and Heraeenses. The Buphagus descends into the Alpheius.”
On proceeding from the sources of the Buphagus, occurs the village Maratha, and then Gortys, now a town but formerly a city.

§ 2.290  Here is a temple of Aesculapius of Pentelic stone, containing statues, by Scopas, of a beardless Aesculapius and of Hygieia: the natives say that Alexander, son of Philip, dedicated the thorax and spear of Aesculapius; there still remain the thorax and the point of the spear. A river passes through Gortys which, towards its fountains, is called Lusius, because Jupiter was washed there when he was born; but those who dwell at a distance from the fountains name it Gortynius from the town; it is the coldest of all rivers, especially in summer. Its fountains are at Theisoa, on the confines of the Methydrienses; the place where it joins the Alpheius is called Rhaeteae. Teuthis, formerly a city, borders upon Theisoa. It contains temples of Venus and Diana, and a statue of Minerva with a purple bandage bound round the thigh. In the road which leads from Gortys to Megalopolis, there occurs a sepulchre of those who were slain in battle against Cleomenes; the Megalopolitae call it Paraebasium, because Cleomenes violated his covenant with them. Paraebasium is on the borders of a plain about sixty stades in length; the ruins of the city Berenthe are on the right of the road, and the river Berentheates, which, five stades below the city, falls into the Alpheius.

§ 2.291  On the opposite side of the Alpheius is the district called Trapezuntia, in which are the ruins of the city Trapezus; descending again from thence towards the Alpheius, there is a place on the left called Bathos, at no great distance from the river: here the ceremony of the Great Goddesses is celebrated every third year Here also is a fountain called Olympias, which flows only in the alternate years; near it fire issues from the earth. Ten stades from Bathos is Basilis, a city founded by Cypselus, but of which there are now only ruins, and among them a temple of Ceres Eleusinia. Having proceeded from thence, and again crossed the Alpheiue, you will arrive at Thocnia, now quite deserted, but once a city standing on a height which rises from the bank of the river Aminius. This stream joins the Helisson, and the latter, not far below the junction, unites with the Alpheius. The Helisson rises in a village of the same name, passes from thence through the district of the Dipaeenses and the Lycoatis, and after flowing through Megalopolis, joins the Alpheius thirty stades below the city.”

§ 2.292  The direct road from Heraea to Megalopolis was the great Roman road through the Peloponnesus. The Peutinger Table agrees with Pausanias in shewing that it passed through Melaeneae, and this is all we learn from the table concerning it; in fact it is almost all we learn from Pausanias as to the direct route, for the rest of the preceding extract relates to the places situated on either side of the road, some of which were at a considerable distance from it.
It may be thought perhaps that the modern name, Karitena, is a corruption of Gortyna, and consequently that it indicates the site of that ancient town; but if the river of Atzikolo is the Gortynius, which can hardly be doubted, from the remark of Pausanias as to the sources of the Gortynius being near Methydrium, it is difficult to believe that Gortys could have been situated two miles below the mouth of a river which received its name from that town. It must follow then that Atzikolo is the site of Gortys. The plain of sixty stades can be no other than the great plain of Megalopolis, though the distance from the heights eastward of Karitena, where stood the sepulchral monument called Paroebasium, to the foot of the hill of Londari, is I apprehend more, even in a direct line, than the distance mentioned by Pausanias. Karitena will thus answer to Berenice; the ancient position above Mavria, mentioned in my

§ 2.293  journal of the 9th May last year to that of Trapezus and Kyparissia, which also preserves some vestiges of antiquity, to the site of Basilis; the latter is somewhat confirmed by the name Vathyrema applied to an adjacent torrent, which we may suppose to be derived from the ancient Bathos. After leaving those places, Pausanias seems, by his remark upon the Aminius and Helisson, to have crossed the Alpheius at or very near the modern ford; for those streams occur just in the manner he speaks of them, between the ford and Megalopolis. It is evident indeed, from the course of the river through the plain, that this must always have been the most convenient place of passage from Megalopolis to the places in the north-western portion of the plain. Thocnia appears to have been nearly in the position of Vromosela.
2. Road from Megalopolis to Messene. — “In going from Megalopolis towards Messenia, after proceeding about seven stades, there is a temple of the goddesses called Maniae, by which name the place also is known. It appears to me to be an appellation of the Eumenides, and it is said that Orestes here became insane on account of the murder of his mother.

§ 2.294  Not far from the temple there is a small heap of earth, and upon it a finger made of stone, whence the hill is called the Monument of the Finger; it is reported that Orestes here bit off a finger from one of his hands in a fit of madness. Adjacent to this place is another named Ace, where stands a temple of the Eumenides, in which they sacrifice also to the Graces. The place is called Ace because Orestes was here cured of his disorder; near it is another sanctuary named Cureium (?) because Orestes here cut off his hair. From the Maniae there is a distance of about fifteen stades to the Alpheius, near the place where it is joined by the Gatheatas, this river having previously received the Carnion. The sources of the Carnion are in the district called Aegytis below the temple of Apollo Cereatas, and those of the Gatheatas at Gatheae of Cromitis, which district is forty stades above the Alpheius, and contains the almost obliterated vestiges of the city Cromi. From Cromi there is a distance of twenty stades to Nymphas, which is a place abounding in water and trees. From thence there are thirty stades to the Hermaeum which marks the boundary of the Megalopolitae and Messenii, and where is a statue of Hermes upon a pillar.”

§ 2.295  3. From Megalopolis to Carnasium: “Such is the road towards Messene, but there is another which leads from Megalopolis towards Carnasium of the Messenii. In this road you meet the Alpheius in the place where the Mallus and Syrus, after having united their waters, fall into the Alpheius. Proceeding from thence with the Mallus on your right hand, after thirty stades you will cross it and ascend an acclivity to the village called Phaedria. Fifteen stades from Phaedria towards Despoena is the place called Hermaeum, which is another boundary of the Megalopolitae and Messenii here are small statues of Despoena and Ceres, and others of Hermes and of Hercules: and here I think it was, that a wooden statue of Hercules made by Daedalus, and placed on the confines of Messenia and Arcadia, formerly stood.”
As Messene and Carnasium, if the latter be the same place which Pausanias has described near Andania, lay nearly in the same direction from Megalopolis, it is difficult to understand how it happened that there were separate roads

§ 2.296  across the mountain now called Makryplai. The difficulty is not diminished by Pausanias having described the more southern of the two as that which led to Messene, for this seems to place Camasium, which was a little to the southward of Andania, still more directly in the way to Messene. The question, however, is of little importance; for as Pausanias describes the roads only as far as the frontier of the two provinces, it is sufficient to consider them only as two roads into Messenia. That his road to Carnasium was the more northerly, is clear from this, that he describes the Hermaeum near Phaedria upon that route as being towards the temple of Despoena, thus clearly shewing, that the road to Phaedria and Camasium was the next southerly to that which led to Phigaleia. The southern route from Megalopolis into Messenia seems to have been exactly that which now leads into that ancient province by the Pasha-Vrysi, or Fountain of the Pasha, and the Kokhla Derveni: the northern, that which leads by Aias-bey and Deder-bey to Krano. The difficulty alluded to above may, perhaps, be thus explained: that as Carneius was a common epithet of Apollo in the peninsula, especially this part of it, and Carneium, or Carnasium, consequently a name common to

§ 2.297  many places, there may have been two Carnasia between Megalopolis and Messene; in this case the name Krano may be a corruption of the ancient word. Krano may stand upon the site of the northern Carnasium, and the Toad intended by Pausanias may have been precisely the modern route from Sinanu to Krano. Some remains of Cromi, as I have elsewhere remarked, are still to be seen at' Samara, not far from Londari, to the westward, upon a branch of the Alpheius, which seems clearly therefore to be the Gatheatas. The river is said to have its rise in Mount Xero-vuni, at a place called Ianeus, which, if this account be correct, is the ancient Gatheae A distance of twenty stades from the remains of Cromi at Samara, leads us to the “Fountain of the Pasha”, which answers therefore to the site of Nymphas, as well from the description of that place by Pausanias, as by its lying exactly in the modern southern route into Messenia, upon which road, thirty stades beyond Nymphas, stood the Hermsum, or statue of Mercury which marked the frontier. And hence it appears that Pausanias mentions only on the direct road the Alpheius, Nymphas, and the Hermaeum, and that what he says of Cromi and

§ 2.298  Gatheae, and the rivers Carnion and Gatheatas, are digressions.
4. From Megalopolis to Lacedaemon: “On the road from Megalopolis to Lacedaemon, there is a distance of thirty stades to the Alpheius: you then travel along the river Theius, which is a branch of the Alpheius; leaving the Theius on the left hand, you will arrive, at the end of forty stades from the Alpheius, at Phalaesiae, which is twenty stades distant from the Hermaeum towards Belemina, The Arcadians say that Belemina, which anciently belonged to them, was separated from Arcadia by the Lacedaemonians; but their assertions appear to me improbable, among other reasons, because the Thebans would not have permitted the Arcadians to have been deprived of it, if their right could have been proved.” By this passage, the ancient name of the south-easternmost extreme branch of the Alpheius now called Kutufarina, is shewn to have been Theius. It appears that the road, after crossing the Alpheius, followed the left bank of the Theius for forty stades. Phalaesiae, therefore, was near the modern Gardhiki, a distance of twenty stades beyond which will carry us nearly to the division of the waters flowing

§ 2.299  northward to the Alpheius and southward to the Eurotas. This was a very natural division of the two territories, of which the Hermaeum, mentioned by Pausanias, was evidently intended to mark the common boundary.
5. From Megalopolis to Methydrium: “But there are other roads leading from Megalopolis to certain places within Arcadia; and first, to Methydrium there is a distance of 170 stades. At thirteen stades from Megalopolis occurs a village called Scias, and ruins of a temple of Minerva Sciatis, which is said to have been built by Aristodemus, tyrant of Arcadia: at ten stades beyond Scias, are some few remains of the city Charisiae, from whence there are again ten stades to Tricoloni, formerly a city; here still exists a temple of Neptune, which contains a square statue, and stands upon a hill in a grove of trees; it was founded by the sons of Lycaon. Zoetia, which is fifteen stades beyond Tricoloni, is not in the direct road, but to the left of Tricoloni; it is said to have been founded by Zoetius, the son of Tricolonus: Paroreus, the younger of the sons of Tricolonus, built Paporia, which is distant from Zoetia ten stades. Both these places are now deserted; but at Zoetia there remains a temple of Ceres, and another of Diana. There exist also some

§ 2.300  ruins of the cities Thyraeum and Hypsus, the former situated fifteen stades beyond Paroria, the latter in a mountain also called Hypsus, which rises above the plain. All the country between Thyraeum and Hypsus is mountainous, and full of wild beasts. Turning to the right from Tricoloni, there is, first of all, an ascent to the fountain Cruni, from whence, after descending thirty stades, occurs the tomb of Callisto, a high artificial hill of earth with many trees upon it, both wild and fruitful; upon the summit is a temple of Diana, surnamed Calliste. Twenty-five stades from thence, and 100 in all from Tricoloni towards the Helisson, stands the village Anemosa, in the direct road to Methydrium; [then occurs] the mountain Phalanthum, in which are the ruins of the city Phalanthus. Under Phalanthum is the plain of Palus, (or Polus) and near it Schoenus, so called from the Boeotian of that name. If this Schoeneus ever migrated into Arcadia, it may be that the race-grounds of Atalanta, which are near Schoenus, received their name from his daughter. There remains nothing else worthy of notice, except Methydrium, to which the distance from Tricoloni is 140 stades wanting three. The place was called Methydrium because Orchomenus built it on a lofty

§ 2.301  hill between the rivers Malaetas, (or Molottus) and Mylaon.”
The preceding route is unusually rich in distances, and there is great reason to trust to their accuracy; the direct line of fifteen geographic miles, compared with the 170 stades of road distance, giving a correct rate to the stade, and the sum of the distances being in perfect agreement with the details as far as they go. Those details however, as often happens with Pausanias, are not complete; the distances from Tricoloni to Cruni, and from Anemosa to Methydrium are wanting, and must be deduced from the others; thus, as there were 100 stades from Tricoloni to Anemosa, and fifty-five from Cruni to Anemosa, it will follow that there were forty-five from Tricoloni to Cruni. In like manner, as there were 137 stades from Tricoloni to Methydrium, and 100 from the former to Anemosa, there will remain thirty-seven over Mount Phalanthum to Methydrium by Schoenus. Pausanias omits likewise to mention the distance between Thyraeum and Hypsus; but, as he remarks, that all the country between the two places was a forest full of wild animals, it would seem to have been considerable. His diversion to the left from Tricoloni, appears to have been for the purpose of including the ancient sites along the borders of the plain towards the present Karitena, in the same

§ 2.302  manner as he digresses for a similar purpose on some of the other routes. In placing the ancient names along this road, I have allowed some increase to the horizontal distance in the plain, and a proportional diminution in the mountains. The latter was principally required from Tricoloni to Cruni, and from Anemosa to Schoenus.
Although Methydrium is the most distant point to which Pausanias has described a route from Megalopolis, there were some other places still more distant, which, according to him, contributed their population on the foundation of Megalopolis, although they were not considered a part of the Megalopolitis in his time, because other districts intervened. The Tripolis, so called as consisting of the three townships of Calliae, Dipoeose, and Nonacris, was in this predicament, and, as well as Methydrium and its neighbours, Theisoa and Teuthis, paid its contributions at Orchomenos. The situation of the Tripolis is known only from that of Nonacris, for of the other two places we have no information
6. Road from Megalopolis to Maenalus: “Through the pass, called the Gates at Helos, the Megalopolitae have a road to Maenalus along the river Helisson. On the left of

§ 2.303  the road stands the temple of the Good God. Not far from thence there is a heap of earth, which is the tomb of Aristodemus, tyrant of Arcadia, surnamed the Good. Here also is a temple of Minerva Machanitis. On the right of the road is the sacred portion of the wind Boreas, to whom the Megalopolitae sacrifice every year for having assisted them against the Lacedaemonians. Next occurs the monument of Oicles, father of Amphiaraus, and beyond it the temple and sacred grove of Ceres in Helos, into which women only are permitted to enter; it is distant five stades from the city. Thirty stades further is the place called Paliscius; from whence, after leaving on the left hand the Elaphus, which is not a perpetually flowing stream, and advancing about twenty stades, you will arrive at the ruins of the city of the Peraethenses, among which a temple of Pan still remains. But if you cross the torrent [Elaphus] you will arrive at the end of fifteen stades at a plain, and beyond it at a mountain, both of which are called Maenalium. At

§ 2.304  the foot of the mountain are vestiges of the city Lycoa, and a temple and brazen statue of Diana Lycoatis. In the part of the mountain towards the south is Sumatia, which is no longer inhabited. In the same mountain are the Triodi, (Three Ways) from whence the bones of Areas, son of Callisto, were conveyed by the Mantinenses, by order of the Oracle of Delphi. The ruins of Maenalus still remain, and vestiges of a temple of Minerva, together with a stadium for the contest of athletae, and a place for the running of horses. The mountain Maenalium is considered so especially sacred to Pan, that the inhabitants affirm they have heard him playing on the pipe.”
The direction of this road is nearly certain: it followed the Helisson to the foot of Mount Maenalium, and as Pausanias does not mention any crossing of the river, it proceeded probably

§ 2.305  all the way along the left bank of the river, until it reached the plain at the foot of that mountain. The distances, however, in the text of Pausanias can hardly be correct. It seems evident that the opening through which the Helisson enters the plain of Megalopolis, and where above the left bank stands the village of Shalesi is the place anciently called the Gates at Helos, and consequently that Shalesi is the site of the temple of Ceres at Helos. Now this point is three miles from the centre of the site of Megalopolis, the number of stades therefore ought perhaps to be twenty-five instead of five. Again, according to the text of Pausanias, Paliscius was only thirty stades beyond Helos, at the confluence of the Elaphus with the left bank of the Helisson, the town of Peraetheae was at twenty stades to the right of the direct road on the left bank of the Elaphus; and the plain Maenalium, at the foot of the mountain of the same name, commenced at fifteen stades beyond the mouth of the Elaphus. According to these numbers, therefore, the plain Maenalium was only forty-five stades beyond Helos, whereas it appears from the map that the nearest part of the Maenalian ridge is seventy or eighty stades distant from thence, so that the plain, if the numbers in Pausanias are correct, was thirty

§ 2.306  stades across, which I certainly saw nothing in my two visits to that quarter last year to justify. I must leave the elucidation of this question to future travellers, observing only, that I still think it possible that some vestiges of the walls, or stadium, or hippodrome of Maenalus may exist, though I searched in vain both for this place and for Lycoa. I have already hazarded the opinion, that Sumatia stood at or near Sylimna, on the western face of that part of the Maenalivm which slopes on the other side into the valley of Pallantium, and that the Triodi was the remarkable pass behind Tripolitza, which forms a communication from the vale of the Helisson into the great Mantinico-Tegeatic plain.
In speaking of the course of the Helisson in another part of the Arcadics, Pausanias says that it “begins from a town of the same name, and passes first through the territory of the Dipaeenses, then the Lycoatis, and lastly through the city of Megalopolis,” whence it would seem that neither Maenalus, nor Sumatia, nor Peraetheae, were very near its banks.
7. Road from Megalopolis to Phigaleia: “Between the walls of Megalopolis and the temple of Despoena there is a distance of forty stades; the river Alpheius is crossed half-way thither.

§ 2.307  Two stades from the Alpheius are the ruins of Macareae, from whence to other ruins which are those of Daseae, there are seven stades, and as many more to the hill Acacesius, under which stood the city Acacesium. Upon the hill there still remains a statue in stone of Hermes Acacesius. From Acacesium to the temple of Despoena there is a distance of four stades.” The temple of Despoena, (the Mistress) who was supposed by the Arcadians to be the daughter of Ceres by Neptune was one of the most celebrated places of worship in the Peloponnesus. Before the entrance of the sacred inclosure of the goddess, there was a temple of Diana Hegemone, containing a brazen statue about six feet high, representing Diana with torches in her hands. After entering the inclosure, a stoa on the right contained four sculptures upon white marble in low relief inserted in the wall. On one of these were represented the Fates, with Jupiter as their leader; on the second, Hercules carrying off the tripod of Apollo; between them was a picture relating to the ceremony of Despoena; on the third marble, were nymphs and Pans; the fourth

§ 2.308  contained the figure of Polybius, son of Lycortas, with an epigram attesting that Greece would not have erred if she had followed his advice, and that when she suffered for her errors, he, above all others, was useful to her. Before the temple were altars of Ceres, of Despoena, and of the Mother of the Gods. The temple contained a colossal representation, by Damophon of Messene, of Ceres, and Despoena seated on a throne. Each figure was as large as that of the Mother of the Gods at Athens, made by the same artist, and the whole composition was wrought out of a single block of marble. Ceres was holding a torch in her right hand, her left resting upon Despoena. On the knees of the latter deity there was a box, upon which her right hand rested; in her left she held a sceptre. Diana was standing by Ceres, clothed in the skin of a deer; a quiver hanging over her shoulders, a torch in one hand, and two serpents in the other; a hunting dog by her side. Anytus, one of the Titanes, in the habit of an armed man, was standing by Despoena. These two were separate statues; below them were represented the Curetes, and on the pedestal of ... the Corybantes. On the right hand of

§ 2.309  the exit of the temple there was a mirror, which reflected the statues.
“Beyond the temple of Despoena, ascending a little to the right, was the Megarum, in which the Arcadians performed the ceremony in honour of Despoena, and sacrificed numerous victims. Above the Megarum was the sacred grove of Despoena, surrounded with a stone wall. It contained trees of various kinds, among which there was an olive and holly-oak growing from the same root. Above the grove was an altar of Neptune Hippius, and another sacred to all the Gods, inscribed with an epigram. From thence there were steps ascending to a temple of Pan; it had a portico, and a small statue of Pan, before which was burnt a perpetual fire. Here also was an altar of Mars; and a temple of Venus, which contained two statues of Venus, the more ancient of wood, the other of white marble, and wooden statues of Apollo and Minerva; — there was likewise a sanctuary of Minerva. A little above the temple of Pan were the walls of Lycosura, which still contained a few inhabitants.” “Of all the cities,” continues Pausanias, “on the continent or on the islands, Lycosura is the most ancient. It was the first which the sun beheld, and from it mankind learnt to build cities.

§ 2.310  On the left hand”, he adds, “of the temple of Despoena is the mountain Lycaeum, called also Olympus, and by some of the Arcadians 'the Sacred Summit': it is said, that Jupiter was nursed on this mountain; it contains a place called Cretea, on the left hand of the grove of Apollo Parrhasius, and they relate that the story of the Cretans respecting the education of Jupiter in Crete, applies to this place, and not to the island. They add that the name of the nymphs by whom Jupiter was nursed, were Theisoa, Neda, and Hagno. Theisoa gave name to a city which formerly existed in Parrhasia, and which even now is a town of the Megalopolitis; from Neda the river was denominated. Hagno is the name of a fountain in Mount Lycaeum, which, like the Istrus, produces the same quantity of water in winter and summer.” Mount Lycaeum contained also a temple of Pan, standing in the midst of a grove of trees, together with a hippodrome and a stadium, where the games called Lycaea were formerly celebrated, and where some pedestals remained, from which the statues had been removed. There was a temenus of Jupiter Lycaeus, into which men were not permitted to enter. It was said, that he who violated the law was sure to die within the year, and that

§ 2.311  neither man nor beast had any shadow within the inclosure. “The same”, adds Pausanias, “happens at Syene when the sun enters Cancer, but here at all times. On the highest summit of the mountain there is a heap of earth, which is the altar of Jupiter Lycaeus; from thence the greater part of the Peloponnesus is visible. Before the altar eastward are two columns, which support gilded eagles of very ancient workmanship. In the eastern part of the mountain there is a temple of Apollo, surnamed Parrhasius and Pythius. To the north of Lycaeum is the Theisoaea, where the inhabitants chiefly venerate the nymph Theisoa. Through the Theisoaea flows the river Mylaon into the Alpheius, and into the Mylaon the Nus, and Achelous, and Celadus, and Naphilus.”
“To the right of Lycosura are the mountains called Nomia, and in them the temple of Pan Nomius. There is a place called Melpeia, because they say that Pan here first discovered the melody of the pipe. It may easily be conjectured that the mountains were called Nomia, from the pastures of Pan, though the Arcadians themselves say that a nymph gave name to them. To the westward of Lycosura flows the river Plataniston, which river it is necessary to pass in going to Phigalia. Beyond it there is an ascent

§ 2.312  to that city of thirty stades, or not many more than thirty.”
In adverting to the beginning of this route, it seems curious that towns, apparently of some importance, as having taken their names from the royal lineage of ancient Arcadia, should have been situated only half a mile or a mile distant from one another, and not less singular that, as the sum of the several distances from the Alpheius to Macareae, Daseae, Acacesium and Despoena, agree exactly with the total from the Alpheius to Despoena, they must have stood exactly in a straight line. It must be admitted, however, that this agreement of numbers is any thing but inculpatory of the text. We ought to find, therefore, some remains of these places, and especially of Despoena, if not of Lycosura, which, if Pausanias is correct, stood in the direction of Phigaleia from Megalopolis, nearly due west from the former, and distant from thence about five miles.

§ 2.313  Though Pausanias, in that abrupt manner which is so often unintelligible without a knowledge of the country, says no more of the road from Lycosura to Phigaleia, than that to the westward of Lycosura the Plataniston was crossed at a distance of thirty stades from Phigaleia, it is evident that the whole breadth of the Lycaean ridge, or a distance of eighty or ninety stades, was to be crossed between Lycosura and the Plataniston.
Having already given reasons for believing that Mount Tetrazi was the ancient Cerausium, it will follow from that datum alone, that Mount Dhioforti was the proper Lycaeum, otherwise called Olympus, or the Sacred Summit. This is, in some degree, confirmed by Pausanias having placed it to the left of Despoena; for that temple probably fronted to the plain, especially as that direction was also easterly, which was the most common aspect of Greek temples. Indeed his description of the temple relatively to the places which precede and follow, leads to the same presumption. But there are still stronger proofs of Dhioforti having been the Olympus, or the true Lycaeum. — First, the extreme difficulty of applying to Tetrazi, which we must otherwise suppose to have been

§ 2.314  Olympus, the topography adjacent to that mountain on the east and north, as described by Pausanias; for to the east of Tetrazi lie the places which are mentioned by Pausanias in his routes from Megalopolis to Carnasium and Phigaleia, and to the north there is a continuation of the high ridge of Lycaeum itself, and the district of Phigaleia. The abrupt slope, moreover, which falls on every side from the peaked summit of Tetrazi, leaves no situation sufficiently spacious for the celebration of such an important festival as the Lycaea. Dhioforti, on the other hand, has a round broad summit, and is altogether a much more habitable mountain: in fact, Sir William Gell informs us, that at the foot of the summit of Dhioforti, in a small elevated hollow on the eastern side, he found some artificial ground and the remains of buildings, which seem clearly to indicate the position of the hippodrome and other appendages of the Lycaean Games; he observed also fragments of columns in several situations in the mountain. To these arguments it may be added, that the first part of the modern name of the mountain Διοφορτη, strongly indicates a derivation from the word Διος, and consequently some local recollection of its having been peculiarly sacred to Jupiter. I do not pretend to adjust the

§ 2.315  etymology of the last two syllables of Dhioforti; but it is not impossible that they refer to the festival celebrated there.
If Dhioforti, then, was Lycaeum, the high ridge which connects it with Cerausium, and which, like the latter, was considered a part of Lycaeum, must have been the Nomia; its highest summit, and which is little inferior to the other two, is now called Karyatiko, from the neighbouring village of Karyes. Pausanias, in describing the Nomia as being to the right of Lycosura, seems to have meant that they were to the right of the road in proceeding towards Phigaleia. Assuming that Dhioforti was the Sacred Summit, it becomes probable that the very remarkable source at the foot of the mountain below Tragomano, which forms a large stream flowing immediately to the Alpheius, was the fountain Hagno, the importance of which is, in some measure, shewn by the superstitious practices connected with it, which are related by Pausanias. These sources are, I believe, the emissory of a river which rises in Dhioforti and descends into the mountain not far below the village Tragomano. I conceive that the castle of St. Helen, as the ruins of the Greek city above Lavdha are called, was the ancient Theisoa, a place which is clearly distinguished by

§ 2.316  Pausanias from the Theisoa near Methydrium, by his having given to the former the adjunct “near Mount Lycaeum,” and to the latter that of “near Orchomenus”, not so much from its proximity to that town, as from its having been included in a fiscal arrangement together with Orchomenus, Methydrium, and Teuthis; and Orchomenus having been the place where the contributions were collected.
The river Mylaon appears to be that which I observed last year, on the 8th of May, flowing through the valley between the hill of St. Helen and Mount Dhioforti, but of its four tributaries I have no information; indeed, I am rather inclined to suspect here some corruption in the text, and that Pausanias intended to name some of the tributaries of the Alpheius beyond the Theisoaea towards Aliphera.
8. Road from Megalopolis to Pallantium and Tegea: “Of our discourse upon Arcadia”, says Pausanias, “there remains only to speak of the road leading from Megalopolis to Pallantium and Tegea, by the place called Choma [the Dyke]. In this direction the suburb of Megalopolis is named Ladoceia, from Ladocus, son of Echemus. Next to it occurs the place where

§ 2.317  stood the city Haemoniae, founded by Haemon, son of Lycaon: it is still known by the name of Haemoniae. Beyond it, to the right of the road, are ruins of the city Oresthasium, and among them some columns of the temple of Diana surnamed Hiereia. In the direct road beyond Haemoniae, is the village Aphrodisium, and another called Athenaeum, on the left of which there is a temple of Minerva, and in it a statue of stone. Twenty stades beyond Athenaeum are the ruins of Asea; the hill upon which formerly stood the acropolis still retains some vestiges of the wall. The source of the Alpheius is five stades beyond Asea, at a little distance from the road; that of the Eurotas is by the road-side. At the fountain of the Alpheius there is a temple of the Mother of the Gods, without a roof, and two lions of stone. The water of the Eurotas mingles with that of the Alpheius, and they flow together for twenty stades in the same stream, until descending into a chasm, the Eurotas comes forth again in the land of the Lacedaemonians, and the Alpheius at Pegae of the Megalopolitis. From Asea there is an ascent to the mountain called Boreium, upon the summit of which are vestiges of a temple which is said to have been dedicated by Ulysses, on his return from Troy, to Minerva Soteira and Neptune.

§ 2.318  The place called Choma is the boundary of the Megalopolitae towards the Tegeatae and Pallantienses, and from the Choma you turn to the left into the Pallantie plain. To the right is the Manthuric plain, which is within the boundaries of the Tegeatae, and extends about fifty stades as far as Tegea. To the right of the road there is a mountain, not high, called Cresium, upon which stands a temple of Mars Aphneius; and near the road is the fountain Leuconius, said to have been named from Leucone, daughter of Apheidas, whose monument occurs not far from the walls of Tegea.”
Of the latter part of this route of Pausanias, or that between Asea and Tegea, I have already had occasion to speak; of the former there is little to be said, no distance being given but that between Athenaeum and Asea. The road must have crossed the ridge which extends from Shialesi to Mount Tzimbaru, and descended probably into the plain of Asea at Athenaeum. Haemoniae, one of the old towns of Arcadia, seems to have stood on the edge of the Megalopolitan plain near the ascent of the ridge.
Oresthasium, otherwise Oresteium', I conceive to have occupied the summit of

§ 2.319  Mount Tzimbaru, on which conspicuous point there are still some remains of a Hellenic fortress. The situation very much resembles that of many of the ancient Arcadian poleis and indeed that of the fortresses of every part of Greece in the early stages of its society; Tzimbaru lay to the right of the road from Megalopolis to Asea, in the part where it crossed the ridge between Haemoniae and Athenaeum, and this is precisely the point where Pausanias mentions Oresthasium. As to Oresthasium having been ascribed, both by Xenophon and Pausanias, to the Maenalii, which may seem to place it nearer to the proper Mount Maenalium and Tripolitza, it is to be observed that Alea, Asea, Alycaea, and Eutaea, were also in Maenalia, and that all these were in or near the basin to the northeastward of Mount Tzimbaru. Alycaea, the same place I presume which Plutarch calls Alcaea, and which he states to have belonged to the Achaean league, was probably on the site of the modern Alika; Eutaea appears to have been on the eastern side of the valley towards Barbitza.
Pausanias, in enumerating the towns which contributed to people Megalopolis, has arranged them under their tribes, which gives us the position of these Άρκαδικα εθνη, or ancient families of Arcadians. “The following”, he says,

§ 2.320  “were the cities, the inhabitants of which, by the effect of the persuasion of the Arcadian community, or by their own patriotism and hatred of the Lacedaemonians, were induced to leave their native places and settle in Megalopolis. Out of Maenalus came Alea, Pallantium, Eutaea, Sumatia, Asea, the Peraethenses, Helisson, Oresthasium, Dipaea, Alycaea. Of the Eutresii were Tricoloni, Zoetia, Charisiae, Ptolederma, Cnausum, and Paroria. From the Aegytae were Scirtonium, Malaea, Cromi, Belemina, Leuctrum. From the Parrhasii were Lycosura, Thocnia, Trapezus, the Prosenses, Acacesium, Acontium, Macariae, Daseae. From the Cynuraei of Arcadia were Gortys, Theisoa of Lycaeum, Lycaea, and Aliphera.”
Of these places there are three, Ptolederma, Cnausum, and the Proseis, of which I find no other notice in ancient history. The names Parrhasia and Eutresii are applied by other authors, not to tribes, but to cities. Parrhasia, for instance, by Homer, in the Catalogue, and both of them by Xenophon in his account of

§ 2.321  the movements of the Spartans under Archidamus, when they gained a victory over the Arcadians and Argives, BC 367 The action took place in the plain between Parrhasia, Midea, and the Eutresii, that is to say, about three miles to the N.N.W.of Megalopolis.
It is probable that the Parrhasia of Homer was Lycosura, and thai after the decline of Lycosura, Basilis was the place which later writers meant by the city Parrhasia, for the etymology of Basilis is not ascribed by Pausanias, like that of most of the other places, to an Arcadian hero, but seems to have been so named by its founder, Cypselus, as being the royal residence and capital of Arcadia. The Parrhasii appear from Pausanias to have possessed the eastern slopes of Mount Lycaeum, and all the plain of the Alpheius on its left bank from Karitena to near Londari, together with a part of the right bank at Thocnia. Thucydides, however, seems to give them a greater extent towards the south, for he tells us, that in the eleventh year of the Peloponnesian war, the Parrhasii having called in the assistance of the Lacedaemonians, the latter, under their king Pleistoanax, made an

§ 2.322  incursion into Parrhasia, and captured the fort of Cypsela in that district, which had been erected by the Mantinenses to annoy the Lacedaemonian district Sciritis.
The Aegytae occupied a territory on the borders of Laconia and Arcadia, extending from Belemina to Cromi, both included, and comprising consequently the termination of the range of Taygetum above the modern Londari, together with the two including valleys of the Theius and Gatheatas. The Aegytae, it appears from Pausanias, were properly Arcadians, but their city Aegys was conquered by one of the early kings of Sparta, and they probably continued under the yoke during the whole period of Lacedaemonian power. Malaea and Leuctrum, two of the towns of Aegytis, are mentioned by Xenophon, who represents Malaea as the chief place of a district, in which Leuctrum was a fortress, well situated for defending one of the passes from Arcadia into the Laconice. Thucydides describes Leuctra as on the frontier of the Laconice, towards Mount Lycaeum. From these authorities it should seem, that both Malaea and Leuctrum should be sought for southward of Londari, towards

§ 2.323  the sources of the Gatheatas, and the passage which leads from the head of its valley, across the Taygetic range, into the vale of the Eurotas. Carystus was a place in the same district, which, like Belemina, was generally ascribed to Laconia. It was celebrated for its wine. As' to Londari, the commanding situation of which seems to indicate an ancient site, it is so very near the ruins which I suppose to have been those of Cromi, that one is almost obliged to consider it only as the site of a castle dependent upon that city. It may possibly stand on the site of that Clarium which we find mentioned as a castle of the Megalopolitis by Polybius, who states that it was occupied by the Aetolians, at the beginning of the Social War, as a retreat, and a place of deposit for their plunder, and who adds, that it was soon assaulted and taken by the Achaeans.
Of the Cynuraei of Arcadia, distinguished, by the termination, from the Cynurenses of Argolis, all the places are determined, except the town of the Lycaei; but the occurrence of its name, with those of Gortys, Theisoa of Lycaeum, and Aliphera, concurs with the name itself, in showing, that it was on or near Mount Lycaeum,

§ 2.324  and probably on the northern or western side of that mountain. Tragomano or Andritzena appear to be the most probable situations. It would seem that Cynuraea was often considered a part of Parrhasia, for Pausanias in one place describes Theisoa of Mount Lycaeum, one of the towns of the Cynuraei, as being in Parrhasia. And Strabo, who describes the Eleia as extending to the Parrhasii, leads us to the same conclusion.
Of the ancient Arcadian tribes, besides those stated in the passage of Pausanias above quoted, the Azanes are the only people who had a name separate from that of the principal town which they occupied. According to Stephanus, the Azanes had seventeen cities, and were subdivided into Parrhasii, Azanes, and Trapezuntii. It is probable that they possessed originally all the western part of Arcadia, since we find that the Psophidii and Clitorii to the north, and the Phigalenses to the south, were both considered as Azanes. When the chief Arcadian cities, Heraea, Thelpusa, Methydrium, Orchomenus, Pheneus, Mantineia, and Tegea, were strengthened or enlarged by the collection of their small surrounding communities, it was natural that

§ 2.325  the original races of Arcadia should be lost in the names of the cities, and the more so as the territorial boundaries of the cities were so well defined by nature.
Of the several places of the Megalopolitis, which had been ancient Arcadian cities, five only continued to be inhabited in the time of Pausanias, namely, Gortys, Theisoa near Methydrium, Methydrium, Teuthis, and Helisson all places situated in the most central, and mountainous, and poorest parts of the country. This fact, though it may not reflect much credit on the Roman government, as indicating a retreat of the population from the places chiefly occupied by the Romans, is in agreement, at least, with what we learn from Strabo, namely, that the plains of Arcadia, in his days, were no longer noted but for the pasture of cattle.

§ 2.326  CHAPTER XIX: ARGEIA
March 12. — leave Tripolitza at 1.36 by the Anapli gate, and proceed eastward by a paved road over the plain; the cultivated parts of it are now under the plough. At 2, Aio Sosti is a mile on the right. At 2.30, halt five minutes among the vineyards of Neokhori, which village is half a mile on the left, at the foot of a range of low hills, advancing into the plain from the foot of Mount Artemisium. As we proceed, Zevgalati, of the same size as Neokhori, is one mile on the left at the foot of the same hills. On the slope of the Parnon range, six or eight miles on the right, is Dhulianahave already remarked that the waters which descend into the plain of Tegea, from the surrounding mountains, take two opposite directions, both terminating in katavothra.

§ 2.327  The Taki, or lake at the foot of Mount Boreium receives the watercourses to the southward of Aio Sosti, while a stream, which has its origin near Dhuliana, collects the waters from the western slope of the range of Parthenium and Parnon, as well as all those which descend into the part of the plain of Tripolitza which is included between the Scope of the Mantinice, and the rising grounds near Aio Sosti. The river thus formed enters an opening between Neokhori and a small rocky height opposite to it, follows the whole length of the branch of the Tegeatic plain lying to the eastward of that opening, and terminates in an inundation and katavothra, above which, to the southward, stands the village of Persova. The waters of the valley of Pallantium, and those from Mount Maenalium descend into the plain between Tripolitza and Mount Artemisium, where, joining similar supplies from the latter mountain, they render the plain marshy during a great part of the year. Their natural discharge is into the river of Dhuliana, but, on account of the very level nature of the plain, this discharge requires to be assisted by art: for the same reason the waters might, without much

§ 2.328  difficulty, be diverted into the plain below Tegea, and thus carried to the katavothra of the Taki; for the part of the plain southward of Aio Sosti, towards the Taki, is lower than that in face of Tripolitza, and there is no ground between Aio Sosti and the entrance into the eastern branch of the Tegeatic plain, sufficiently high to make the operation difficult. These remarks, it will hereafter be seen, are important in reference to a passage in Thucydides.
Having passed Zevgalati, we enter the κόλπος, or branch of the Tegeatic plain just mentioned, which leads towards Persova and the pass of Mount Parthenium. The village of Steno, situated on the point of the left hand hill, just within the opening, takes its name from its situation in the pass. The mountain which rises above the opposite side of the valley, and the summit of which is at a distance of two miles to the right, is called Kuma. Pass to the right of Steno at 2.46 — halt six minutes. At 3.10, Gheorghitika is on the side of the rugged hills to the left: 3.23, a paved road turns up a small valley branching to the left, then mounts the hills and passes over into a glen, by which it

§ 2.329  descends into the plain of Akhladhokambo, where it again joins the beylik or dhimosia [Beylik is the Turkish word for a main road, δημοσιά the Greek; but the Greeks often use also the word Μπεϊλήτικο, adopted from the Turkish]; this byroad is called Ghyro from its being circuitous, but it avoids the rugged rocks of the pass of Parthenium on the beylik. I have already mentioned a third road from Tripolitza to Argos by Tzipiana, which is still more steep and rugged than either of these. At 3.34 we arrive at the end of the valley, and ascend the lower heights of Mount Roani, which close the valley. Two miles on the right, at the foot of the hills in that corner of the plain, stands the large village of Persova.
At 3.50 arrive at the summit of the ridge of Roani; half a mile on the right, at the foot of the mountain, the river terminates in an inundation, through which I perceive the stream winding through the lake and entering the katavothra, like the Boeotian Cephissus, in Lake Copais, on a small scale. We now descend the eastern side of Mount Roani, leaving its summits to the right till 4.40, when we enter the plain of Akhladhokambo. This derveni, or pass, is still known by the ancient name Partheni. The road is paved all the way, and has been formed with great labour, the mountain

§ 2.330  consisting entirely of pointed rocks. Half way down there is a kiosk and fountain, and here it is supposed by the Greeks that a church of the Aia Parthenos, or Holy Virgin, once stood, from which the mountain derived its present name. This, however, is undoubtedly an error, though a very natural one for Greek Christians ignorant of the ancient geography: ἡ παρθένος is scarcely ever applied by the Greeks as an appellation of the Θεοτόκος, or virgo deipara, but that of η παναγία. The modern name Partheni, is evidently the ancient Parthenium, which belonged probably to all the mountain now called Roani. The fountain at the kiosk seems to mark the position of a temple, which anciently stood upon Parthenium, and which was dedicated to a very different sort of personage from the modern saint, namely, the god Pan, upon whom a lying pezodrome of Athens, named Philippides, conferred immortal honour by reporting that he had had an interview with the goat-footed deity, on Parthenium, in returning from Sparta, whither he had gone to demand succours on the arrival of the Persians in Attica, when Pan promised to aid the Athenians in the battle of Marathon.

§ 2.331  We met in the pass two bayraks of Albanians, or about 120 men, proceeding from Rumili to reinforce the Pasha.
Having crossed the Akhladhokambo, or plain of Wild Pears, we ascend the side of a mountain on which the village of the same name is situated, immediately opposite to the peaked summit of Mount Roani: arrive there at 5.21.
It must be at the pass of Steno, that the road from Tripolitza to Argos joins the ancient route from Tegea to Argos, which Pausanias describes in the following terms: — “The road leading to Argos may be used by wheel carriages, and is much frequented. The first object that occurs upon the road is a temple of Aesculapius with a statue; then, one stade to the left of the route, the ruins of a temple of Apollo Pythius.”
“In the direct road there are many oaks, among which is situated a temple, called the temple of Ceres in the Corythenses; near it is a temple of Bacchus, surnamed Mysta. Here begins the mountain Parthenium, which contains the sacred portion of Telephus, where Telephus is said to have been nourished by a deer; and a little farther the temple of Pan, where the god is reported, both by the Athenians

§ 2.332  and the Tegeatae, to have appeared to Philippides. Parthenium produces tortoises excellent for making lyres, but which the natives fear to take, nor will suffer strangers to do so, because they are considered sacred to Pan. After having passed over the mountain and descended again into the cultivated country, there occurs the boundary between the Tegeatae and Argives, near Hysiae of Argolis.”
Another road, leading eastward from Tegea, conducted to the Thyreatis; it is the fifth of the roads described by Pausanias to or from Tegea; the other four being those of Argos, Sparta, Mantineia, and Megalopolis. He thus briefly speaks of it: — ” On the direct way to Thyrea and the towns in the Thyreatis, the first object worthy of mention is the sepulchre of Orestes, son of Agamemnon, from whence, the Tegeatae say, that a Spartan carried away his bones. This tomb is not now within the gates. The river Gareates flows near the road which leads to Thyrea. After having crossed it, and proceeded ten stades, there occurs a temple of Pan, and an oak sacred to the god.” On comparing these two passages, we may safely, I think,

§ 2.333  conclude that the Gareates is the river of Dhuliana, since it was crossed on the road to Thyrea, and not on that to Argos, which exactly agrees with the course of this stream. The road to Thyrea, beyond the river, must have ascended the ridge to the eastward, which was a continuation of Mount Roani. Though Pausanias proceeds only as far as a temple of Pan, ten stades beyond the Gareates, the boundary of the Tegeatice and Thyreatis was probably much farther, namely, on the summit of the ridge which now separates the district of Tripolitza from that of Aios Petros; in the same manner, as, farther south, Hermaea, in Mount Parnon, marked the boundaries of Argos, Tegea, and Laconia.
The river Gareates appears to have derived its name from one of the nine tribes into which the Tegeatae were divided, before the foundation of the city by Aleus. Garea, I should conceive therefore, was at Dhuliana, or somewhere below it on the banks of the river. The other demi named by Pausanias were the Phylacenses, Caryatae, Corythenses, Botachidae, Manthurenses, Echeuethenses, Aphidantes. The ninth were probably the Tegeatae or those